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Who would have thought that Ted Cruz and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez would be in harmony about anything?
But the progressive House freshman from New York and the conservative senator from Texas do agree that there's something seriously wrong with the revolving door between Congress and Washington's lobbying industry.
"Retired or defeated lawmakers should not serve as chaperones for corporate interests who are trying to write federal policy in their favor."
Cruz and Ocasio-Cortez got into a surprisingly friendly chat on social media yesterday after we at Public Citizen released a report documenting the stark reality that nearly two-thirds of recently retired or defeated U.S. lawmakers who are no longer in government or politics have landed jobs influencing federal policy.
Some examples:
It's great to see that both Cruz and Ocasio-Cortez are appalled and think there should be a complete ban on former members of Congress becoming lobbyists. This a position shared by a bipartisan group of lawmakers including Sens. Michael Bennet (D-Colo.) and Cory Gardner (R-Colo.) Sens. Mike Braun (R-Ind.) and Rick Scott (R-Fla.) and Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.).
Better still, after Ocasio-Cortez and Cruz's unexpected breakout of comity, Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii) and Rep. Chip Roy (R-Tex.), former chief of staff for Cruz, also chimed in with support.
By going through Washington's "revolving door," lawmakers are effectively trading in on their relationships and knowledge to help companies profit and to enrich themselves - a pattern that has been in place for many years.

Currently, federal ethics laws provide minimal protections against influence-peddling by former members of Congress. Former members of the House of Representatives are barred from making lobbying contacts with their ex-colleagues for one year. A two-year ban applies to former Senate lawmakers.
However, loopholes in the ethics laws diminish the impact of these modest "cooling off" periods. For example, former lawmakers can immediately turn around and lobby executive agencies such as the Environmental Protection Agency, the Interior Department, the Federal Trade Commission or the Food and Drug Administration so long as they do not lobby Congress.
"The unexpected agreement between of left and right exposes a fundamental truth about our politics: Americans of all political stripes have a healthy distrust for concentrated power and want fundamental and far-reaching reforms to our corrupt political system."
Former lawmakers are also able to brand themselves as "strategic consultants" who advise registered lobbyists on strategies for approaching lawmakers, but do not make lobbying contacts with lawmakers themselves.
Nicknamed the Daschle loophole--after former Sen. Tom Daschle (D-S.D.) who worked for several major Washington, D.C., law and lobbying firms for more than a decade but did not register as a lobbyist until 2016--this dodge is a common way to meet the technical requirements of the law while ignoring the law's intended purpose.
In 2013, after leaving the Senate to join Covington & Burling for the first time, John Kyl told the Washington Post that there is a "a huge amount of work that can be done" legally even while restricted by a two-year cooling off period. "I can provide my insights into the people and process on Capitol Hill for them to take advantage of in the lobbying they do," Kyl said at the time.
If Congress wants to impose a lifetime ban on lobbying, that would be great. But at the very least, lawmakers can develop effective policies to rein in the most egregious revolving door abuses, such as much longer "cooling off" periods for former members of Congress and the Executive Branch, and end to loopholes that render lobbying regulations next to meaningless.
The For the People Act (H.R. 1), which passed the House of Representatives in March, enacts sweeping reforms that would raise ethics standards at all levels of government. Importantly, H.R. 1 would define "strategic consulting" as lobbying for former members of Congress, subjecting this activity to the existing revolving door restrictions.
The legislation would also bar former executive branch officials from engaging in "strategic consulting" on behalf of a lobbying campaign as well as making direct lobbying contacts for two years after leaving government service.
No lawmaker should be cashing in on their public service and selling their contacts and expertise to the highest bidder. Retired or defeated lawmakers should not serve as chaperones for corporate interests who are trying to write federal policy in their favor.
The unexpected agreement between of left and right exposes a fundamental truth about our politics: Americans of all political stripes have a healthy distrust for concentrated power and want fundamental and far-reaching reforms to our corrupt political system.
I was 23 when we invaded Iraq, and I wasn't sure it was based on lies, but something deep down in me--just behind the spleen--told me it was based on lies. Kinda like if your blind date shows up and you notice he has a 2004 flip phone. It seems vaguely worrisome, and no explanation he can haltingly supply will put you at ease. Plus, anyone else who acts like it's normal also becomes suspect.
The invasion of Iraq just felt like it was a lie to me. And it turned out that I was right, that it was a lie, and that the entirety of the mainstream media and our government were either wrong or lying and, most of the time, both.
Now our government and our media are trying their damnedest to lie us into another war, this one with Venezuela. They tell us the Venezuelan people are desperate for necessities like toothpaste, while independent journalists show piles of affordable toothpaste in Caracas.
And even if they didn't have toothpaste, that hardly seems like a good reason for America to be dropping our long-range bad decisions on the heads of innocent people. Turning a town into an impact crater for the sake of a battle to stop gingivitis seems a bit extreme.
The mainstream media and nearly the entirety of the U.S. government tell us Juan Guaido is the "interim president," even though he was never elected to that position and the current president is still leading the Venezuelan government and military. So I guess this "interim" is the time between Guaido being a nobody and the time when he goes back to being nobody but now gets to tell women at parties, "You know, I used to be interim president."
The idea of Venezuela taking "aid" from the country whose sanctions are crushing them would be like the Standing Rock Sioux accepting gift packages from the construction crews swiss-cheesing their land to lay down the Dakota Access pipeline.
The mainstream media also inform us that the Venezuelan military set U.S. aid trucks on fire, when video shows opposition forces doing it. Furthermore, the idea of Venezuela taking "aid" from the country whose sanctions are crushing them would be like the Standing Rock Sioux accepting gift packages from the construction crews swiss-cheesing their land to lay down the Dakota Access pipeline. Unless the boxes are filled with industrial paper towels to help clean up oil spills, I fail to see how it would be beneficial. Sometimes you do indeed have to look a gift horse in the mouth (or should I say "gift dog").
This is not the first time our government and our media have conspired to drag the American people into war with another country--or helped create a coup that will inevitably have disastrous results. So I thought this would be a prime moment to go through the top four greatest hits.
This is widely considered to be the birth of modern media propaganda, because it was the first war actually started by the media. Newspapers fabricated atrocities in the never-ending quest for more readers.
And as The New York Times noted, "[T]he sensationalistic reporting of the sinking of the American battleship Maine in Havana harbor on Feb. 15, 1898 ... and all the other egregious reporting leading up to the Spanish-American War might have been considered merely cartoonish if it hadn't led to a major international conflict."
I think maybe The New York Times got that quote confused with its mission statement: "Cartoonishly dragging America into major international conflict since 1851!"
Sure, most everyone knows the catastrophic Vietnam War was precipitated by the Gulf of Tonkin incident, in which U.S. naval vessels were fired upon by villainous North Vietnamese torpedo boats. Following that skirmish, Defense Secretary Robert McNamara recommended that President Johnson retaliate, and the full-force Vietnam War had begun. But most Americans still don't know that there was no Gulf of Tonkin incident--unless you count U.S. naval ships literally firing their weapons at weather events they saw on the radar. The 2003 documentary "The Fog of War" finally revealed the truth. Former Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara confessed that the Gulf of Tonkin attack did not actually happen.
That's right. It never happened. Much like leprechauns or dragons or Simon Cowell's talent, it was a figment of our national imagination.
The lies of our government, followed by the fawning, credulous reporting from our media, led to the death of 58,000 U.S. service members and as many as 3.8 million Vietnamese.
The lies of our government, followed by the fawning, credulous reporting from our media, led to the death of 58,000 U.S. service members and as many as 3.8 million Vietnamese.
The United States government has one of the most powerful Departments of Fabrication and Falsification ever assembled. It's a modern marvel on par with the Great Pyramid of Giza and Rafael Nadal's down-the-line running forehand.
Of course, there's the most obvious lie about Iraq, i.e., that Saddam Hussein had so many weapons of mass destruction that he would often use one to scrub hard-to-reach places while in the tub. But that wasn't the only falsehood manifested to bring about our complete annihilation of the sovereign nation Saddam ruled over. There were others, such as the idea that Saddam was connected to al-Qaida and perhaps played a role in the 9/11 attacks. William Safire at The New York Times, in May 2002, wrote, "Mohamed Atta, destined to be the leading Sept. 11 suicide hijacker, was reported last fall by Czech intelligence to have met at least once with Saddam Hussein's espionage chief in the Iraqi Embassy."
Yes, Safire was able to polish a load of bullshit so thoroughly it would sparkle like a sapphire. And that column is still up on the Times' website, without a correction or retraction. I would say the Times is only useful for covering the bottom of a birdcage, but I'd fear the paper would lie your pet cockatoo into an ill-advised invasion, killing millions.
But the propaganda didn't even stop there. There was also the anthrax attacks following 9/11. Anthrax was mailed to press outlets and the offices of politicians. To this day, many people still believe it had something to do with Iraq or al-Qaida because of award-winning national embarrassments like Brian Ross.
"Brian Ross at ABC News wrote 'the anthrax in the tainted letter sent to Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle was laced with bentonite' and 'bentonite is a trademark of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein's biological weapons program.' " As Salon so clearly put it, "All of those factual claims ... were completely false, demonstrably and unquestionably so. ... Yet neither ABC nor Ross have ever retracted, corrected, clarified, or explained these fraudulent reports."
And, as you would expect, following that blatantly false reporting, Brian Ross did not lose his job. In fact, he wasn't put out to pasture from ABC News until last year, when he "reported that fired national security adviser Michael Flynn was ready to testify that Trump told him to contact the Russians during the campaign."
That report--much like the rumors of Brian Ross's journalistic integrity--turned out to be absolutely false.
(In my professional opinion, anyone who had anything to do with the selling, perpetrating or planning of theIraq War should never again hold a position higher than assistant trainee to the guy who picks up the shit of a dog that does not belong to anyone of any particular importance. If that position does not exist, we as a nation should create it just for this moment. Yet, despite my objections, Robert Mueller (head of the FBI at the time of the invasion and a big supporter of it) is leading the biggest investigation in the country. John Bolton, who advocated for the Iraq invasion as far back as the 1990s, is now national security adviser. Bill Kristol, who pushed for the war and said it would last two months, is now a regular panelist on MSNBC. And the list goes on.)
Unlike Defense Secretary McNamara, who admitted the Gulf of Tonkin incident never happened, we don't have a smoking gun showing that the Bush administration created these lies to get us into Iraq. ... Oh, wait! Turns out the paper shredder at the Bush Oval Office was on strike for a higher minimum wage in 2002, and in fact, we do have a memo written by Bush's defense secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, a year before U.S. forces unleashed a reign of terror on the Iraqi people. His memo about war with Iraq stated, "How start? US discovers Saddam connection to Sept 11 or to anthrax attacks? Or maybe a dispute over WMD inspections?"
I'm not sure what's more striking--that this memo exists, or that it sounds like the Bush boys planned a massive international battle the same way a broke 35-year-old maps out his bad novel that he's sure is the ticket out of his mom's basement.
"How start horrible bloody war? Maybe Saddam found to moonlight as porn star?"
Point is, multiple completely false stories laid the groundwork for an invasion of Iraq that left well over 1 million people dead.
President Bashar Assad gassed his own people, thereby guaranteeing more American involvement--and he did it just days after Donald Trump had told the Pentagon to begin withdrawing troops from Syria. At least, that's the story the corporate media repeated on-loop for at least a month, only pausing every 10 minutes to try desperately to get us all to buy more things with "baconator" in the name or to seek out a harder penis.
So we are expected to believe Assad did the one thing that would ensure more U.S. involvement just as he was about to win his war? It's kinda like how, when I'm about to win a fistfight, I often poke myself repeatedly in the eye. You know--just to keep it exciting.
Famed journalists Seymour Hersh and Robert Fisk have done great work showing that the chemical attacks never happened, but there's a new update. Just two weeks ago, a BBC producer came forward and said the Douma, Syria, chemical attack footage was staged.
His tweet said that after six months of investigations, he can prove that no fatalities occurred in the hospital. Yet our breathlessly inept mainstream American media, with little to no evidence, ran around saying, "There was a chemical attack! Those poor people! And they don't have toothpaste, either! We must bomb them to help them!"
The ruling class comes up with a lie to manufacture American consent for its all-American war crimes, and that lie is then sprayed like laminate all over average American citizens.
The overarching point here is that we've replaced our media with stenographers to the ruling elite long ago. The ruling class comes up with a lie to manufacture American consent for its all-American war crimes, and that lie is then sprayed like laminate all over average American citizens. This goes on until such time as any average citizens who question said lie is looked at like they have two heads, and one of them is covered in rat shit.
For the "journalists" who hose the lies across the country the best, awards and private jets and rooftop drinks with midlevel celebrities like Chuck Norris await them. Now we're getting to the point where the actual rulers--the Trump administration, etc.--are not even hiding their corruption. John Bolton stated on Fox News that the ultimate goal is to steal Venezuela's oil. But our media continue to tout the propaganda line. Even after Bolton said that, you won't see Anderson Cooper or one of Fox News' grand wizards saying, "Venezuela is undergoing a U.S.-backed coup because we'd like to steal their oil." It's truly dizzying that the corporate media preserve the propaganda even after the "leaders" have revealed their true sinister intentions.
On the inside of Wolf Blitzer's eyelids, the phrase, "Must Defend the Matrix" blinks in red.
The propaganda line for Venezuela right now is, "We want to help the poor Venezuelans." Well, if you want to help them, then keep America out of their face. Don't force them to have anything to do with the country that came up with drive-through fried food served in a bucket and opioid nasal sprays. At no point does anyone look at the Donald Trump presidency and think, "Wow, that country really has things figured out. I hope they bring some of their great decision-making to our doorstep."
To the dismay of her constituents, Sen. Dianne Feinstein's (D-Calif.) refuses to get behind a Medicare-for-All healthcare system. And it just so happens that she has accepted massive contributions from healthcare lobbyists also opposed to such a program, a deep dive into her campaign financing has revealed.
Bucking growing momentum in support of a national single-payer system, as well as a trailblazing effort within her home state, Feinstein told San Francisco voters during a town hall earlier this month: "If single-payer healthcare is going to mean the complete takeover by the government of all healthcare, I am not there."
As Common Dreams reported, her remarks were met with boos and chants of "single-payer now!"
At a second town hall a few days later, when asked if she would sponsor Sen. Bernie Sanders' (I-Vt.) pending Medicare-for-All bill, she dismissed the effort as "a takeover of all medicine in the United States."
On Tuesday, the money in politics watchdog MapLight revealed that less than a week after those raucous meetings, Feinstein attended "a fundraising event at the Washington, D.C., office of Avenue Solutions, a lobbying firm that represents major health insurers, pharmaceutical companies and the primary trade association for doctors."
According to reporter Andrew Perez, "Feinstein supporters at the event were expected to kick in $1,000 to $5,000 for her re-election bid." Meaning that Feinstein, who is running for her fifth full Senate term, pocketed thousands from industry groups historically and vocally opposed to a government-run, universal healthcare system--at the same time that a popular push for such a program has never been stronger.
Last month, an Economist/You Gov poll (pdf) found that 61 percent of Americans say they support "creating a federally funded health insurance system that covered every American." At the same time, legislation to create such a program has reached a record 104 co-sponsors in the U.S. House.
According to MapLight's review of campaign finance data, Feinstein has raised over $592,000 from lobbyists and political action committees since 2013. From January to March alone, her campaign committee has $655,822 in donations, more than $180,000 of which came from lobbyists and political action groups. Notably, Perez reports, "Her campaign saw substantial support from the healthcare industry during that time."
He continues:
Recent donors to Feinstein include former Democratic Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle, who lobbies for Blue Cross Blue Shield Association; Brian Griffin, who represents the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA); and Fred Graefe, who lobbies for the Federation of American Hospitals. She also received donations from political action committees run by PhRMA and pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co., Amgen, and AbbVie.
During her previous re-election campaign, the senior U.S. senator from California raised nearly $10 million, MapLight notes, with lobbyists comprising the "fifth-largest source of campaign revenue."
Dear Michael,
I am sorry. So damned sorry. When you included my story in your 2007 documentary film, SiCKO, I felt not only a huge sense of hope and gratitude but also a larger sense of responsibility to make the whole experience matter. Here it is. 2016, and I have failed to change the system enough to protect people like me. The reason I use the 'people like me' label is because you captured the scene in SiCKO during which my youngest child asked the question, "What do we do with people like you?"
One would have thought that Bernie's fabulous primary campaign and the raising of the issue of healthcare as a human right would have helped advance the chances for single-payer reform. Not so far. The Democratic Party platform with its "most progressive platform ever" includes an agreed upon (by both Hillary's and Bernie's campaign) healthcare position that at its aspirational best falls far short of single-payer. Critical to me is the fact that even if that platform plank became real policy - a very long shot - it will be too late for people like me.

My Facebook status this morning says it best:
The clock is ticking for me and millions of others in my age group. As insurers fall away from the ACA exchanges, the remaining insurance plans will have sky-high, age-rated premiums few will be able to afford. 135 days from now. 135 days. I will be priced out of health insurance. Weeded out as too old and costly for the CEO's to risk covering. They are doing their jobs -- so we cannot really blame them, can we? Larry and I discussed options. None are good. Medicaid? Nope. I have to earn enough to keep the bills paid and that puts us above the meager income level for Medicaid. Thank god Larry is covered by Medicare so no worries there. (For my atheist friends I left the god lower case so as not to indicate any reliance on anything outside of myself to solve my own damn problem. Trust me, I know god is not helping me with this. This is a human created, intentional and well considered position our society has taken with regard to aging people and their healthcare access.) Between now and January 1, 2017, I will continue to fight like hell for single-payer, Medicare for all for the future. Tick tock, tick tock. We'll need a very prominent death or better yet thousands of prominent deaths of 55+ aged people who couldn't access care for lack of money and coverage to keep the pressure on, but I have no illusions. There is no change to the ACA and no plan currently under consideration that will stop the tick tock of the clock for millions of us 55-65 years old. We've already been marked as expendable. And maybe we are. After all, no one is seriously raising the issue aside from expendables like me, and who listens to someone already marked as unimportant? Oh, I will write about it, and I will squawk. People will roll their eyes and wish I would just shut up. Others will lecture me on my failings or on holistic medicine. All of their eye rolls and lectures will hit home. I am acutely aware of all of my flaws. I am not that ignorant. The system is a representation of what we as a society collectively value -- and trust me, it ain't me. After all, by my age if I had worked as hard as those CEOs worked or even as hard as many reading this message have worked, none of this would be happening to me, right? Right. I get it. I am a part of this sick, selfish, ugly mess of a system. And I will keep trying so long as I am relevant. Once my value to being part changing this mess is gone, there will be nothing left. Happy Friday, all. 135 days to go.
So, Michael, you may see more blogs from me, and maybe you will see some of the work my organization, Progressive Democrats of America, will be doing to keep pushing to move forward on this and other social justice issues. My goal is to help infuse more of our younger membership in political advocacy as our generation fades into the sunset. I am so very grateful so many younger people got involved with Bernie's campaign, as I know you must be too.
But, please do not see my impending collapse, my failure to actually make change happen as any reflection on your work to tell my story and the stories of so many others hurt by an unjust system. Having a nine-year run at pushing with every ounce of energy and intensity I could bring was pretty good, I would say. And you were always in the background, cheering and lifting those of us who kept fighting on. To my sisters and brothers who were in SiCKO with me, I am also letting you down by not ultimately being able to solve much of anything for any of us. That was never my intent.
I still value what I said in my Congressional testimony and what is entered into the Congressional Record from July 17, 2007:
I dedicate this testimony to my brave husband and three other Americans who gave me the courage to tell this story to millions and the conviction that it can do some good:
To my late father, Howard Boyles, who proudly served his nation in the United States Army during World War II and who told me that people have died to protect my right and responsibility to speak up; to Sen. Tom Daschle, who took interest in my family and who spoke up in spite of political consequences; and to an Eagle Scout from Flint, Michigan, named Michael Moore who restored my dignity and my voice on a movie screen in Manhattan and is keeping his Scout's promise to better his community and his nation.
Because my access to healthcare will be winding down before I was able to see the fight through to actually achieve healthcare justice, others with adequate health, adequate healthcare access, solid incomes, and with a conscience will no doubt carry on. I just wanted you know I tried really hard to do better. I thank you, Michael, and I am so very sorry I let you down. And the answer to that question posed by my own son finally comes. What do we do with people like me? This system is just plain kicking my ass.
From the end of this month through early December, much of the world's attention will be focused on Paris, the site of the upcoming round of UN climate negotiations.
From the end of this month through early December, much of the world's attention will be focused on Paris, the site of the upcoming round of UN climate negotiations. This is the twenty-first time diplomats and heads of state will gather under the umbrella of the UN's Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), a document first put forward at the landmark 1992 "Earth Summit" in Rio de Janeiro - the same global conference where the elder George Bush told the world that the "American way of life is not negotiable." The UNFCCC process has had its ups and downs over the years, including the approval of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997, the first international agreement to mandate specific reductions in climate-disrupting greenhouse gases.
As this year's conference approaches, people around the world are suffering the consequences of some of the most extreme patterns of storms, droughts, wildfires and floods ever experienced. Western wildfires last summer reached as far north as the Olympic rainforest, and unprecedented mudslides earlier this fall in a corner of drought-baked southern California nearly buried vehicles caught on the route from Tehachapi to Bakersfield. Central Mexico recently experienced the most severe hurricane to ever reach landfall, and the role of persistent regional droughts in sparking the social upheaval that has brought nearly a million Middle Eastern refugees to central Europe is increasingly apparent. It is virtually certain that 2015 will be the warmest year ever recorded, with several months having surpassed previous records by a full degree or more. While we are always cautioned that it is difficult to blame the climate for specific incidents of extreme weather, scientists in fact are increasingly able to measure the climate contribution of various events, and rising temperatures also heighten the effects of phenomena such as the California drought, which may not have global warming as their primary underlying cause.
It soon became clear, however, that Copenhagen instead set the stage for a massive derailment of the ongoing negotiation process, and unleashed a new set of elite strategies that now render the Paris talks as virtually designed to fail.
The last time this much public attention was focused on the climate talks was in the lead-up to the Copenhagen conference in 2009. At that time, the first "commitment period" of the Kyoto Protocol was about to expire shortly, and Copenhagen was seen as a make-or-break opportunity to move the process forward. Even as close observers decried the increasing corporate influence over the preparations for the 15th Conference of Parties (COP) to the UN climate convention, most observers held onto a shred of hope that something meaningful and significant would emerge from the negotiations. There was a huge public lobbying effort by Greenpeace and other groups urging President Obama to attend, and China put forward its first public commitment to reduce the rate of increase in their greenhouse gas emissions. While the Kyoto Protocol's primary implementation mechanisms - tradable emissions allowances and questionable "carbon offset" projects in remote areas of the world - had proven inadequate at best, the Copenhagen meeting was seen as the key to sustaining Kyoto's legacy of legally binding emissions reductions. Perhaps, activists hoped, the negotiators would agree on a meaningful plan to prevent increasingly uncontrollable disruptions of the climate. It soon became clear, however, that Copenhagen instead set the stage for a massive derailment of the ongoing negotiation process, and unleashed a new set of elite strategies that now render the Paris talks as virtually designed to fail.
Officials in Copenhagen were determined to spin the conference as a success, no matter what the outcome. Still, even before the conference began, they began to proclaim the advantages of a non-binding "political" or "operational" agreement as an incremental step toward reducing worldwide emissions. As described in my book, Toward Climate Justice (New Compass Press, 2014), the assembled delegates from nearly all the world's nations failed to accomplish even that. COP 15 produced only a five-page "Copenhagen Accord," with no new binding obligations on countries, corporations, or any other actors, and the document was not even approved - only "taken note of" - by the conference as a whole. The accord essentially urged countries to put forward voluntary pledges to reduce their climate-disrupting emissions, and to informally "assess" their progress after five years. Every substantive issue was hedged with loopholes and contradictions, setting the stage for most of the global North outside of Europe to simply withdraw from their countries' obligations under Kyoto as the 2012 renewal deadline approached. Still, all but three countries - Bolivia, Venezuela and Nicaragua - went along with this scheme; one main reason was that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had promised skeptics that the US would raise $100 billion a year in funds to assist with climate stabilizing measures, a promise that is still to be realized in the halls of Paris.
Just what did the US actually bring to the table in Copenhagen beside a vague pledge by President Obama to reduce emissions? An article in the September/October 2009 issue of the journal Foreign Affairs offered some important clues as to what would transpire in Copenhagen and beyond. Readers may be aware that Foreign Affairs is the official organ of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), an organization that has been seen for many decades as both a weathervane and an active arbiter of elite opinion in the US, and lists most recent US presidents and numerous other senior government officials among its members. Lawrence Shoup, author of two books on the Council, describes it as "the world's most powerful private organization," specializing in networking, strategic planning and consensus-forming for US elites. In a 2009 article titled "Copenhagen's Inconvenient Truth," CFR Senior Fellow Michael Levi outlined the US government's apparent strategy for Copenhagen.
"The odds of signing a comprehensive treaty in December are vanishingly small," Levi would need to have written during the summer of 2009, in preparation for the journal's September publication. His alternative proposal was to essentially replace international emissions standards with a patchwork of voluntary, country-specific policies with the thoroughly inadequate goal of reducing world emissions of carbon dioxide by half by 2050. Under Levi's scenario, China would step up investments in renewable energy and "ultra-efficient conventional coal power," India would become a pioneer in smart grid technology, and countries with emissions mainly from deforestation (especially Indonesia and Brazil) would be offered incentives to protect their forests and raise agricultural productivity. The main US contribution would be to push for a detailed agreement on "measurement, reporting and verification," one area where US surveillance technology would clearly hold an advantage.
The Foreign Affairs article pointedly blamed developing countries for the world's inability to agree on meaningful emission caps, echoing frequent statements by various US officials. Levi argued that the Chinese and others lacked the capacity to accurately monitor their emissions and would simply ignore any limits that they proved unable to meet. Unfortunately, this is precisely how Northern countries had behaved since Kyoto; indeed Levi cited Canada as a key example of a country that repeatedly exceeded its Kyoto limits and faced no penalty for doing so. For these reasons, efforts to develop binding caps for developing countries are described as simply "a waste of time."
Since Copenhagen, progress toward a meaningful climate agreement has continued to be stifled by big-power politics and diplomatic gridlock.
A key challenge for the US in Copenhagen, according to Levi, was to avoid "excessive blame" if the conference were to be seen as a failure. Rather than expecting a comprehensive agreement to come out of Copenhagen, he argued, the conference should instead be seen as analogous to the beginning of a round of arms control or world trade talks, processes which invariably take many years to complete. "This 'Copenhagen Round,'" he argues, mirroring the typical World Trade Organization language, "would be much more like an extended trade negotiation than like a typical environmental treaty process." Overlooking the fact that a substantive, albeit flawed, agreement was actually signed in Kyoto, the article emphasizes that it took several more years of negotiations before that treaty could be implemented.
Since Copenhagen, progress toward a meaningful climate agreement has continued to be stifled by big-power politics and diplomatic gridlock. Annual COPs have happened in Mexico, South Africa, Qatar, Poland, and Peru, with each year's proceedings proclaimed a diplomatic success, despite the fact that the parties may be farther than ever from a legally enforceable plan to reduce emissions. The agenda of voluntary national pledges was finally ratified - over Bolivia's strong objections - in Cancun in 2010; in Durban, South Africa the following year, the parties agreed that no new climate treaty would come into effect until 2020, with the terms to be finalized in Paris in 2015. National "pledges" turned into "commitments," and last year in Lima, Peru, they were further watered down to "Intended Nationally Determined Contributions" to emissions reduction (INDCs). Contributions in some cases could be based on reductions in the carbon intensity of an economy, even if those reductions would be overwhelmed by economic growth, as in the case of China. Further, the US and other rich countries have pushed to dilute the long-standing focus on "common but differentiated responsibilities" for climate mitigation that was enshrined in the original UNFCCC, and abandon the more explicit language on climate equity that was approved in Kyoto and has long been an underlying principle of the negotiations.
Still, proponents of the "voluntary contributions" approach continue to spin it as the best possible outcome of the process. In a 2014 article in Yale's environmental web journal, former senators Tim Wirth and Tom Daschle argued that the current paradigm offers the most promising possible "bottom-up" approach, and one that "builds on national self-interest and spurs a 'race to the top' in low-carbon energy solutions," while shifting the focus from "burden to opportunity" and from rhetoric to "tangible action." Unfortunately, none of the global South delegates who staged a walk-out of the massively industry-sponsored COP in Warsaw the previous winter saw it that way at all. Without any meaningful enforcement measures, how can nation states be held accountable for honoring their voluntary "pledges"? With fossil fuel interests still dominating domestic politics in many countries, can the world settle for a diplomacy based mainly on cultivating a sense of moral obligation on the part of national governments and global corporations?
Without any meaningful enforcement measures, how can nation states be held accountable for honoring their voluntary "pledges"? With fossil fuel interests still dominating domestic politics in many countries, can the world settle for a diplomacy based mainly on cultivating a sense of moral obligation on the part of national governments and global corporations?
Indeed a 2013 speech by Obama's lead climate negotiator, Todd Stern, made it clear that the primary US role in the process remains one of obstruction and obfuscation (the full text is available on the State Department website). Stern blamed poorer countries for resisting an "agreement applicable to all parties," and celebrated the focus on "self-determined mitigation commitments" instead of legally-binding obligations to reduce emissions. He dismissed the "loss and damage" debate that would come to dominate the 2013 Warsaw COP as merely an "ideological narrative of fault and blame," and insisted that no significant public funds for international climate aid would be available beyond the meager $2.5 billion that the US has committed annually since 2010. Further, he thoroughly rejected the long-standing principle of responsibility for historical CO2 emissions, insisting, with unsurpassed arrogance, that, "It is unwarranted to assign blame to developed countries for emissions before the point at which people realized that those emissions caused harm to the climate system." Ethics aside, Stern would have us all forget that at least half of all cumulative emissions have occurred since 1980, and a much larger share since the first scientific observations of rising atmospheric CO2 levels in the late 1950s.
In recent weeks, laudatory headlines have accompanied the news that formerly reluctant countries, especially China, India and Brazil, have now announced their intended climate "contributions" for the decade of the 2020s. Unfortunately, despite some incremental progress, these quasi-pledges don't really add up. Two independent analyses of all countries' climate pledges to date were released in early October. The MIT-affiliated Climate Interactive projected that the existing pledges would result in 3.5 degrees Celsius (6.3 degF) of warming above pre-industrial levels by 2100, far short of the Copenhagen goal of a maximum of 2 degrees. The Climate Action Tracker, a project of four independent research organizations with support from international environmental groups and the World Bank, among others, put forward a more optimistic estimate, projecting a global temperature rise between 2.2 and 3.4 degrees C by 2100 if current pledges are fully implemented. These represent a significant improvement over the business-as-usual scenario of 4 to 5 degrees of average warming projected by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change last year, but not a huge step beyond the modest carbon-reduction policies that various countries already have in place. The Climate Action Tracker now projects a 92 percent probability of exceeding 2 degrees this century.
It is important to note here that even 2 degrees C is far from a "safe" level of climate disruption. Research suggests that 2 degrees is more accurately seen as the level at which there is roughly a 50 - 50 chance of avoiding insurmountable climate "tipping points," a statistical coin toss. Given that warming to date of around 0.8 degrees C has correlated with a far higher level of climate chaos than predicted, this is far from comforting. Small island nations and others in the global South have put forward a potential "safe" level of 1.5 degrees warming. The pace of reductions in CO2 emissions also matters a great deal. The much-lauded climate agreement between the US and China last year advanced a scenario whereby China's emissions would not begin to fall until 2030. A 2013 paper by climatologist James Hansen and over a dozen colleagues from around the world suggested that much faster reductions in carbon pollution are necessary if the world is to avoid a scenario where extreme climate disruptions will continue for hundreds of years into the future. Time is of the essence, and the Paris negotiations appear to be rooted in the false premise that we have plenty of time.
When countries' historical responsibilities for climate disruption are taken into account, as well as their capacities for action based on current incomes and living standards, it appears that the world's wealthier countries have pledged less than a quarter of their calculated fair shares.
Another new study, endorsed by leading international anti-hunger groups, as well as Friends of the Earth International, WWF and 350.org, among others, offers a more direct challenge to various countries' announced "contributions" to climate mitigation. While there is still considerable uncertainty about how specific emissions levels translate into global temperature changes, scientists broadly agree on the absolute amount of additional CO2 that the global climate system can tolerate. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and other leading scientific authorities have all endorsed this concept of a total global "carbon budget." According to the new report, "Fair Shares: A Civil Society Equity Review of INDCs" (available at civilsocietyreview.org), countries' total pledges to date amount to less than half of the reductions that are needed in absolute emissions levels. When countries' historical responsibilities for climate disruption are taken into account, as well as their capacities for action based on current incomes and living standards, it appears that the world's wealthier countries have pledged less than a quarter of their calculated fair shares. The methodology here has been under development for many years by the group EcoEquity, which has presented a detailed equity-based approach to emissions reduction at several recent COPs. The report suggests that current US and EU pledges amount to about a fifth of their calculated fair share, Japan's about a tenth, and Russia's doesn't represent any significant contribution at all.
Meanwhile, the International Institute for Sustainable Development's analysis of the last official working session of the UNFCCC prior to Paris, held in Bonn in late October, concluded that "the parties remain far from reaching any agreement." Countless issues, both large and small, are still far from resolution. "Procedural wrangling" appeared to dominate the discussions in Bonn, and civil society observers were barred from the meeting rooms where various "spin-off" groups were working to try to clarify the final text. A draft text from what is described in UN-speak as the "Co-Chairs' non-paper" remains the primary focus for discussions in Paris. The more obstacles that remain to finalize a Paris agreement, the less likely there will be any meaningful progress on thorny issues such as enforcement, accountability, and how changes in the world's energy systems will be financed.
While many international environmental groups continue to raise hopes for an adequate agreement in Paris, people on the ground there and around the world have been mapping out a more realistic response.
Still, virtually any agreement that emerges from Paris is probably going to be proclaimed a "success," as has occurred at the end of every climate COP since before Copenhagen. Indeed, as a report from the Global Forest Coalition explains, "The extreme hype around the Paris deal being desperately needed to 'save the world' is scaremongering people into accepting a disastrously bad deal... If we are to make Paris about saving the planet, then it should be about rejecting the false deal that is on the table." While many international environmental groups continue to raise hopes for an adequate agreement in Paris, people on the ground there and around the world have been mapping out a more realistic response.
For much of the past year, the main discussion among activists in Europe has not been about whether or not the Paris negotiations will succeed. Instead, the debate has largely focused on whether to give the negotiations any credence at all, or whether it's time to view the entire UNFCCC process as thoroughly corrupted and hopelessly beholden to fossil fuel corporations and the interests of global capital. Climate justice activists have raised analogies to the notorious World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle in 1999 where blockades by thousands of people on the outside helped spur African delegates to hold their ground and prevent a harmful new trade agreement from being advanced on the inside. In this view, the best hopes for Paris lie with those seeking to build upon the massive demonstrations in Copenhagen, the Occupy-style disruption of the Durban COP in 2011, and the walk-out by global South delegates from the Warsaw meeting in 2013.
A widely quoted paper by Maxime Combes from the global justice network ATTAC-France proposed a middle ground, whereby activists would allow those on the inside to wage the necessary "defensive battles" needed to prevent a terrible deal, and focus more confrontational actions toward the closing days of the conference, when it will likely become clear that the meeting is heading nowhere. Combes added that "situating the massive mobilizations during the final days leaves the possibility open for derailing the negotiations if it is deemed relevant to do so." Actions being planned for Paris embrace the spirit of Blockadia - the worldwide opposition to new fossil fuel infrastructure - as well as Alternatiba, a French Basque term for the flowering of grassroots alternatives centered in local communities worldwide. A campaign to highlight community-centered alternatives to the fossil fuel economy has been underway in France for much of this year, including a bicycle tour that circled the country last summer to visit several of the most visionary local projects (the English language website is alternatiba.eu/en).
The 350.org international network has called for actions around the world both at the beginning and the end of the Paris COP, November 28-29th and December 12th, and sensibly urges activists to focus on a "road through Paris," culminating in actions aimed to directly challenge the continued extraction of fossil fuels during the spring of 2016. The global 350 network has become far more responsive to local activists around the world in recent years, emphasizing decentralized organizing and helping support a variety of direct actions, including a dramatic march of over 1000 people onto the site of Germany's most polluting coal mine just last summer.
Here in the US, many groups are holding local events in late November, around the Thanksgiving holiday, and 350 affiliates in New England and North Country New York will unite for a major regional mobilization with a "Jobs, Justice and Climate" theme on Saturday, December 12th in Boston (see 350 New England's website). The intersectional alliance-building effort that is at the heart of these events will help shape campaigns to further challenge fossil fuel interests and highlight alternatives throughout the coming year. With the defeat of the notorious Keystone XL pipeline, the industry's biggest fear is what some have termed the "Keystonization" of all new fossil fuel infrastructure projects. Local struggles around various pipelines and fracking sites may be relatively small puzzle pieces compared to the mounting destabilization of the earth's climate system, but that's not how the industry sees it. For example, a recent report commissioned by PNC Bank found that leading financial institutions view public opposition and regulatory uncertainty (itself often shaped by public opposition) to be the most significant barriers to the continued expansion of oil and gas. The global coal industry is in rapid decline, and wind and solar are now the fastest growing energy sources. We have a long way to go, and not much time, but if anything can help raise our hopes that it's not too late, it is the power of social movements to intervene to change the story. This is especially true of those movements that embrace the transformative vision of climate justice and successfully unite the grassroots forces inspired by images of Blockadia and Alternatiba.
As the latest chapter in the curious saga of Congressman Aaron "Fly Me" Schock recently came to an end, there was an unintentionally, darkly comic moment. It happened just after the Downton Abbey fanboy announced his resignation from the House of Representatives.
In an interview, his father, Dr. Richard Schock, told a Chicago TV station, "Ten years from now, whatever he's doing, he'll be successful at it. I promise you that. Two years from now, he'll be successful... if he's not in jail."
As the latest chapter in the curious saga of Congressman Aaron "Fly Me" Schock recently came to an end, there was an unintentionally, darkly comic moment. It happened just after the Downton Abbey fanboy announced his resignation from the House of Representatives.
In an interview, his father, Dr. Richard Schock, told a Chicago TV station, "Ten years from now, whatever he's doing, he'll be successful at it. I promise you that. Two years from now, he'll be successful... if he's not in jail."
Now that's a proud dad for you -- assuming my boy's not in the slammer, he'll be on top of the world. But Papa Doc may have a point. In fact, what do you want to bet that if Aaron Schock's not in jail, he'll soon be back on Capitol Hill, a success once again, pulling in an even heftier paycheck -- not as an elected official but as a privileged member of the lobbying class -- pressing the flesh, making deals, and facilitating fat campaign contributions for the GOP the same way he did while a congressman, plying the rich with concert tickets, fancy dinners and other assorted perks?
Look at former House Majority Leader Eric Cantor - an even bigger Republican money magician -- defeated in a primary in his Virginia home district by an upstart who made the incumbent's obeisance to the financial industry a central issue of his campaign. Remember The Wall Street Journal's headline? "Eric Cantor's Loss a Blow to Wall Street."
Turns out it was a glancing blow at best. Eric's back and Wall Street's got him. As The New York Times' Mark Leibovich wrote, just weeks after his primary fiasco, Cantor was "the latest example of Washington's upward-failing, golden-parachuted, everybody-wins calculus."
Sure enough, September came and with it news that Cantor was joining the boutique global investment bank Moelis & Company. The Times commented when the announcement first appeared in The Wall Street Journal:
Mr. Cantor has no previous experience in high finance or investment banking. But the reason for his new job is clear: The Moelis founder Ken Moelis told the Journal that he was hiring Mr. Cantor in part for his ability to open doors -- an admission that Mr. Cantor will now be paid to trade on the influence and friendships he developed as a House leader.
As if to prove that last point, just a few weeks ago, Cantor threw a party to open the new Washington office for Moelis, and the hobnobbing fun was intense. There they all were, toasting their boy Eric: House Speaker John Boehner; the new House majority leader, Kevin McCarthy; Majority Whip Steve Scalise; Deputy Whip Patrick McHenry and chair of the House Republican Conference, Cathy McMorris Rodgers - not to mention, according to Politico.com, "a few House Democrats and a handful of GOP senators."
A fellow former member of the Virginia congressional delegation, Tom Davis, told Politico, "Eric will find very quickly that you don't have to be a member of Congress to be an influencer. He's got one of the best Republican Rolodexes in the country..." To that end, Cantor already has held a meet and greet for Chris Christie in Richmond and given advice to Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker.
This is what ex-members of Congress and their staffs do nowadays. Rarely do they follow the example of ancient Rome's Cincinnatus and go back to the farm - or take that teaching job at the local university or join a hometown law practice. They stay in DC to reap the bountiful harvest that comes from Capitol Hill experience and good old fashioned cronyism.
As a result of November's midterm elections and retirements, at the beginning of the year nearly 50 members of the House and a dozen senators got the old heave-ho but competition for their services within the Beltway was, as The National Law Journal reported, "hot."
The legal newspaper observed, "Firms usually want big names from leadership of industry regulation-focused committees, but with collegial, bipartisan reputations." Washington headhunter Ivan Adler told the paper that bidding starts at a million for a retired senator, $500,000 or more for a former House member. And three years ago, investigative journalist Lee Fang found that when they join the lobbying world, "Lawmakers increased their salary by 1,452 percent on average from the last year they were in office to the latest publicly available disclosure."
A quick look at a few February and March editions of the congressional newspaper The Hill tells the tale:
February 24 - "Recently retired Rep. Henry Waxman (D-California) is headed to K Street. Waxman Strategies, a consulting firm owned by his son Michael, announced the move on Tuesday. The veteran congressman will serve as the chairman of the firm... Waxman served 40 years in Congress, including high-profile roles on the House Energy & Commerce Committee and the Committee on Oversight & Government Reform... He will focus on clients in the healthcare, environment, energy, technology and telecommunications arenas, including helping those involved in congressional investigations."
February 27 - "Former Sen. Mark Pryor (D-Arkansas) will be joining the K Street ranks at law and lobby firm Venable, a partner at the firm confirmed to The Hill on Friday. Pryor lost his Senate seat in last year's elections after a bitter battle with Republican Rep. Tom Cotton. Immediately after, headhunters began sizing him up for potential private-sector positions."
March 11 - "Former Rep. Phil Gingrey (R-Georgia) has popped up on K Street. Law firm Drinker Biddle & Reath announced on Wednesday that he would be joining the government and regulatory affairs practice as a senior advisor... Gingrey, a doctor specializing in obstetrics and gynecology, served on the House Energy and Commerce Committee in addition to the panel's health subcommittee... At the firm, he will work on issues not just in the healthcare space, but also trade, education, energy and telecommunications."
March 12 - "The former chairman of the powerful tax panel, ex-Rep. Dave Camp (R-Michigan), is the latest to join K Street. PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) announced on Thursday that Camp would become a senior policy advisor within the firm's Washington national tax services practice. He retired at the end of the last congressional session, after serving 12 terms. Before his departure, however, Camp released draft legislation that would overhaul the nation's tax system."
March 16 - "Former Rep. Tom Latham has joined a boutique consulting and lobbying firm, Hecht, Spencer & Associates, adding his name to the shop. Rebranding the firm as Hecht, Latham, Spencer & Associates, Inc., the Iowa Republican who retired at the end of the last congressional session will serve as a partner."
Latham was chair of the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Transportation and Housing and Urban Development, among other assignments. Meanwhile, the Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported that Georgia Republican and former House member Jack Kingston "has launched his post-Congress career at the powerhouse lobbying firm Squire Patton Boggs... As an 11-term veteran and high-ranking member of the Appropriations Committee, Kingston's experience and contacts made him a sought after prize in Beltway circles."
You get the picture: In the words of the Times' Mark Leibovich, each of these fellows is, "in some sense, living proof of the thing that most voters loathe about Washington: the notion that membership in its political class guarantees a win-for-life lottery ticket." He quoted these statistics from The Atlantic magazine: In 1974, three percent of retiring members became lobbyists; now it's half of all senators and 42 percent of House members.
Legally, there is an official cooling-off period: departing senators have to wait two years to become a registered lobbyist and do business with their former colleagues; representatives a year. Some have suggested making the bans longer, perhaps as much as six years. Not a bad idea, but the reality is, many of them don't bother registering at all, getting away with calling themselves consultants or advisers -- a lobbyist in all but name.
Certainly the money's just as good. Take former South Dakota Senator Tom Daschle, also the former Senate majority leader and non-lobbyist supreme. At The Intercept, Ken Silverstein reports that in 2003, a year before he lost his bid for re-election, Daschle's net worth was listed as between $400,000 and $1.2 million. Then he began "consulting" and presto: "During the two years prior to his failed nomination to head Health and Human Services he netted $5.2 million, mostly from healthcare, energy, private equity and telecommunications companies." Last fall, Daschle and his wife - who's a highly successful and wealthy DC insider herself - sold their seven-bedroom, seven-bathroom DC home for $3.25 million. And they're building a South Carolina vacation home on land they bought for $1.3 million.
All this without Tom Daschle ever signing up as an official lobbyist (Although he has recently said he will register with the Department of Justice under the Foreign Agents Registration Act - he's working for the government of Taiwan).
Thus, the plutocrats continue buying government by picking up ex-members of Congress like so many players in fantasy baseball, using them to keep smashing up what's left of both democracy and a middle class nurtured by organized labor and decent wages. "The corporate campaign created a political consensus that churns out business-friendly policies no matter which party is in power," Ken Silverstein writes. "It also changed the nature of government employment. Fifty years ago, people came to Washington drawn by a sense of public service, however they defined it, and they often stayed in the public sector over much of their careers. Now working in government is a brief way station on the road to better things. Many of those who come to DC with little wealth leave in a position to become rich, and those who come rich are able to become richer."
And that's one more reason why this stinks. For not only have the monied interests captured our representatives with their campaign contributions and assorted favors, they have lassoed them in before they even leave office with the promise of massively profitable jobs when the incumbents exit. Forget about the interests of the average voter; elected officials are already thinking about the next gig and how to please the billionaires who will be signing their future paychecks. Let's face it: a new tax break or government contract always makes a nice thank you gift.
What a breath of fresh air if a legislator's attitude was more like the one expressed by soon-to-be-departing Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid. Asked if he'd go into the lobbying trade, last week he told The New York Times, "I'd rather go to Singapore and have them beat me with whips."
A worthy sentiment, but hang on. In 2013, Reid's net worth was estimated by the Center for Responsive Politics at a little more than $4.5 million. The Washington Post estimates that, "in the last campaign cycle, lobbyists gave his political and leadership committees $1.3 million." His sons and son-in-law have all worked in the lobbying industry. And The Hill reports, "More than two-dozen prominent K Streeters used to call Reid their boss on Capitol Hill."
Lest we forget, after cold hard cash and influence-peddling, hypocrisy is Washington's currency of choice.
Imagine a political party that keeps government from helping people, because that might lead people to support government. Imagine a political party that hurts parts of the country because those parts tend to not vote the way they want.

This Is Who They Are Now
At RedState today the featured post is titled, Defund Or Be Challenged. It calls on Republicans to demand that Obamacare be defunded - killed - or they will shut down the governemnt. It says pass a budget that defunds Obamacare and if the Senate won't take it up or the President vetoes it, shut down the government rather than pass a reasonable budget.
If you say, "So what?" and ask, "Who is RedState" then you are making the same mistake that many in the Democratic establishment have been making for decades. Asking "Who is Rush Limbaugh / Glenn Beck / Sean Hannity / Sarah Palin / Ann Coulter / etc." or saying that what they say doesn't matter is a mistake. This is who they are now. This is who the Republican Party is now. It is RedState, Limbaugh, Coulter, Drudge Report, etc. It is not Bob Dole or John McCain or even Ronald Reagan. It is not Ronald Reagan playing poker with Tip O'Neill.
Ronald Reagan would be primaried out as a "RINO" in today's Republican Party.
If you don't get it yet, let this sink in: Mitch McConnell is being primaried for being "a big government guy" and too "progressive" and working with Democrats. Mitch McConnell!
This is who the Republicans are now. RedState, Limbaugh, Coulter ... this is who they are now.
Obamacare Helps People - So They Want It Killed
Obamacare, for all its policy and political flaws, makes our health care system far better than the corrupt and dysfunctional system we have now. (I think Medicare-For-All is the right approach and would have high public support.) People with "preexisting conditions" will finally be able to get insurance. Subsidies will help people afford private insurance. The expansion of Medicaid will help millions receive health care.
The Republicans want it killed, period, and are willing to sabotage everything to get that. They want this because it will help people and therefore will be popular. They offer no alternative plan and do not care about all of these people who will be helped. In fact, they complain that so many new people will have access to health care that it could cause a shortage of doctors!
They want the health care act killed because it helps people, which they fear could lead people to support Democrats and government in general.
They mean it. They are willing to shut down the government unless their demands are met. They are about sabotaging the program and sabotaging all of government to make that happen.
Is that a strong statement? Remember that they were willing to refuse to raise the credit limit and destroy the credit rating of the country - and destroy the world's economy unless their demands were met. Remember that they have actually shut down government to get what they want.
This is who they are now.
Norm Ornstein
Norm Ornstein has an important piece at The Atlantic today, The Unprecedented, Contemptible GOP Quest to Sabotage Obamacare. In it he compares how Republicans are opposing Obamacare with they way Democrats responded to the passage of Bush's Medicare drug plan. Please read these next two paragraphs,
The clear comparison is the Medicare prescription-drug plan. When it passed Congress in 2003, Democrats had many reasons to be furious. The initial partnership between President Bush and Senator Edward Kennedy had resulted in an admirably bipartisan bill - it passed the Senate with 74 votes. Republicans then pulled a bait and switch, taking out all of the provisions that Kennedy had put in to bring along Senate Democrats, jamming the resulting bill through the House in a three-hour late-night vote marathon that blatantly violated House rules and included something close to outright bribery on the House floor, and then passing the bill through the Senate with just 54 votes - while along the way excluding the duly elected conferees, Tom Daschle (the Democratic leader!) and Jay Rockefeller, from the conference-committee deliberations.
The implementation of that bill was a huge challenge, and had many rocky moments. It required educating millions of seniors, most not computer-literate, about the often complicated choices they had to create or change their prescription coverage. Imagine if Democrats had gone all out to block or disrupt the implementation - using filibusters to deny funding, sending threatening letters to companies or outside interests who mobilized to educate Medicare recipients, putting on major campaigns to convince seniors that this was a plot to deny them Medicare, comparing it to the ill-fated Medicare reform plan that passed in 1989 and, after a revolt by seniors, was repealed the next year.
Dems could have taken down the Republican Party over this, but instead they let seniors get the prescriptions, at least as far as this program went. Compare to the way Republicans are trying to sabotage the new health care plan:
For three years, Republicans in the Senate refused to confirm anybody to head the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, the post that McClellan had held in 2003-04 - in order to damage the possibility of a smooth rollout of the health reform plan. Guerrilla efforts to cut off funding, dozens of votes to repeal, abusive comments by leaders, attempts to discourage states from participating in Medicaid expansion or crafting exchanges, threatening letters to associations that might publicize the availability of insurance on exchanges, and now a new set of threats - to have a government shutdown, or to refuse to raise the debt ceiling, unless the president agrees to stop all funding for implementation of the plan.
This is who they are. It is time to recognize just who and what we are dealing with.
Other Sabotage
For President Obama's entire first term Republicans obstructed every effort to boost the economy. They blocked badly-needed additional stimulus. They blocked infrastructure projects because they would employ people. They blocked the Bring Jobs Home Act. They blocked everything. Then they campaigned by saying the economy isn't better, so vote for them.
Republicans are now sabotaging the new immigration bill. The reason? They say that Hispanics who get citizenship might vote for Democrats.
Republicans have been opposing statehood for D.C. for the same reason - the people there might vote for Democrats.
Republicans in the old slave states, newly unleashed by the Supreme Court, are working furiously to get minorities, senior, students and other who might vote for Democrats off the voting rolls. They are repealing early voting because black churches organize voter drives. They are passing extremely restrictive voter-ID laws specifically excluding the kinds of ID that minorities are more likely to hold.
This is who they are now.
Hold Them Accountable
They have to be held accountable.
The answer is not to threaten to withhold your vote when you don't get everything you want. The answer is for all of us - every single alienated, ignored, disillusioned citizen - to promise to always vote. Then the people you would actually want to vote for will have some assurance they can win, and take the risk of running, even if they can't raise a poop-load of corporate cash.

The "center" has provided a useful reminder that bipartisanship has all too often meant a coming together of Democrats and Republicans in the service of the same corporate elites.
But only three U.S.-based fashion companies and retailers--Abercrombie & Fitch, PVH (which includes the Calvin Klein, Tommy Hilfiger, and Izod labels), and Sean John (Sean Combs's company)--have become party to the compact, despite the repeated urgings of anti-sweatshop and workers' rights organizations. Wal-Mart, Gap, Target, Sears, JCPenney, and other iconic U.S retailers have resisted. Under mounting pressure, however, last Thursday those companies and others, along with the National Retail Federation, the Retail Industries Leaders Association, and the American Apparel and Footwear Council, announced that they had joined together to "develop and implement a new program to improve fire and safety regulations in the garment factories of Bangladesh." The announcement of the group's formation made no reference to any pledge by the companies to fund the factory improvements.
More curious yet was the source of Thursday's announcement. It was released by the Bipartisan Policy Center, a D.C. think tank of sorts founded by four long-retired U.S. Senate majority leaders--Democrats George Mitchell and Tom Daschle, and Republicans Howard Baker and Bob Dole. According to the announcement, the retailer organizations had asked the center to convene a series of meetings to develop a joint policy for the industry, with the meetings to be chaired by Mitchell and another former Maine senator, Republican Olympia Snowe.
Describing itself as "the only Washington, D.C.-based think tank that actively promotes bipartisanship," the center proclaims in its mission statement that it promotes "principled solutions through rigorous analysis, reasoned negotiation and respectful dialogue." Those solutions, it continues, "are the product of informed deliberations by former elected and appointed officials, business and labor leaders, and academics and advocates who represent both ends of the political spectrum."
So what on earth is the center doing convening a process that will determine the commitments, if any, that U.S. retailers and clothing lines will make with no one but U.S. retailers and clothing lines at the table? "Respectful dialogue" is all well and good, all the more among "advocates who represent both ends of the political spectrum," but in this case, that spectrum runs from Wal-Mart to Target, with a stop at JCPenney. Where are the labor leaders whom the center viewed as sufficiently important to mention in its mission statement? Where are the anti-sweatshop activists?
It's not as if labor leaders and workers' rights activists have been absent from the public debate over the Bangladeshi garment industry. They've repeatedly and publicly demanded that U.S. companies that get their goods from Bangladesh commit their resources to upgrading the factories and safety procedures there, as their European counterparts have. From AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka on down, there's no shortage of labor leaders or U.S.-based advocates for Bangladeshi workers whom the center could have invited to its meetings if it wanted a genuine dialogue.
By opting instead to hold a discussion among only like-minded companies with a common interest in quelling the controversy at the lowest possible cost to themselves, the center has provided a useful reminder that bipartisanship has all too often meant a coming together of Democrats and Republicans in the service of the same corporate elites. At a time when congressional Republicans have no mission save to be against anything and anyone that President Barack Obama and congressional Democrats are for, it's only natural to grow nostalgic for the days when Tip O'Neill and Bob Michael could cut a deal. But in today's Washington, where corporate money flows everywhere, including into think tanks, and where labor is increasingly marginalized, bipartisanship can easily become a code word for whatever presumably responsible American corporations desire--such as the free-trade agreements that both parties have ratified. If it didn't before, the process that the Bipartisan Policy Center has now convened--of the retailers, by the retailers, for the retailers--makes clear just how pro-corporate bipartisanship has become.
"Obamacare will be a nightmare for Florida seniors," a grim voiceover announces. "Did Bill Nelson consider the consequences when he cast a deciding vote for Obamacare?"
"Tell Jon Tester: the Washington way isn't the solution," another intones. "We need less government and lower taxes."
"Obamacare will be a nightmare for Florida seniors," a grim voiceover announces. "Did Bill Nelson consider the consequences when he cast a deciding vote for Obamacare?"

Watchdog groups believe the strategy in 2012 is similar to that of 2010: the Chamber goes into a district, blitzes it with attack ads to soften up the opposition and then steps back to let other deep-pocket groups come in. The intent is to force Democrats to play defense across the board, thus spreading their resources thin. According to the liberal online publication ThinkProgress, twenty of the twenty-one ads the Chamber released in May were hostile to Democratic candidates.
"The Chamber has spent about $600,000 attacking me," Tester, the farmer turned Democratic Montana senator, told me in April. "I've got a great small-business record. I've carried bills the US Chamber has advocated for in the past. [But] they see Montana as a state that they can pick up. They're dishonest, painting me as something I'm not. They're trying to paint me as Wall Street, as somebody who's 'gone DC.' It's about as crazy as anybody can get."
The organization is maintaining its longstanding policy of not officially taking sides in presidential elections. But even though it has not directly funded anti-Obama or pro-Romney ads, that doesn't mean its leaders wouldn't dearly love to oust Obama. Robert Weissman, president of the consumer advocacy group Public Citizen, says the Chamber hopes to influence the presidential election indirectly--by shaping the contours of the public debate in the months leading up to election day and by bringing conservative voters to the polls.
It is also reportedly coordinating with the top conservative Super PACs to craft a unified message and spending strategy. US Chamber Watch has documented a series of meetings between the Chamber's counsel and GOP strategists dating back to 2009, when they conceived the notion of creating American Crossroads, the Super PAC headed by Karl Rove. Since then, the watchdog group believes, the Chamber has been holding regular meetings with Crossroads, which claims that it will be able to bring $300 million to the 2012 election fight, and with Koch brothers-backed organizations (including Americans for Prosperity), which have bandied about the figure of $400 million as their target. Further evidence of cross-pollination: Chamber strategist Scott Reed previously worked for the GOP, and former Chamber counsel Steven Law is president of Crossroads GPS, the Rove-affiliated 501(c)(4) "social welfare organization."
According to the Washington Post, the key players in this alliance have been meeting every couple of weeks to strategize. In May, Mike Allen and Jim Vandehei reported in Politico that the Chamber, Crossroads, Americans for Prosperity and the conservative Congressional Leadership Fund had joined together in a pledge to raise an unprecedented $1 billion to influence the upcoming elections.
Compared to these figures, the $100 million that the Chamber hopes to spend could seem almost paltry. But to view it as such would be a huge mistake--for if recent years have proven anything about the role of money in the country's politics, it's that a group with a sizable budget for carefully targeted advertising can exert outsize influence on election day.
All of this adds up to a ton of bad news for the country's democratic system. Pay-to-play makes it that much harder for ordinary people to get a fair hearing. It wrecks the notion of good governance, and it undermines the idea that the public interest can be well represented by the state and its elected officials.
And yet there are signs that the Chamber has overplayed its hand. Historically, the organization has been careful to camouflage its right-wing economic agenda, claiming it simply champions a "common sense" approach to the country's problems. But these days the Chamber is struggling to tame the Tea Party beast it helped to unleash, whose destabilizing extremism was on display during last year's debt ceiling debate. And the Chamber is facing increased scrutiny into its questionable spending of charitable funds for political purposes as well as its alleged misuse of money ponied up by anonymous donors. The Citizens United ruling gave corporations a free pass to influence elections, but with the flood of money has come heightened attention to the organizations that are bundling and spending it, often playing fast and loose with established federal election requirements. That puts the Chamber in an unwelcome--and possibly damaging--spotlight.
* * *
The Chamber has been developing a carefully structured political strategy since the early 1970s, when Lewis Powell (who would later become a US Supreme Court justice) penned a famous memo advising the group on how to tackle what he believed to be the growing anti-business environment in the United States. To reclaim influence over the political and regulatory processes, and to shape public opinion in corporate America's favor, he urged a more aggressive lobbying effort and called for the creation of a network of think tanks and research groups that could promote pro-business messages.
In recent years, as Powell's suggestions have taken root, the Chamber has served as a sort of clearinghouse for megacorporations that want to shape policy without leaving any fingerprints. During the debate over the Affordable Care Act, for example, AHIP (the industry group representing health insurance companies) donated more than $100 million to the Chamber of Commerce, according to National Journal. The anonymity of the process allowed insurers to claim they were cooperating with the Obama administration's attempts to improve efficiency, rein in costs and expand access, while in reality their dollars were hard at work drumming up opposition to reform.
Other donors have contributed money with the understanding that it would be used to push for their own priorities: an extension of the Bush-era tax cuts, approval of the Keystone XL pipeline, rollback of any number of environmental or financial regulations. Alan Grayson, a progressive Florida Congressman defeated in his 2010 re-election bid, says the general consensus among his Democratic colleagues is that the Chamber has become "a means for individual corporate entities to launder their sewer money," giving donations in exchange for verbal commitments to advance favored policies.
The Chamber has been particularly tough on the markedly mild Dodd-Frank financial reforms. In early 2012, the group issued a "report card" for the bill, handing out a C- for its impact on US competitiveness and a C for its attempts to regulate the notorious derivatives markets. The report also expressed concern that the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, established as part of Dodd-Frank, "could limit access to credit in the marketplace for consumers and small businesses."
So rigid have the Chamber's positions become that last year it backed the Regulatory Accountability Act, a House bill that would impose an endless series of reviews before any new regulations could kick in. It also supported the REINS Act (for "Regulations from the Executive in Need of Scrutiny"), which aims to prevent new regulations from being enacted unless they're passed by both houses of Congress with no amendments--"which means never," as Weissman dryly notes. It even opposes aggressive enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, which allows companies that engage in bribery overseas to be prosecuted in the United States.
To advance its far-right agenda, the Chamber relies on a language of doublespeak, one that preaches American-as-apple-pie values while advocating policies that are anything but commonsensical and fair. Healthcare reform is thus mislabeled as a "job killer," while the evisceration of safety-net programs like Social Security and Medicare becomes "entitlement reform." In the aftermath of a fiscal collapse largely caused by lax regulations and obscene risk-taking by too-big-to-fail banks, such measures as strengthening regulations and restoring progressive taxation ought to be considered common-sense proposals. Yet the Chamber has repeatedly stymied such reforms, claiming they're harmful to America's economic well-being and arguing that cutting taxes and regulations even further is the way to restore the country's fiscal health. The implicit assumption behind its language--analyzed by Occidental College politics professor Peter Dreier in his Cry Wolf Project--is that any attempt to make businesses pay their fair share is by definition "anti-business" and therefore "anti-American."
* * *
The US Chamber of Commerce has been a dominant partisan player in Washington for years, with hundreds of state and local chapters reinforcing its message around the country. But the national group has noticeably stepped up its political game since 2008. In the two years following Obama's election, the Chamber spent about $300 million lobbying for conservative legislation and against the regulatory, social welfare and tax reforms proposed by Democrats. When the 2010 midterms came around, it played a decisive role. According to several reports, the organization pumped $32.1 million into Congressional elections that year. The Chamber-backed candidate won in thirty-eight of fifty-nine races (64 percent), helping to secure the GOP House majority and significantly weakening the Democrats' hold over the Senate. Chamber campaigns targeting judicial figures who opposed tort reform were also instrumental in defeating several progressive judges in their re-election efforts that year.
US Chamber Watch estimates that 93 percent of the money the Chamber spent on the 2010 midterm elections went to help elect Republican candidates, including major GOP Senate candidates such as Marco Rubio (Florida), Rand Paul (Kentucky) and Mark Kirk (Illinois). All told, election watchdog groups estimate the Chamber spent more in its lobbying efforts throughout 2010 than the next five largest lobbying outlays combined.
"In terms of political gamesmanship, they were strategic and effective in how they deployed their money," says Weissman. "I view the Chamber as really a third party."
Grayson, who is running to recapture the seat he lost two years ago, is convinced that he was brought down by ads funded by the Chamber and like-minded Super PACs. He has researched the amount of money local television stations received during the 2010 elections and estimates that more than $5 million worth of attack ads (calling him a "dog," a "clown," a "liar" and various other epithets) were launched against him that year. Post-Citizens United, he argues, "a lobbyist can now walk into a Congressman's office and say, 'I have $4 million to spend, and I can spend it for you or against you. Which would you prefer?' They can spend a staggering, unlimited amount of money to drag you and your name through the mud until you are destroyed."
Chamber president Tom Donohue, who earned $4.7 million in 2010, streamlined the pay-to-play process by which corporate donors shape the group's lobbying agenda and reportedly keeps a plaque on his desk that reads "Show ME the Money." When the midterm results came in, Donohue wasn't exactly humble in acknowledging his organization's influence. Shortly after the polls closed--when it became clear that liberal icons such as Senator Russ Feingold had been defeated and that Congress, many statehouses and a number of key judicial positions had shifted to the right--Donohue made a one-and-a-half-minute address to the nation about the message voters had sent. Americans, he declared, were rejecting the climate of "crippling uncertainty for business," saying no to "more government spending, higher taxes and more burdensome regulations."
Two months later, on January 11, 2011, Donohue again addressed his audience of business leaders and media observers from the Chamber's plush DC offices, a stone's throw from the White House. On one side of the podium was a large US flag; on the other, a Chamber flag. Dressed in a dark blue suit with a Stars and Stripes flag pin on his left lapel, his white hair carefully parted to one side, the then-72-year-old--who has never run for public office in his life--was keen once again to take credit for changing the country's political direction.
"In 2011, the Chamber's top priority will be to turn an economic recovery into a jobs recovery," he announced. At first it sounded like standard boilerplate, the kind of stuff no right-minded voter could disagree with. But then came the kicker: the Chamber and its Congressional allies would seek to clear away "impediments" to private-sector job growth, such as excessive government spending, regulations (a "tsunami" of which, Donohue claimed, "cost Americans $1.7 trillion a year") and the large national deficit. They would fight to scrap the healthcare reform bill "and go back to the drawing board" on the individual mandate. And they would take on "special-interest shareholders such as unions" that had been "pushing an extreme agenda...using their position as a powerful political force to sabotage the nation's trade agenda." They would also challenge the EPA's authority to regulate greenhouse gas emissions. And they would fight to lower the corporate tax rate.
All of this they did. But soon the Chamber had to grapple with an adversary from a surprising corner. In the summer of 2011, when the Tea Party-dominated House GOP launched a reckless game of chicken over the national debt ceiling, Chamber spokespeople intervened in the debate several times and urged Congress to pass a measure to avoid defaulting. If America had defaulted on its debts, the impact would have been catastrophic--and, to a business organization craving stability, utterly counterproductive. At a Rotary Club meeting in Atlanta that summer, Donohue reportedly warned Tea Party legislators that if they screwed up on the debt ceiling, the Chamber would "get rid of you."
In the wake of that manufactured crisis, the Chamber began rallying the GOP establishment to rein in the ideologues. By early 2012, Donohue had clearly concluded that his party needed a goodly dose of business sense. And so, while several GOP primary contenders launched pseudo-populist attacks on Mitt Romney for his venture-capitalist practices of buying firms and then stripping them of their assets, Donohue was quoted as saying that Romney's record was "extraordinary," and that his opponents needed to tone down their attacks.
* * *
The Chamber's troubles don't stop with the Tea Party's recklessness, however. It has also found itself in hot water over how it spends anonymously donated dollars. Unlike political action committees, outside spending groups registered as tax-exempt 501(c) nonprofits are not required to disclose their donors as long as political campaigning does not constitute their primary activity. The FEC has interpreted election law to allow these groups to preserve donor anonymity if they explicitly endorse candidates. The rationale is similar to that of the secret ballot: whichever candidate a person supports is his or her own business. But if these groups want to campaign on issues instead of personalities, any ads they launch within thirty days of a primary or sixty days of a general election have to identify the donors sponsoring those ads.
As a result of increased media and legal attention, the Chamber, which is registered as a 501(c)(6) trade association, has been given a stark choice: either preserve the anonymity of its donors by explicitly endorsing candidates or reveal the donors' names in order to continue running issue ads. It has chosen the former route. In recent weeks, the Chamber has endorsed a slew of GOP candidates, including Senate hopefuls Charlie Summers in Maine and George Allen in Virginia. More will undoubtedly follow once the elections are within the sixty-day window. Those endorsements are important, says US Chamber Watch spokeswoman Christy Setzer, because they strip away the veneer of nonpartisanship that the Chamber has carefully cultivated over the years. In seeing the Chamber endorse one GOP candidate after another, voters are finally learning the true nature of the organization.
According to critics, the Chamber has abused the process that preserves donors' anonymity and has crossed a number of other legal lines in its effort to gain political influence. Most notably, it has allegedly been using improper "loans" that closely resemble gifts from the 501(c)(3) charity the Starr Foundation, funneled through the Chamber's "charitable" branch, the National Chamber Foundation (NCF), for political purposes. In 2010, DC-based attorney Cyrus Mehri, counsel for US Chamber Watch, filed a complaint with the IRS about the loan. US Chamber Watch is still waiting for an IRS response to the complaint. This spring, New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman also launched an investigation. In late June, his team issued a number of subpoenas, and as a result it's likely that much of the Chamber's dirty laundry will increasingly be on public display in the run-up to the election. (When asked for comment, a Chamber spokesperson said that Schneiderman's subpoenas were "curiously timed" and noted that the allegations were a "very old story." He did not, however, explicitly deny their accuracy.)
Important questions will have to be answered. For example, from 2003 to 2005, why did the Starr Foundation give $19 million to the NCF, which then "loaned" most of the money in three $6 million installments to the US Chamber of Commerce? If it was truly a loan, it seems to have been an unusual one: the Chamber allegedly paid no interest on it until at least 2005 and made no effort to pay down the principal until at least 2009. But if it was really a gift funneled through the NCF, as watchdogs argue, then it broke a variety of IRS rules on how charitable donations can be spent. "There's a sacredness to charitable law," argues Mehri. "It's serious. That's an area where, as a nation, we've said it really matters that people can donate money used for charitable purposes and not for a specific political agenda."
In the years when the money was changing hands, current Starr Foundation chair Maurice "Hank" Greenberg was CEO of the mega-insurance company AIG. Could the foundation's gift to the NCF have had something to do with the fact that Greenberg was also on the Chamber's board, and that he was desperately keen to secure federal tort reform legislation, as well as to see judges hostile to class-action lawsuits elected around the country? If so, he was well rewarded: in 2004 the Chamber invested in campaigns backing Congressmen and judicial figures who supported tort reform, and it helped defeat politicians like South Dakota Senator Tom Daschle who opposed it. In 2005, Congress passed, and President Bush signed, the Class Action Fairness Act, making it easier for courts to dismiss class-action lawsuits.
Schneiderman's investigation may expose the web of financial relationships connecting the Chamber with an array of conservative but allegedly nonpartisan "charitable" foundations. And in so doing, it could show exactly how political influence can be purchased in the post-Citizens United world and what sorts of reforms are needed to ensure that elections can't be bought lock, stock and barrel by large lobbying interests.
"As the chief regulator of charities and nonprofits in the State of New York, I am committed to restoring accountability and transparency by shining a light on the new role that these organizations are now playing in our political process," Schneiderman explains.
* * *
Despite the glare of negative publicity, it's unlikely that lawsuits and investigations alone will be able to neutralize the Chamber's large and growing influence. After all, the Chamber is playing hardball, and it's playing to win.
The 2012 elections in many ways represent a crossing-the-Rubicon moment. Can the democratic system survive being swamped by hundreds of millions of dollars of Super PAC money? Can it endure the rise of superfunders like Sheldon Adelson (Newt Gingrich's backer in the primaries, who has since thrown his financial muscle behind Romney's campaign), Foster Friess (Rick Santorum's sugar daddy), Texas billionaire Harold Simmons and the powerful Koch brothers, as well as the overwhelming clout of organizations like the Chamber of Commerce? Will citizens rally around investigations such as the one launched by Schneiderman, and will they demand limits to independent expenditures during elections as well as the disclosure of those who seek to buy the country's elections and legislative process? Or will ever more politicians who oppose the Chamber's values simply suffer the fate that befell Alan Grayson in 2010?
"They'll be effective" in November, Weissman warns. "They run overwhelmingly negative ads. And ads work." The Chamber, he concludes, "will invest heavily and effectively. They're the trade association for big business. That's their purpose, and that's what they do."
So.
It looks now like the regressive majority on the Supreme Court is poised to overturn Barack Obama's signature legislative achievement, his health care bill.
That is so fitting.
So.
It looks now like the regressive majority on the Supreme Court is poised to overturn Barack Obama's signature legislative achievement, his health care bill.

That is so fitting.
More than that, it is also a reminder of just how sick this country truly is. Imagine that the lab returned the results from your battery of blood work tests, and all the indicators were screaming out "Danger!" and "Broken!". That's us, baby. Get this patient to the ER!
What a total disaster.
The first indicator of how unhealthy we are as a country - literally and figuratively - is the fact that we still don't have universal health care here in the wealthiest place on Earth. It's been more than century since the welfare state - a system in which the national government assumes responsibility, as an agent of the national will, for guaranteeing certain benefits and protections to its citizenry - was invented, and, unlike every other developed country in the world, the richest one still doesn't come close to having universal care for our public, including millions of children. It's a crime - there's no other word for it - of astonishing proportions . But it gets worse. We pay more than half-again per capita above the cost of the next most expensive system in the world, and still one-sixth of our population remains completely uninsured, with many more poorly insured. Nice.
By the way, it's worth noting that the guy who originally launched the welfare state was none other than the regressive and aggressive old Prussian chancellor himself, Otto von Bismarck. Golly, I don't mean to be critical or anything, but you know you're hurting when your country's politics are to the right of the "blood and iron" father of the German Empire. Just saying...
I'll hold my gauze-packed nose in a vise-grip and give Obama a little bit of credit for addressing the issue. But the way he went about it constitutes the original sin that will have brought us to the place of almost complete disaster after the rump Court finishes its ideological hijack. To begin with, Obama looked at the existing disaster of regressive health care policy - the joys of commercializing and profitizing the public's need for medicine - and then decided to promulgate the next most conservative option he could come up with, one which commercializes and profitizes medicine even more. He could have gone for single payer - that is, Medicare for all - which is only the system employed by just about every other developed country in the world, all of whom, naturally, are more highly ranked by the World Health Organization on delivery of health care. Yes, yes, I know. All the Obama apologists out there say this was politically impossible. Maybe that's true. But maybe it's not. The presidency is all about persuasion. If the punk Bush could sell the insane Iraq war, which in fact he did to an originally skeptical public, perhaps Obama could have talked sense to America about health care, and moved people enough to force action out of Congress. Or, short of that, he might at least have demanded that the public option be part of the legislation, the next best choice.
What he did instead was to pretend to care about a public option, in order to keep stupid liberals on board, while he cut a secret deal with the parasitic insurance industry guaranteeing their profits and promising there would be no public option in the bill. That isn't reckless surmise. Tom Daschle, Obama's political mentor and health care point man, wrote that the president did just that. Then he adopted a model for his plan that was so conservative it had originally been put forth by the Heritage Foundation, was a plank in Bob Dole's 1996 presidential campaign, and had already been implemented by Mitt Romney (who, in case you hadn't heard, is a Republican - though he can be whatever you need him to be, as long as you make him president) in Massachusetts, in addition to being blessed by that bastion of progressivism, the insurance industry. Hey, what's that old line about reposing with canines...?
Obama compounded his sell-out to the one percent by not selling his legislation to the ninety-nine percent. Polls show that most Americans don't understand the legislation - today, three years after the extended sausage-making process that produced it - and most favor repeal. What's astonishing about that latter fact is that, even though the bill is deeply flawed, it provides pretty much nothing but good news for American citizens. Opposing it - unless you're opposed to the 99 percent getting a fair shake (hmmm?, who could those opponents be?) or you're just dead-set on seeing this president fail (hmmm? again) - is like opposing free chocolate sundaes or bonus checks from your employer. When you can't sell Christmas to a six year-old, maybe you should get out of the Santa business, eh?
Obama appears to have also been the last person in America to understand the vicious nature of today's so-called conservatives. Generally, I think his incompetence as president is overstated. Too often, it's the excuse suckered liberals give themselves for the cognitive dissonance they experience when they look at how corporate and conservative and militant and statist their hero's actual policies are. But health care may be a case where this is an accurate portrait. I suspect he was actually dumb enough - as if he, like Sarah Palin, had simply not been paying the remotest attention to the government shutdowns, the impeachment of Clinton, the 2000 election, the Swiftboating of John Kerry and Max Cleland, and the rest of American history these last thirty years - to believe that he could find some moderate Republicans, compromise with them and get their vote. And I also think he is the most inept owner of the bully pulpit since George III. All during the year (year!) of legislating health care, this administration completely ceded the high ground, low ground, and everything in-between ground to the bellowing, foaming-at-the-mouth, blatantly lying (remember death panels?), corporate-sponsored, Koch Brothers-funded, Tea Party idiot right. And all during this last year they've done exactly the same thing while the four or six or ten Republican presidential candidates running at any given time have trashed the bill relentlessly, with nary a counter peep from Barack and his communications wizards. Gee, is it shocking under those conditions that the American public doesn't understand the bill, or that they oppose it? Is it such a leap to imagine that such public sentiments have given license (as if they needed it) to the same five hacks-in-black-robes who gave us Bush v. Gore and Citizens United to legislate from the bench as the most activist court in perhaps all of American history and strike down the legislation wholesale?
Which brings us to even deeper maladies being suffered by the body politic. This debacle demonstrates in full the degree to which the American political system is completely broken. But, alas, not in the way people think, which leads to the possibility (and, given the events of the last thirty years, the likelihood) that in the coming years we will simply compound our problems in response to these indicators, by simply going further in the direction of our systemic carnage, rather than running as fast as we can the other way. There are four main issues here, and none of them are peripheral or symptomatic - each of these go to the core dysfunctionality of the American political system. They are: the American presidential system, its electoral system, the extensive use of judicial review, and the kleptocratic ownership of the state.
Americans revere their Constitution, but they mostly don't know why. Just like we grow up Catholics or Mets fans or anti-communists, we just by-and-large think what we're told to think and do what we're told to do, never stopping to ask the big Why? questions. As a political scientist, I do admire certain feats of engineering embodied in the Constitution, and the clever solutions these provided to otherwise intractable problems at the time of the Founders. And as a citizen, I admire parts of the document - such as the Bill of Rights - very much, especially given the era from which they emerged.
However, one of the handful of most salient ideas of the Constitution is a bad one, as has becomes increasingly evident in our time for anyone who cares to look. This is the notion of separation of powers, along with the twin concept of checks and balances. I suspect most Americans don't even realize that you don't have to structure your political regime this way in order to have a democracy, and in fact, most democracies don't. They use a parliamentary system instead, rather than our model, which is referred to as a presidential system. What's the difference? Well, in a parliamentary system, you have one singular government responsible for governing. The executive function (prime minister and cabinet) emerges directly out of the legislative function (parliament) to which it is permanently fused, and, meanwhile, there typically is no judiciary with the power to speak to legislative matters. That means, quite simply, that the undivided government governs, unimpeded by anything other than the criticisms of the media and the opposition, and how its work plays with public opinion. It gets things done - none of the divided government plaguing the American system so badly today - and if the public approves, it gets another term. If not, it doesn't.
It's a simple straightforward concept that fully embodies the notion of responsible government, thus permitting accountability and, ultimately, real functioning democracy. Contrast that with the American system. Is there anybody in the US who isn't unhappy with the current government? Maybe that one guy in Nebraska, but he's been off his meds for years now. Or the woman in Florida with the sixty-seven cats. Otherwise, though, the remaining three hundred million of us are pretty much sickened by Washington. So what do we do? Well, throw the bums out, of course, and replace them with some new bums. But think about what that would mean today. We would be replacing a Republican House with a Democratic one, a Democratic Senate (with an insufficiently large enough majority to do anything) with a Republican Senate of the same gridlocked structure, and a right-wing Democratic president with a Republican president. Wow! That'd be a relief, eh?! What a difference that would make! What a prescription for boldly launching the future!
We are, of course, a million miles away from shredding the worshiped Constitution (and a change of this magnitude to such a core item would indeed represent something of a shred, starting with Articles One, Two and Three), and even further from possibly imagining that foreign people - let alone those squishy European bastards who inconveniently live healthier, happier and longer lives - could teach us anything about anything. But, that said - since we're just talking among friends here - one of the greatest gifts we could give ourselves at this point would be a parliamentary system and the gift of responsible government. Then, when we're not happy with any particular government we've got, we can make a change at the ballot box which might actually result in a genuine change of direction.
Assuming, that is, that there is an alternative to be chosen. If, on the other hand, you have an electoral system like ours, you can have parliamentary government and yet may still be left with only two parties to pick from. Worse still, on fundamental issues like foreign policy and the distribution of wealth in the society, the parties may be identical enough (or just owned enough) so as to offer no real choice at all. Hello! Can you say "America 2012"? There are a lot of systemic reasons for this duopoly we've produced in American politics, but the chief one is our use of the winner-take-all district model electoral system - which will tend to produce two dominant parties over the long-haul wherever it is employed - instead of a proportional representation system, which does not. Again, god forbid Americans should learn anything from anyone else, but if we did stoop that low, we might want to think about revising our electoral system (which would not require Constitutional amendment). It would do us a world of good, not only by giving us multiple and genuine choices at the ballot box, but also by injecting alternative ideas into our poverty-stricken political discourse.
Meanwhile, if we return to the separation of powers problem again for a moment, we encounter another severe problem which is a natural artifact of that system. If you're going to have separate branches of government, each with the capacity to check and balance against each other, that means your judiciary pretty much needs to have the power known as judicial review in order to be a meaningful player in that contest. This term refers to the capacity to strike down legislation produced by the other two branches. Again, this is - especially to the degree with which it is practiced here - a fairly peculiarly American idea. In most other democracies, parliament rules. Period, full stop. Not here.
Does judicial review makes sense? I can see two domains where it does, though often (like now) only in a theoretical sense: civil rights and civil liberties. Stupid and angry politicians, often reacting to the stupid and angry sentiments of the public, almost never fail to relieve minorities of their rights and deny individuals the human rights (little things like due process, and so on) they are otherwise entitled to possess. All too often, in short, it's just plain politically popular to be mean and bigoted and 'legally' violent, and democratically elected governments will readily oblige a lathered up public (when politicians aren't in fact whipping up voters themselves - remember McCarthyism? the war on drugs? gay marriage?). Who will stop them from doing this? Theoretically (meaning, only if they happen to be so disposed - just the opposite of our condition today with the regressive majority on the Supreme Court), courts populated by justice-seeking and principle-protecting judges will do so, judges who also happen to be insulated from the public wrath by lifetime terms. They can afford to stand on lofty principles when the political branches are assembled into a lynch party. There is definite wisdom to this concept, though no guarantees. Do you see Justice Scalia, for example, slapping down Congress for depriving African Americans or women of their Constitutionally-guaranteed rights? I rest my case.
Apart from those two areas, however, I would argue that the very notion of judicial review is a disaster, because it is profoundly undemocratic. That was perhaps never more evident than it is now, as the rump majority of this extremely activist Court is preparing to fully legislate from the bench - in full contradiction of their own fervently argued 'principles' of federalism and judicial restraint from previous cases no less - by overturning not just the individual mandate part of Obama's bill, but all of it. And apparently - judging from Scalia's comments - they'll be doing so without even reading the legislation, and certainly without understanding it. I see little difference between such a governing structure and the essence of monarchy. In both cases you have political decision-makers who have not been chosen by the public, serving life terms, making legislative decisions in secret, unaccountable and nonreplacable, making policy on high and dictating it to the masses without fear of consequence. What possible relationship does that bear to anything one could plausibly label as democracy? The question answers itself. It also therefore reminds us that the third major political malady infecting our system is the expanded and profoundly undemocratic notion of judicial review.
Notwithstanding these structural handicaps, the American political system has nevertheless been moderately successful at negotiating the rocky shoals of policy-making over the last two-plus centuries. There have been, to be sure, some glaring inadequacies and the occasional near-fatal meltdown. But people ultimately vote with their feet, and something chronically broken would ultimately be unlikely to have seen that many candles on its birthday cake. In that same two hundred year-plus time period, for example, the French have had five republics (along with several iterations of empires and monarchies). But after one false start (the Articles of Confederation), the American regime has remained more or less intact for more than twenty decades, though it is manifestly broken today. Calling the federal government dysfunctional would be an act of charity.
But there is one last peril that threatens American democracy today, to a degree not seen for at least a century, and to the extent that the term democracy itself becomes a rather dubious appellation for the system we live under. Let's just be honest, shall we? - if for no other reason than the refreshing novelty of doing so: Fundamentally, the representatives in our 'representative government' don't represent you and me. They represent the one percent. You can play all the games you want about how campaigns are funded, and spin all the tall tales you need to about how money 'only' buys access, not Congressional votes, but the real system of pay-to-play is transparently obvious to anyone willing to risk even a sidelong glance at the emperor's new clothes. It's just that simple and just that broken. The only place American representative democracy exists anymore today is in eighth-grade civics textbooks.
General governance mechanics are important, as I've noted at some length above, and there are campaign finance systems that are way better than others at promoting true democratic representation, to be sure. But at the bottom of the pile of political engineering problems lies human nature. If we allow greed to control our public sphere, we will wind up with a government representing the one percent and not the ninety-nine percent. Indeed, it will be a government very much intentionally governing at the expense of the ninety-nine percent. We will wind up with a political system that is completely dysfunctional, except for purposes of the wholesale transfer of wealth upwards. We will wind up with policies in every domain - from national security to tobacco policy to guns, prisons and taxes and far beyond - that reflects the needs of the special monied interests over the public interest. And we will end up with a health care system whose purpose is not to provide health, but rather to enrich insurance and pharmaceutical corporations.
Hey, what the hell am I doing, saying "We will..."? Strike that.
We have.
Welcome to America, 2012.
Here's to your good health.