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"If we're gonna win, the only path is representing regular, everyday Americans who are about to get screwed by Trump and the oligarchs," said the head of Our Revolution.
Amid intense nationwide debates about what Democrats should learn from devastating electoral losses to Republicans last November, progressive groups on Monday night held a two-hour virtual forum for candidates seeking Democratic National Committee leadership roles.
"This forum is different than the official Democratic forums that are now underway," Joseph Geevarghese, executive director of Our Revolution, said in his opening remarks. His group organized the event with Progressive Democrats of America (PDA), RootsAction, and the State Democratic Party Progressive Network.
These organizations "represent the progressive, working-class base, the Warren-Sanders wing, of the Democratic Party," said Geevarghese, referring to U.S. Sens. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) and Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), whose 2016 presidential campaign led to the formation of Our Revolution.
Participants in Monday's forum are preparing to face off against a Republican-controlled Congress and U.S. President-elect Donald Trump, who is set to be sworn in next week. Since the GOP's November victories, Sanders, who caucuses with Democrats, has been a leading critic of, in his words, "the big money interests and well-paid consultants who control the Democratic Party."
Geevarghese similarly said Monday that "we don't believe, I don't believe, that the corporate hacks who got this party into trouble in the first place are gonna be the ones to save us," and "we need a Democratic Party that is on the side of America's working class."
"Give up on being the corporate party. Trump has got that locked up," he urged party leadership. "If we're gonna win, the only path is representing regular, everyday Americans who are about to get screwed by Trump and the oligarchs."
The DNC elections are scheduled for February 1, and The American Prospect last week published a previously secret list of "448 active members of the national committee, including 200 elected members from 57 states, territories, and Democrats Abroad; members representing 16 affiliate groups; and 73 'at-large' members who were elected as a slate appointed in 2021 by the party chairman, Jaime Harrison."
Harrison, who has been hostile to arguments that Democrats lost last year because working-class voters felt abandoned by them, is not seeking another term. Seven candidates to replace him joined Monday's forum: Quintessa Hathaway, Ken Martin, Martin O'Malley, Jason Paul, James Skoufis, Ben Wikler, and Marianne Williamson. Robert Kennedy Houton and Nate Snyder did not participate in the livestreamed event, which had over 25,000 viewers and is available below.
Since last month, Our Revolution has been circulating a petition that calls on Democratic Party leaders to adopt four key reforms: ban dark money in primaries and reject corporate money; invest in state parties and grassroots organizing; make the budget transparent and hold consultants accountable; and adopt a progressive platform and small-donor democracy.
During the forum, chair candidates were asked what they planned to do to curb the influence of corporate interests and lobbyists in the party, particularly dark money political action committees (PACs).
"We need to make sure we call out the dark money in our politics, and it's corrosive," said Martin, who chairs Minnesota's Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party and is endorsed by several key Democrats from his state. "These billionaire donors and these large corporations who are trying to essentially subvert the will of the people, they do it by buying people off."
Martin said the party must ensure "that we are only taking money from people and entities that share our values" and pledged that under his leadership, the DNC wouldn't take money from corporations that are union-busting or "preying on" the most vulnerable people in U.S. communities, and would focus on small-dollar donor programs.
Wikler, who chairs the Wisconsin Democratic Party, called for building "a party strong enough to be able to resist the people who are trying to ransack this nation top to bottom, to divide us across our identities, to divide us by cutting us apart, in order to rip off everybody, no matter what our skin color is, no matter who we love, no matter how we pray or whether we pray."
He suggested that Democrats can fight big money in politics "by choosing the fights that we fight and choosing those not based on who's making donations, but choosing those based on actually delivering change in the lives of working people, and stopping the far-right ultrawealthy from rigging this country to ensure that working people don't have a voice."
Wikler is backed by key leaders in his state plus Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.). He and Martin are widely seen as front-runners in the chair race, though Wikler has faced some scrutiny for his relationship with billionaire LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman, who has poured millions into Wisconsin politics.
Chair candidates were also asked about whether to reform the process for at-large members, and the responses were mixed, with some supporting a change to the bylaws and others favoring the current approach but recognizing the importance of being thoughtful about appointments.
The forum also featured remarks from two potential vice chairs, Shasti Conrad and James Zogby, as well as Jane Kleeb, who is running to head the Association of State Democratic Committees (ASDC), currently led by Martin.
Zogby is the founder of the Arab American Institute, a strong advocate of progressive priorities including Palestinian rights, and a longtime DNC member. He explained Monday that although he initially considered stepping aside after the last cycle, "to this day, I'm the only Arab American in a leadership role in the party and I'm not giving it up."
Sharing some of his frustrating experiences at the DNC over the past three decades, Zogby said that "we need accountability and transparency," particularly with the budget. He railed against a "sick, corrupt system" in which consultants "never lose an election" because they make money either way and called for investments in state parties.
In a Monday opinion piece published by Common Dreams hours before the forum, PDA executive director Alan Minsky wrote that "rank-and-file Democrats want a progressive party. Unfortunately, the defining feature of American politics in the neoliberal era is that money matters more than people. The heretofore dominant wing of the Democratic Party, aka the party 'establishment,' is first and foremost a money-raising behemoth."
"This is why progressives must bring their A-game," he argued. "Many party loyalists embrace centrist policies out of a misguided notion of pragmatism. Our goal is not to chase these Democrats away, but to persuade them to support something more ambitious and inspiring. We have a very compelling case to make on all fronts. We can win them over."
Calls for major shifts within the party aren't just happening in and around events for potential Democratic leaders—who participated in the first DNC-sanctioned forum on Saturday and are set to join another one co-hosted by Politico in Michigan on Thursday.
As Common Dreamsreported earlier Tuesday, the Sunrise Movement, a youth-led climate group, and several allied organizations, launched an open letter calling on DNC leadership candidates to revive a ban on corporate donations to the committee and to prohibit super PAC spending in Democratic primaries.
Also on Tuesday, the PAC Justice Democrats—which helped elect leaders like Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Greg Casar (D-Texas) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (N.Y.)—launched a 50-state effort to recruit "everyday, working-class people to run for Congress after a cycle of unprecedented spending from the billionaire class and right-wing super PACs in Democratic primaries."
"Until party leadership leads the way to take big money out of politics, ends the billionaire influence over our elections and policies, and puts the needs of working-class people back at the center of its agenda," said Justice Democrats, "voters will see its populist platitudes as lip service."
This moment of crisis is an opportunity to get the party on track. We should not squander it.
Once again, the Democratic Party is in crisis.
Activists both inside and outside the party have a big question to answer: Do insiders pivot to the center or the left? Do outsiders join the party or abandon it?
In both cases, the choice should be obvious: embrace the progressive economic agenda (move left) and enter the party en masse.
This moment of crisis is an opportunity to get the party on track, to turn it into what people want and need. Indeed, the table is set for us to transform American politics and save our democracy.
Beginning with the 2016 election, the American political system became defined by three competing blocks squeezed into a two-party system:
1. On the right, the Trumpian reactionaries,
2. In the middle, the neoliberal status quo, running from the Clinton-wing of the Democratic Party through the Romney-wing of the GOP
3. On the left, the progressives, defined by Sen. Bernie Sanders' insurgent presidential campaigns.
This new tripartite competition represented a sharp break from the neoliberal consensus that had defined both parties from 1992 through 2015. The abrupt shift in 2016 was the result of widespread dissatisfaction with a contemporary economic order defined by massive wealth inequality and, for the vast majority of the population, increasingly limited horizons, a life of overwork combined with non-stop precarity.
Trump will fail to provide the epoch-defining, shared economic prosperity he has promised the public. Rather, economic outcomes will be familiar, only more so: the few winners will win bigger, while the masses will continue to struggle just to tread water.
Now, for the second time in eight years, Trump and his minions will have power in Washington. And for the second time, in all likelihood, they will fail to alter how the economy performs for the average household.
The reasons for this are simple. To date, in a modern industrialized/technological society like ours, there is only one set of economic strategies that has been proven to constrain wealth disparity and distribute greater benefits to the majority of the population. This successful model was pioneered by FDR during the New Deal era. Then, after World War II, it was pursued in all the other prosperous democracies around the world. Broadly speaking, this is the program re-introduced to the American public by Bernie Sanders and the progressives, albeit updated for the 21st century.
The economic crises of the 1970s, created an opportunity for President Ronald Reagan to take American economic policy in a new direction in the 1980s, with less direct government intervention and more reliance on markets to determine how society made and spent its wealth. With President Clinton in the 1990s, the Democratic Party effectively dropped its opposition to the core tenets of Reaganomics, embracing what came to be known as neoliberalism. Then, in 2008, the entire global neoliberal financial system essentially imploded—and, while political leaders and economic elites tried to put Humpty-Dumpty back together again, the public has remained recalcitrant, viewing the whole system as rigged for the already wealthy and their sycophants—which sounds a lot like something Donald Trump might say. But do his policies really break with a system that benefits rich people like him?
Trump's program, while moving away from neoliberal orthodoxy in a few ways (trade policy, immigration), keeps the basic architecture intact, and doubles down on some core neoliberal policies: tax cuts for the wealthy, accelerated deregulation, and the defunding of state programs. This is why Trump will fail to provide the epoch-defining, shared economic prosperity he has promised the public. Rather, economic outcomes will be familiar, only more so: the few winners will win bigger, while the masses will continue to struggle just to tread water.
However, Trump is intent on fulfilling other campaign promises that will transform American society. His cabinet nominees show that he is serious about establishing an authoritarian state apparatus intolerant of dissent.
This is why the current fight for the soul of the Democratic Party is so essential.
If the Moderates triumph and Democrats remain the party of the status quo, clinging to a zombie ideology that cannot deliver what Americans want and expect from life—it will not be able to vanquish reactionary populism. The constitutional republic will, at best, remain in peril.
The only choice for the Democratic Party if it hopes to succeed is to reject the political establishment, and embrace progressive economic principles, such as those listed in PDA’s 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights. Registered Democrats overwhelmingly support each item of this ambitious progressive agenda. Indeed, the most coveted of all demographics, Young Americans enthusiastically embrace this program by similar margins.
So, this should be straightforward. Rank-and-file Democrats want a progressive party. Unfortunately, the defining feature of American politics in the neoliberal era is that money matters more than people. The heretofore dominant wing of the Democratic Party, aka the Party ''establishment,'' is first-and foremost a money-raising behemoth.
This is why progressives must bring their A game. Many party loyalists embrace centrist policies out of a misguided notion of pragmatism. Our goal is not to chase these Democrats away, but to persuade them to support something more ambitious and inspiring. We have a very compelling case to make on all fronts. We can win them over.
We must reject the influence of big money, demand its removal from political campaigns, and limit its role in lobbying to a level commensurate with what an average household, or small business, can afford annually.
Similarly, we have to welcome outsiders into the party, assuring them that a progressive Democratic Party will be all-inclusive and will listen to its members.
At the same time, we must be unwavering in our commitments. Perhaps most significantly, we must reject the influence of big money, demand its removal from political campaigns, and limit its role in lobbying to a level commensurate with what an average household, or small business, can afford annually.
Yet, we have to be humble about the task ahead. The capitalism of the 2020s is very different from that of the 1930's—and transforming the economy on the order of FDR or Reagan requires extended political success, as well as buy-in from people and sectors across the society.
But we also shouldn’t sell ourselves short. We are promising an unrivaled reward for everyone who joins with us. The opportunity to make history, to be a part of something bigger than ourselves; to establish the world’s first multi-racial democracy in the most diverse country in human history, a society that will stand apart in a globalized world, as the rejoinder to ethno-nationalism and fascism, informed by the collective wisdom of all the world’s cultures; a land of unprecedented wealth, well-distributed among its citizens, and of limitless opportunity; home to the world’s leading universities, with unparalleled research capacity; a strong country at peace with the world, in harmony with the planet; a society of equals; a democracy; an America as good as its promise.
The first step to getting there is for one of the two dominant political parties to embrace the progressive economic policy program, which has a proven track-record and can deliver the prosperous middle-class society that Americans crave.
In a forthcoming article, I will explain why mass participation and direct engagement with the Democratic Party is essential to the success of this program and the maintenance of American democracy.
Join PDA’s efforts to create a truly progressive Democratic Party, which we desperately need at this crucial hour of our history.
"If we're going to take back the Democratic majority," said historian Harvey J. Kaye, "we're going to have to take back the people who literally abandoned the party because they felt abandoned."
On the eve of the Democratic National Convention, progressive organizers, scholars, and policymakers gathered in Chicago to discuss what matters most to working-class people across the United States and how to pressure elected Democrats to embrace and enact bold solutions.
The two-day event—billed as Progressive Central 2024: The Politics Americans Want and organized by Progressive Democrats of America (PDA) in coordination with the Arab-American Institute, The Nation, and Rainbow PUSH Coalition—was held at the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) building, just blocks away from the United Center, where the DNC is being held this week.
"The Chicago Teachers Union is supposed to be the anchor, the destination place for progressives from across the world," said CTU president Stacy Davis Gates, whose members are months into negotiations for a new contract. "We're doing the best we can to be a beacon. And what we want to do is call the rest of the progressive movement in to say, help protect this, help anchor this, help grow it, help refine it."
The progressive conference is part of a two-decade tradition, going back to the 2004 convention, PDA communications director Mike Hersh told Common Dreams as the event wrapped up Monday, while anti-genocide protesters marched nearby outside the kickoff of the DNC, where speakers included United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain and Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.).
"I think lot of the energy that progressives have today is because they feel for the first time in a long time that the party has a chance to move more in lockstep with what we want to see."
"This was vintage Progressive Democrats of America," Hersh said of this year's conference. "We try to mobilize people and that's really what all of these Progressive Central events have been about."
The livestreamed conference featured panels, pre-recorded videos, and speeches on a range of key issues, including: building progressive power, the climate emergency, the crisis of American democracy, an Economic Bill of Rights, immigration reform, Medicare for All, organized labor, reproductive freedom, the Rural New Deal, structural racism, foreign policy—particularly U.S. government support for Israel's assault on the Gaza Strip—and more.
Collin Rees of Oil Change U.S. and Food and Water Action's Michelle Allen stressed the need to phase out fossil fuels and combat false climate solutions, while One Fair Wage president Saru Jayaraman and Sara Nelson from the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA delivered remarks—and a rendition of "Solidarity Forever."
"Using power builds power, and we will use our power," Nelson said. "We are not just about access politics in this room. We are about using power to make our world better for the people."
William Walter, who is part of Young PDA, Our Wisconsin Revolution's leader, and a Democratic candidate for his state Assembly, explained that "our initial approach was, 'What would it look like if we held a progressive national convention akin to the DNC or RNC, but devoted to progressive policies, progressive issues, progressive legislation?'"
Reflecting on her experience attending the event, Beaei Pardo, executive director of Code? Whatever!, told Common Dreams that the event "maps the body of honest ideas, systemic nurturing for self-determination, stories that help us 'get it' about what matters for good life, pragmatic history, theory we can test, and a ready community unafraid to consider the possibilities of our humanity."
India Walton of RootsAction speaks at Progressive Central in Chicago on August 19, 2024. (Photo: Young PDA steering committee member Tyler C. Rivera)
The programming offered visions of how the Democratic nominee, Vice President Kamala Harris, and her running mate, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz—coupled with a Democrat-controlled Congress—could tackle these topics, and how to compel them to do so.
"Right now in the United States, there are four prohibitive costs that you experience across life that block young people entering into the economy from having a successful and comfortable economic life readily available to them," PDA executive director Alan Minksy said just before the event began. They are the costs of having a child, education, healthcare, and housing.
"You're not going to be a successful administration if you don't address these things, and the mainstream of Democratic policy is going to fail to produce the kind of society that Americans want to live in," Minsky warned. "We have to be adamant about how we have the solutions to this stuff... Not just maintenance of our democracy, but actually reinvigoration of our democracy."
He added that "one would have to be naïve to believe that an incoming Democratic administration's ready to go against all the power and money and wealth... on the right wing of the party and by the Republicans, but we have to make them see that that's the way to create the society that Americans want to live in."
Over the past few years, Minsky has joined historian Harvey J. Kaye, professor emeritus at the University of Wisconsin - Green Bay, in arguing that progressive groups and unions should create a grand coalition that will press the Democratic Party to advance a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights, a focus of one of the Sunday presentations.
As Kaye spoke, a screen above him displayed a clip of a comic that he and Matt "The Letterhack" Strackbein published in Common Dreams, tracing the idea back to former President Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union speech 80 years ago, and the 10 proposed rights:
In terms of actually pursuing policies in line with the Economic Bill of Rights, Kaye told Common DreamsTuesday, "it's too late for this particular convention, but... it's not too late for a Harris presidency."
The proposal—which polling shows would be popular with the American public—could even motivate voters to support Harris and Walz, who are working to defeat Republican former President Donald Trump and Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio) in November.
"Just imagine if Tim Walz... just one of them got up and said... 'Our ambition is to redeem the legacy of FDR in favor of an Economic Bill of Rights,'" Kaye said. "You can just lay them out and then start talking about it in policy terms if you wish. In other words, if we're going to take back the Democratic majority, we're going to have to take back the people who literally abandoned the party because they felt abandoned."
While some local and state candidates have in recent years embraced and even run on an Economic Bill of Rights, a starting point for promoting related legislation at the federal level, Kaye noted, is to "get into a couple of congressional folks' minds."
Members of Congress who spoke at Progressive Central included Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), who declared Monday—ahead of his Tuesday DNC address—that "the American people want us to take on the greed of the oligarchy."
There were also video messages from a few Democrats as well as appearances by Reps. Danny Davis (D-Ill.), Maxwell Frost (D-Fla.), Jesús "Chuy" García (D-Ill.), Jonathan Jackson (D-Ill.), Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), and Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.).
Khanna—who mentioned FDR's Economic Bill of Rights in his 2022 book and was part of the same Sunday session as Kaye—told the audience that "the secrets of America's future are in our history" and "we need ideas that move people."
U.S. Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) joins Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) at Progressive Central in Chicago on August 19, 2024. (Photo: Young PDA steering committee member Tyler C. Rivera)
One of those ultra-popular ideas is Medicare for All, which Jayapal discussed during a Sunday panel. The popularity of universal healthcare presents an opportunity for "a great organizing moment," she acknowledged, sharing her hopes to coordinate the reintroduction of the Medicare for All Act with related local and state measures.
While Jayapal and Sanders' bill envisions a full transformation of the U.S. healthcare system, she told Common Dreams that "we're going to try to start to get there by some expansions and modifications to Medicare—so expanding Medicare to include dental, vision, and hearing... That will be a big priority."
"Reducing the Medicare eligibility age to at least 60 will be a big priority," the Congressional Progressive Caucus chair added. "Continuing to expand the number of prescription drugs that are negotiated will be a big priority. And then getting rid of what I call the 'Medicare Disadvantage' plans that are trying to privatize Medicare."
Enacting the healthcare reforms that Jayapal outlined will require expanding the Democratic majority in the Senate and reclaiming the House of Representatives—where progressives who have supported a call to end Israel's assault on Gaza are under sustained attack. This summer, Reps. Jamaal Bowman (D-N.Y.) and Cori Bush (D-Mo.) lost their primaries to Democrats backed by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and rich Republican donors.
"We need Bowman in the Congress. We need Bush in the Congress," Nina Turner—who was targeted by dark money during her 2021 Democratic primary run to fill a vacant seat in Ohio—told the crowd. "But we left them on the side of the road."
Turner also challenged Democrats who have spent this election cycle raising the alarm about Project 2025—which includes a sweeping far-right policy agenda written by Trump allies—by urging the party to put forward its vision for transforming the nation in a positive direction. "Where's their Project 2025?" she asked, asserting that the best way to win voters is "by having policies of your own."
Sara Nelson of the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA, One Fair Wage president Saru Jayaraman, and former congressional candidate Nina Turner particpate in a labor panel at Progressive Central in Chicago on August 19, 2024. (Photo: Young PDA steering committee member Tyler C. Rivera)
Since taking the torch from President Joe Biden last month, Harris has started sharing a policy message that includes an economic agenda to boost access to affordable housing, lower medical costs, and assist families raising young children.
"The economic framework that the vice president and her running mate have come out with so far is really a good start," Turner told Common Dreams, noting the need for progress on issues including calls for a cease-fire and arms embargo regarding Gaza. "It's obvious that there are components of the progressive movement who are excited about the change from Biden to Harris-Walz, but also don't let that excitement delude Democrats into thinking they're just going to get a free ride."
"We're in a sugar high right now. That's how I'm going to describe it. We could come crashing down if they're not careful," she warned. "They're going to have to do the work, hear the cries or the concerns of the very voters that they're trying to touch, and communicate with those voters in a way that says, 'We hear you and we see your pain.'"
"Just talk to people about healthcare. Just talk to people about the cost of living. They want relief. And I think they will support anybody that legitimately is going to give them that relief," she added, urging Harris and Walz to "shake off neoliberalism, shake off incrementalism, and go full throttle for the working class."
Harris' selection of Walz as her vice presidential candidate has been cheered by progressive political leaders and groups, in part because of the historic legislative progress that Minnesota's Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party made under this leadership last year.
During a Monday panel, speakers from the state pushed back against the framing of it as a "Minnesota Miracle," stressing that the wins on school meals, labor protections, reproductive rights, and more were instead the result of years of organizing—an important lesson going into a potential Harris-Walz administration with a Democratic Congress.
Minister JaNaé Bates of Faith in Minnesota speaks at Progressive Central in Chicago on August 19, 2024. (Photo: Young PDA steering committee member Tyler C. Rivera)
Walter of Young PDA is among those welcoming Walz's rise, telling Common Dreams: "I think the Democratic Party has a tendency to shoot themselves in the foot when decisions are obvious. They overthink or overcomplicate things that really should not be overthought. Take the easy answer. Take the free space on the bingo card. It's right in front of you. You have a very popular governor, a Midwestern state, that has universal appeal that can take your message and present it easily in a way that most people resonate with. Just do it. And for the first time in a long time, the party did it. They just did it."
"I think a lot of the energy that progressives have today is because they feel for the first time in a long time that the party has a chance to move more in lockstep with what we want to see rather than deferring to their big corporate donors," Walter said. "Now, that's not to say they won't in the end because that's our job as organizers and as progressives, to continue to pressure them and to push them left, but I think we see a path forward."
Sam Rosenthal, the political director for RootsAction, similarly told Common Dreams after the conference that progressives across the country must continue to pressure the party.
"I think we're at a precarious moment for the progressive movement," he said. "In a lot of ways, we've achieved major victories in mainstreaming positions that, even five years ago, were considered fringe and too far left. The urgent need for environmental action, the fact that we're being price gouged by pharma companies, organized labor as a bedrock of national prosperity—all these things have become more or less mainstream in the Democratic Party, because of our efforts as progressives."
"At the same time, I fear that we risk losing our unique voice if we don't continue to agitate from the left, in coalition with the grassroots activists who form the base of the progressive movement," he continued. "There's a danger that, as our movement matures and grows, our positions will become harder to distinguish from Democratic Party orthodoxy, and I don't think we should let that happen. We have to continue to play our role in pushing the Democratic Party left, exactly because that strategy has been so successful so far."