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One Certainty About Israel’s Attack on Iran? We in the US Must Try to Stop It
Whatever the president or the secretary of state or any other official says or refuses to say, Washington is supplying the weapons and preventing accountability for Israel’s wars.
Jun 13, 2025
Israel’s attack on Iran opens a huge danger—a predictable pattern of escalation ushering in a new phase of the long-standing crises roiling the Middle East region. Certainly Israel has a long history of attacking Iran—including bombing raids; assassinations of political and military leaders as well as nuclear scientists; cyberattacks; assaults on Iranian allies in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen, and beyond—and Iran has on occasion struck back. But although it is too soon to know exactly how this will play out, this latest assault holds the prospect of full-scale war between the two strongest military forces in the region, one of them backed by the strongest military power in the world.
The specific role of the United States in the first hours and days of Israel’s war against Iran remains uncertain; we don’t know if U.S. forces were directly involved, whether or how much the Israelis relied on U.S. intelligence or other immediate assistance in carrying out the assaults on Tehran and other cities across Iran. What we do know is that Israel has always been able to count on continuing U.S. backing—economic, political, diplomatic as well as military—whether or not any particular White House administration supported or disagreed with any particular military attack, and whether or not that support involved direct U.S. military participation.
Beyond that, we can examine what we know about Israel’s (still-underway) attack on Iran, what we know about U.S.-Israeli relations that shape how we understand the U.S. role, what we don’t know yet, and what may lie ahead.
What We Know About Israel’s Attack on Iran
On Thursday night, June 12, Israel attacked nuclear facilities and other targets across Iran. It attacked the nuclear facility at Natanz, but did not go after the deeply-buried and thus well-protected Fordow fuel enrichment plant until the next day. The United Nation’s nuclear watchdog agency, the International Atomic Energy Agency, confirmed that conditions at Natanz were safe, with no evidence of radiation leakage. The impact of the attack on Fordow is not yet clear.
While a full report of casualties—military, civilian, scientific, children and more—is not yet available, we know there were explosions all over Tehran and in other cities across Iran. The Israeli strikes killed at least six nuclear scientists, unknown numbers of ordinary civilians including children, and important military leaders, including the chief of staff of Iran’s army and Ali Shakhani, who served as the main liaison between Iran’s top leader, Ali Khamenei, and the diplomatic team meeting with U.S. negotiators. Israeli officials bragged of having had agents of the Mossad, Israel’s international intelligence force, on the ground setting drone targets long before the attack began. While Iran’s initial response involved 100 drones that were all reportedly destroyed by Israel’s anti-aircraft systems, subsequent Iranian attacks have caused damage and injuries in Israeli cities.
We know that there is only one nuclear weapons state in the Middle East region. Israel maintains an arsenal that reportedly includes at least 90 nuclear weapons, and while it is widely known as one of the nine nuclear weapons states in the world, it is the only one that refuses to confirm or deny its arsenal. Iran has no nuclear weapons, and does not have a program to create such a weapon.
Israel remains the main destabilizing force in the Middle East.
We also know that while President Donald Trump abandoned the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, known as the JCPOA, in 2018, he has shown an eagerness to return to some version of a deal based on the same principles—the U.S. ending sanctions in exchange for Iran not getting a nuclear bomb. The long-standing obstacle to such an agreement was always Israel—which insisted that Iran be denied not just a nuclear weapon but any nuclear enrichment capacity, including civilian uses. Until just a few weeks ago, Trump had maintained the demand that Iran be denied a nuclear weapon in return for lifting sanctions, which Israel continued to reject as insufficient. In the last two weeks, Trump and others in the White House began to switch back and forth between the long-standing U.S. position and the Israeli demand, something they knew would be impossible for Iran to accept.
Before the June 12 attack, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was near the nadir of his popularity. He was close to facing the collapse of his government—and we know that citing Iran as an ostensibly “existential threat” to Israel, and claiming to be the only one capable of dealing with it, has always been at the core of his political career. On the morning of the Israeli assault, just hours before the missiles took off toward Iran, the Knesset rejected a no-confidence resolution brought by the opposition. That gives Netanyahu six months before another such resolution can be put forward. Whether it’s his political survival (he faces several trials and a likely jail term once he is out of office) or his long-standing commitment to challenging Iran at the top of his list, both were almost certainly part of the decision to launch this war.
We know that the U.S. government knew about the Israeli plans ahead of time—that was evident in Washington’s highly publicized decision to withdraw nonessential embassy staff, military families, and others from the region, citing the expectation of danger. The first acknowledgement of the Israeli assault came not from the White House but from the State Department, just a couple of hours into Israel’s bombing. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s statement focused on the claim that essentially “we didn’t do it,” and that Washington’s only interest was in keeping U.S. personnel safe. His statement urged Iran not to attack U.S. people or facilities because, you know, “we didn’t do it.” Significantly, it did not mention Israel, did not express the usual—however pro forma—expression of “we support Israel.” Trump, some hours later, wrote on Truth Social that he had told Netanyahu not to do it, and added that of course we support Israel. He did not, however, specify support for Israel’s actions against Iran.
And finally we know that this war stands to create new disasters across the region—most especially for Gaza. Because with the world’s attention pivoting to Israel’s war against Iran, the need to end the on-going genocide in Gaza is likely to slip far from the center of attention where it needs to be.
What We’ve Always Known About the Israel-Iran-U.S. Relationship
Washington has for decades provided Israel with enormous levels of military support, including the most powerful weapons short of nuclear weapons in the U.S. arsenal. For decades Congress and multiple administrations have guaranteed billions of dollars in military aid to Israel every year. In the last 20 months of Israel’s genocide in Gaza, that aid has skyrocketed. In 2024 alone, Israel provided Israel with almost $18 billion to purchase warplanes, tank ammunition, and thousands of bombs, including the massive bunker-buster bombs that Israel used in Gaza, but could also use against the hardened Fordow nuclear site just a few miles from Qom, Iran’s religious center. U.S. taxpayers paid 40% of Israel’s entire military spending that year—so regardless of whether or when U.S. officials knew of, or approved of Israel’s attack on Iran, there is no question that U.S. support still made it possible.
We also know that despite its recent massive attacks against countries and forces linked in some way to Iran—Hezbollah in Lebanon, Syria since the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad, the Houthis in Yemen, and of course Hamas in Gaza (whose earlier ties to Iran were largely eroded)—leaving them significantly weakened militarily, Israel remains very isolated in the region. For example, Trump launched the Abraham Accords in his first term—agreements for Arab states to gain increased access to U.S. weapons sales in return for normalizing relations with Israel. Now Trump still favors the Gulf States, but he’s abandoned the condition that they be friendly with Israel—convenient for Arab governments given the public outrage toward Israel because of its genocide in Gaza. Trump’s willingness to leave Israel off the table as a condition for privileged access meant he did not even visit Israel on his recent trip to the Middle East—stopping in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE.
What We Don’t Know
We don’t know for sure whether Rubio’s “we didn’t do it” and don’t mention Israel, or Trump’s “I told them not to” and “of course we support Israel…” statement most accurately reflects U.S. policy. We don’t know if Trump even saw Rubio’s statement, issued hours before the president’s own. Neither even hinted at any serious pressure to prevent an Israeli assault on Iran—and we know that U.S. military aid remains intact regardless of Israeli actions U.S. presidents may not like.
We know Netanyahu strengthens his domestic political position by attacking Iran, and that some Israeli officials believe a provocative attack leading to Iranian retaliation might bring the U.S. into the war. Those are likely both part of Netanyahu’s calculus—but we don’t know which is more important.
With the world’s attention pivoting to Israel’s war against Iran, the need to end the on-going genocide in Gaza is likely to slip far from the center of attention where it needs to be.
There are thousands of U.S. troops stationed in the region—a small number in Israel but thousands in surrounding countries. Right now the U.S. is sending two additional destroyers to the coast of Israel. While a military response from Iran is already underway, we don’t know if they will make good on their threat to attack U.S. targets as well as Israeli—and if they do, will the U.S. move from behind-the-scenes to direct military involvement, perhaps including airstrikes or troops on the ground?
What we do know is that Israel remains the main destabilizing force in the Middle East. Just in the last 20 months it has attacked and occupied new swathes of territory in Lebanon, Syria, the West Bank, and is carrying out a genocide in Gaza. It has bombed Iraq and Yemen. And now it is raising the level of instability to a qualitatively new level, directly confronting the other most powerful military and political force in the region.
As is true with Gaza, we in the United States bear a particular responsibility to try to stop it—because, whatever the president or the secretary of state or any other official says or refuses to say, Washington is supplying the weapons and preventing accountability for Israel’s wars. We have a lot of work to do.
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No War With Iran!
The region and the world cannot afford another war. Congress must make it clear the U.S. will not be dragged into the conflict by Israel, invoking the War Powers Act to reassert its power over declaring war, which the Constitution specifically assigns to Congress, not the president.
Jun 13, 2025
Israel has attacked Iran once again, allegedly hitting dozens of targets including nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities, say Israeli officials. They also say this is not a one day attack, and that they have a high degree of confidence that the attacks, dubbed “Rising Lion,” took out senior Iranian military and nuclear officials.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio issued a brief statement saying Israel acted unilaterally, and, unusually for a U.S. government statement, did not express support for Israel or its actions, stressing concern for U.S. military forces in the region, and that Iran should not target them. Numerous members of Congress are wisely expressing grave concerns.
If Trump was sincere in his warnings to Israel not to attack Iran, this situation once again shows the limits of President Trump’s alleged skills as a dealmaker. This problem lies at his feet, as he petulantly pulled the U.S. out of the 2015 Iran anti-nuclear agreement, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) negotiated by President Obama, the U.N. and other nations with Iran, and approved by Congress. The JCPOA was by all accounts working to cap Iran’s nuclear program well short of attaining The Bomb.
Reportedly, earlier this week Trump told Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to end the war in Gaza, and not to attack Iran. Clearly, that fell on deaf ears.The timing of the attack came just days before the sixth round of negotiations on a potential new deal to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability (which Iran has consistently disavowed it is seeking for well over a decade now) scheduled for Sunday in Oman.
As our colleague organization NIAC (National Iranian-American Council) just stated, “The Israeli government has claimed this is a 'preemptive' action, but the only thing they are preempting is a peaceful diplomatic solution, which was always the true threat to warmongers like Netanyahu. Iran was not attacking, nor was it building a nuclear weapon. This strike was UNPROVOKED and ILLEGAL under international law. It has needlessly put many innocent people in mortal danger.”
Needless to say, the region and the world cannot afford another war. Congress must make it clear the U.S. will not be dragged into the conflict by Israel, invoking the War Powers Act to reassert its power over declaring war, which the Constitution specifically assigns to Congress, not the president. Trump, Rubio, and special Middle East Envoy Steve Witkoff must use all available diplomatic levers to get Israel to cease and desist, and urge Iran not to retaliate, lest this dangerous situation spiral out of control. The U.N. and any other parties that can help de-escalate should be mobilized.
Emergency protests have been called for Friday at the Israeli Embassy in Washington and JFK Federal Building in Boston, and others may be organized. And this Saturday’s nearly 2000 No Kings Day rallies across the U.S. should include a call for peace, between Israel and Iran, and for an end to the genocide in Gaza.
The region and the world need peacemakers—now.
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US Progressives Say Stop Supporting 'Rogue Genocidal Regime' After Israel's Unprovoked Attack on Iran
"Trump must act immediately to suspend all military support to Israel and stop allowing U.S. arms to fuel war crimes, mass civilian death, and regional collapse," said one critic.
Jun 13, 2025
Progressive U.S. lawmakers and human rights defenders demanded an end to unconditional American armed and diplomatic support for Israel after it launched a series of attacks on Iran early Friday, reportedly killing senior military officials and civilians including nuclear scientists, women, and children in a dramatic escalation that Iranian leaders vowed to avenge.
Israeli forces carried out at least five waves of airstrikes targeting not only Iran's nuclear facilities but also its military leadership and capabilities, Al Jazeerareported. In addition to airstrikes, Israeli and international media reported that operatives from Mossad, Israel's foreign spy agency, also conducted assassination and sabotage attacks in Iran.
The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) claimed that Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Commander-in-Chief Major Gen. Hossein Salami and Iranian Armed Forces Chief of Staff Major Gen. Mohammad Bagheri were assassinated, as were numerous Iranian nuclear scientists.
IDF attacks targeted cities including the capital Tehran, Natanz, Isfahan, Arak, Tabriz, and Kermanshah. Iranian television reports showed bombed-out apartment towers and said that an unknown number of civilians including women and children were killed in the strikes.
The attack on Natanz—home to Iran's primary nuclear enrichment facility—sparked fears of radiological contamination.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called the attack—dubbed Operation Rising Lion—a "preemptive strike," a dubious form of warfare previously waged by forces including imperial Japan during the bombing of Pearl Harbor and the George W. Bush administration in Iraq.
Israeli President Isaac Herzog said the attacks were meant to "neutralize an immediate and existential threat to our people," an apparent reference to Iran's nuclear program. Successive U.S. administrations including President Donald Trump's have concluded for decades that Iran is not trying to develop nuclear weapons.
During his first term, Trump unilaterally abrogated the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, also known as the Iran nuclear deal.
Last year, Israel and Iran carried out limited tit-for-tat attacks following the former's assassination of Hassan Nasrallah, who led the Lebanon-based resistance group Hezbollah, and Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh.
This time, Iranian leaders vowed "severe punishment," with fears that the U.S. could be targeted due to its staunch support for Israel as it wages what the international community increasingly views as a genocidal war on Gaza. While U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio claimed that his country was not involved in the attacks, Israeli officials insisted there was close coordination with the Trump administration.
Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei said Friday that "in the early hours of today, the Zionist regime extended its filthy and bloodstained hand to commit a crime in our beloved country, exposing its vile nature more than ever by targeting residential areas."
"With this crime, the Zionist regime has prepared a bitter and painful fate for itself—and it will undoubtedly face it," Khamenei added.
As the world braced for Iran's response to the attacks, U.S. progressives called for a diplomatic solution and an end to American support for Israel.
"The Israeli government bombing Iran is a dangerous escalation that could lead to regional war," Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.) said on social media.
Tlaib asserted that Netanyahu, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza and is facing a domestic criminal corruption trial, "will do anything to maintain his grip on power."
"We cannot let him drag our country into a war with Iran," she added. "Our government must stop funding and supporting this rogue genocidal regime."
Referring to negotiations on a new Iran nuclear deal, Congresswoman Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) said: "Just as talks with Iran were set to resume, Netanyahu launches a strike and declares a state of emergency. He is provoking a war Americans don't want."
"We should not allow ourselves to be dragged into yet another conflict, against our will, by a foreign leader pursuing his own agenda of death and destruction," Omar added.
The U.S.-based peace group CodePink—some of whose members held an emergency protest outside the White House in Washington, D.C.—said that it "strongly condemn[s] Israel's unprovoked and reckless attack on Iran, which risks igniting a catastrophic regional war."
"This dangerous escalation threatens millions of lives across the entire Middle East," the group added. "The U.S. must not continue to support and enable this illegal act of aggression."
CodePink co-founder Medea Benjamin said: "It's horrific that Israel is bombing yet another country. And Trump calls himself a peace president? He knew this was coming and stood by. This is entirely out of step with the will of the American people."
"The whole world is desperate for peace in the Middle East, and instead, Israel decides to move the region closer to World War III," Benjamin added.
Noting that nuclear talks with Iran were set to resume this weekend, the National Iranian American Council (NIAC) said that "this is an attack on peace and diplomacy."
"Israeli political officials have demonstrated that U.S. diplomacy and a peaceful resolution with Iran is what they consider to be the true threats," NIAC asserted.
"This much is clear: This is a war of choice, and an illegal and unprovoked attack," NIAC added. "Trump must weigh in to stop this conflict before it spirals out of control, and to preserve the chance of maintaining diplomatic offramps."
Michael Schaeffer Omer-Man, Israel-Palestine director at the advocacy group Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN), contended that "Israel deciding to launch a war against Iran at the very same time it faces unprecedented international isolation and pressure over its genocide in Gaza is a nightmarish outcome of impunity."
DAWN executive director Sarah Leah Whitson said that "Israel has committed an unlawful, unprovoked attack on Iran to undermine the growing global efforts to sanction it for its illegal occupation and to disrupt Trump's efforts to independently pursue America’s interests via diplomacy."
Nihad Awad, national executive director at the Council on American Islamic Relations, issued the following statement:
We condemn Israel's offensive strike on Iran and the broader pattern of aggression it represents. Netanyahu is using American weapons and taxpayer dollars to launch illegal and destabilizing wars across the region. President Trump must act immediately to suspend all military support to Israel and stop allowing U.S. arms to fuel war crimes, mass civilian death, and regional collapse. Secretary Rubio's statement confirms what we already knew—Israel is acting recklessly, and the U.S. is letting it happen.
CodePink noted that "in the past month and a half alone, Israel has bombed Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, and Iran."
"There is no other choice," the group added, "ARMS EMBARGO NOW!"
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