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Cree First Nation singer-songwriter Buffy Sainte-Marie, 74, is the 2015 winner of Canada's Polaris Music Prize, bestowed annually by a jury of music critics, bloggers, and broadcasters to one album deemed to have the most "artistic merit" regardless of genre, sales, or label.
Sainte-Marie's album Power in the Blood--her 21st--beat nine other finalists for the award, including rapper Drake, former Polaris winner Caribou, and Toronto rock band Alvvays. The Polaris prize comes with a $50,000 award.
"I've got an Academy Award and a Golden Globe, a couple of Junos and a Gemini Award--this is the only one I ever heard that gives the artist money," she said upon accepting the prize. "It's real important, it's becoming almost impossible for an artist to tour with a band and with instruments."
The artist developed her sound in Toronto and New York City's Greenwich Village as part of the early- to mid-1960s folk scene, often alongside other emerging Canadian contemporaries such as Leonard Cohen, Neil Young, and Joni Mitchell. Her songs have addressed everything from war and peace to Indigenous rights to the vapidity of show business.
"Ms. Sainte-Marie's album, which ranges in genre from blues to rockabilly, is the most overtly activist album to win in Polaris's history," writes the Globe and Mail. "It includes songs such as 'The Uranium War' and modified versions of UB40's 'Sing Our Own Song,' and Alabama 3's 'Power in the Blood,' which chastise corporate greed and support the Idle No More movement."
Speaking of her "Sing Our Own Song" cover, Sainte-Marie told Macleans earlier this year:
Indigenous people throughout the world [are] speaking out and making small changes that the big headline folks aren't aware of--until a little bit later. The input of Idle No More has been a lightning rod for people who were already thinking this way. We are reaching clarities on bigger issues like fracking and GMOs and climate change. Aboriginal people in--just name any country--are right on the edge of it. We are the ones that get fracked and we are the first ones who see it.
Watch Sainte-Marie talk about the evolution of her anti-war stance, before singing "Universal Soldier," her anti-war anthem which she says was written the basement of Toronto's Purple Onion coffee house in the early sixties:
And she spoke to Democracy Now! in May:
In the most recent Coen brothers film, Inside Llewyn Davis, the protagonist -- a struggling Greenwich Village folksinger in 1961 -- is based, very loosely, on Dave Van Ronk, a little-known (outside folk music circles) but influential folk-singer who helped define the folk music revival of the late fifties, and mentored the young Bob Dylan and others during the early 1960s when what Van Ronk called the "great folk scare" took off. To understand the atmosphere of that music scene, the Coens relied on Van Ronk's memoir (coauthored with Elijah Wald), The Mayor of McDougall Street. Van Ronk recounts his serious involvement with various left-wing factions of the period.
The 1960s folk music scene was a chapter in a long story, one that began decades earlier and that continues today as a new generation of singers and songwriters connect -- directly and indirectly -- to the burgeoning progressive movements that are rippling across the country.
Seeger became the most influential folk artist of the 20th century. The songs he wrote, including the anti-war tunes "Where Have All the Flowers Gone?," "If I Had a Hammer," and "Turn, Turn, Turn," and those he has popularized, including "This Land Is Your Land," "Guantanamera," "Wimoweh," and "We Shall Overcome," have become global anthems for people fighting for freedom.
The freedom song movement was echoed in the performances of many African American and white artists as the civil rights struggle continued. A number of black rhythm-and-blues and soul performers who emerged from the world of gospel music spread the movement gospel to vast audiences, among them Sam Cooke ("A Change Is Gonna Come," 1964), Aretha Franklin ("Respect," 1967), James Brown ("Say It Loud -- I'm Black and Proud," 1968) and Marvin Gaye "What's Going On," 1971). Meanwhile, jazz artists like Max Roach, Art Blakey and Nina Simone created musical masterpieces with political themes that became permanent cultural legacies.
In the early sixties, a new generation of folk troubadours emerged, determined to link their music and the struggles for social justice. In the streets, folk clubs and campuses of major cities, singer-songwriters wrote "topical" songs about specific events, songs about the mood of alienation and anger in the country, and new protest anthems. Some performed at fundraisers and political rallies. Dylan, Joan Baez, Odetta and Peter Paul and Mary performed at the 1963 March on Washington, serving as a cultural bridge between the Southern movement and the emerging student movement on northern campuses.
Baez joined Martin Luther King on his 1965 march in Alabama, from Selma to Montgomery. She later joined Cesar Chavez during his twenty-four-day fast to draw attention to the farmworkers' union struggle, and she participated in a Christmas vigil outside San Quentin State Prison, California, to oppose capital punishment. In 1964, as the campus New Left was burgeoning, she sang at a Free Speech Movement rally in Sproul Plaza, leading hundreds of students to occupy the administration building at the University of California, Berkeley.
As the war in Vietnam escalated, Baez encouraged young men to resist the draft. In 1967 she was twice arrested for blocking military induction centers. She boldly performed the classic labor song, "I Dreamed I Saw Joe Hill Last Night," at the 1969 Woodstock festival, making the song and the Joe Hill legend available to young people decades after Hill's 1915 execution and after the song's creation by Earl Robinson in 1936. During the 1980s Baez spoke out against South Africa's apartheid system and featured Peter Gabriel's song about antiapartheid activist Steven Biko at her concerts. In 1987 she traveled to Israel, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank to sing peace songs with Jews and Arabs. She has devoted much of her performance career as a bridge between American audiences and freedom struggles in many parts of the world.
The second wave of feminism and the emerging environmental movements inspired performers, too. Leslie Gore's "You Don't Own Me" (1964) and Helen Reddy's "I Am Woman" (1971) were commercial pop hits with feminist themes, while a wave of "womyn's music" took root, led by Holly Near, Meg Christian and others, popularized via concerts, festivals and records. An outstanding catalog of feminist and gay rights music spanning decades can be accessed at Lady Slipper Music.
Ani DiFranco has created her own independent record company (Righteous Babe) to sustain her independence from corporate cultural machinery while building a passionate fan base. Ben Harper has used his celebrity as a folk/blues/soul/gospel/reggae/rock artist, with several Grammy awards to his credit, to support progressive political causes, including the 2004 "Vote for Change" concert tour to benefit MoveOn.Org, support for jailed Burmese prodemocracy advocate and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi and No Nukes. One of the most prolific and engaged performers is David Rovics, whose hundreds of songs range from episodes of movement history to topical comment on immediate issues Roy Zimmerman uses parody and satire to create songs that both jab at ruling elites and inspire people to seek a better world.
Despite occasional media laments that "protest music is dead," a new generation of performers has been revitalizing music's links to movements, often self-consciously modeled on the folk singers of the past. Tom Morello has played an important role in building bridges between the music and movements of the Millennial generation. He began his career with the punk rock group Rage against the Machine, and now performs on his own, channeling the Guthrie and Seeger tradition. He was a constant presence at the protests in Madison, Wisconsin in early 2011 and at the Occupy Wall Street protests later that year. The Madison protests inspired daily solidarity sing-alongs in or at the Capitol building, sometimes resulting in arrests. Their Facebook page keeps running accounts of their daily activity and they have issued a CD of
Madison Solidarity songs -- parodies of classic labor and other songs
In May 2012, Morello fired up a large crowd at a Chicago protest rally organized by the National Nurses union and other progressive groups, calling for a "Robin Hood" tax and other demands. Morello has performed at rallies to support the burgeoning protests of low-wage fast-food and Walmart workers that have mushroomed across the country in the past two years. Some of Morello's labor songs can be found on union websites and on YouTube.
The Occupy movement inspired a great deal of music tied to the growing concern over widening inequality. This includes a four CD compilation of Occupy-related songs, many of which are accessible on YouTube and other internet sites.
The Occupy ferment inspired a lot of creative work by established performers, including singer-guitarist Ry Cooder, best known for reviving the careers of long-forgotten Cuban musicians through his film and record, The Buena Vista Social Club. In 2011 he released "No Banker Left Behind" and the following year put out his "Election Special" album that included such topical songs as "The Wall Street Part of Town," and "The 90 and the 9."
Many people identify the song "De Colores" with the United Farm Workers movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The recent upsurge of immigrant rights' protests has inspired a new generation of songs, including a two-CD compilation called Border Songs, about the plight of immigrants, by such veteran performers as Tigres del Norte, Tish Hinajosa and Lila Downs.
The Labor Heritage Foundation lists over 200 CDs devoted to songs from and about the labor movement. Based on that listing alone, it is safe to bet that there's never been so much labor singing, including a growing number of labor choruses in Seattle, New York, Washington, DC and elsewhere.
The emergence of YouTube and other new technologies has blurred the lines between commercial and non-commercial music and made it easier for performers to spread their music. It has also facilitated the global use of song in mass protest-- in Spain, Egypt and elsewhere -- and thus encouraged mass singing as part of these movements.
The new means of cultural production are complex and variegated. It is impossible to keep track of the many ways music and protest are now intertwined. What is undeniable is that whenever and wherever people are gathering, mobilizing and fighting back, the tradition of protest music will continue.

Idle No More continues its momentum with a series of demonstrations on Saturday including one that has shut down a US-Canadian bridge as the movement continues its demands for Indigenous sovereignty.
CBC News reports that police closed the International Bridge in Cornwall, Ontario, when at least 100 protesters marched there, and adds that other international bridges will be sites of actions as well:
CTV News adds:
Onion Lake Cree Nation Chief Wallace Fox said the main reason behind the protests was the passing of Bill C-45.
Protesters say First Nations lands and treaty rights are being infringed upon through the government's contentious omnibus budget bill.
"This is something that many First Nations have always wanted to get the general public to understand," said Fox.
"We never relinquished any of the resources. We never ceded any of the resources, the minerals, that was not part of the treaty."
The day's actions follow a Friday statement from the movement that vowed it was "here to stay" and that it would continue to work for its goals of "Indigenous sovereignty (Nation to Nation relationship) and protection of the land and water (Social and Environmental Sustainability)."
Prime Minister Stephen Harper's Friday announcement he would meet with Indigenous leaders on Jan. 11 is being met with caution.
"It won't take just one meeting to address what is broken. We will hold the prime minister's feet to the fire," Deputy Grand Chief Alvin Fiddler, a deputy grand chief of an Ontario First Nation, said at a news conference.
And Attawapiskat First Nation's Chief Theresa Spence, who began a hunger strike Dec. 11 unless Prime Minister Stephen Harper met to discuss treaty rights and Canada's relationship with its Indigenous peoples, reacted, saying:
"I will continue my hunger strike and await the outcomes of the meeting. Our Peoples have had a history of prior promises and commitments from the Canadian government with no true tangible results. We look forward to re-establishing and strengthening our Treaty relationship with Canada and the ongoing discussions that will lead to the recognition, implementation and advancement our inherent and treaty rights,"
Idle No More has garnered international solidarity actions and has received the support of human rights and indigenous organiztions. Singer and activist Buffy Sainte-Marie also added her support for Chief Spence and Saturday's actions in this video:
CBC News has video on Saturday's bridge shutdown in Cornwall:
The following remarks were made on the occasion of the removal for winter of flags commemorating lives lost in Iraq and Afghanistan at the Iraq War Dead Memorial in Blue Hill, Maine on Saturday, November 10th, 2012:

I hope to make the case today for us to continue, even redouble, our efforts to effect real change when there may be a window of opportunity for our voices to persuade President Obama to morph into a leader faithful to a gentler inner self.
I have a comforting expectation that my words will fall on sympathetic ears. Not so, if this were your typical Armistice Day parade or gathering happening all over the country this weekend. My remarks don't celebrate or glorify the military, which is what we generally hear on this day. Quite the opposite.
I am extremely proud to be a member of Veterans for Peace. Founded 27 years ago in Maine, VFP now has over 5000 members and more than 130 chapters. We are the only veterans' organization that is opposed to all war and we're dedicated to increasing awareness of the costs of war, to counter-recruiting, and to seeking justice for veterans and all victims of war.
Unfortunately, most Americans would be dismissive of VFP, maintaining we're naive, that man is inherently violent and that, therefore, war is inevitable. My experience teaching peace has convinced me that, on the contrary, there are many cultures that are peaceful and that war is a matter of choice. We here in America resist that notion, I think, largely, because of our violent history. It is simply too uncomfortable for Americans to accept that wars aren't necessary or that war often has been closer to our leaders' first option rather than their last. And so our history only contributes to the disheartening resolute march down a blood-soaked and beaten path.
We Americans need to examine America's record honestly, just as we need to examine the American mythology of exceptionalism. Years ago I came to the conclusion that Martin Luther King, Jr's stinging rebuke on April 4, 1967, was right on. His country was the greatest purveyor of violence. That distinction is inarguably, I think, just as valid today.
Making the case for the U.S. being among the bloodiest of nations prior to WWII meets with considerable resistance, though it's pretty hard to dismiss the genocide of native Americans, the slave trade, our Civil War, the Mexican War, the Spanish American War, when war in the Philippines alone took 300,000 to 500,000 lives, and WWI and II. Could they possibly all be aberrations?
The picture since WWII is too fresh in our memory to deny. Between six and seven million people died in our three big wars since the "good" one--Korea, Vietnam, and Iraq. A total of six to seven million!
Celebrated author and activist Brian Willson's research found that between 1945 and 2008 there have been 390 overt U.S. military interventions. Author William Blum writes that we've bombed 28 countries. When I was teaching I was fond of citing peace guru Colman McCarthy's quiz. He asked his students how many of those incursions led to the establishment of a democratic government respectful of human rights. The answer, sadly and not surprisingly, is zero.
I have recently been reading John Tirman's, "The Deaths of Others", which addresses the question, "Why are Americans so indifferent to the deaths of others?" Tirman is the executive director of the Center for International Studies at MIT and was responsible for the surveys that found that an astonishing 655,000 deaths were attributable to the war in Iraq by 2006. That discovery prompted his investigation into the evident lack of sympathetic response in America to the bloodshed.
In part, Tirman explains, this callousness can be attributed to a conscious campaign by policy makers to assure the American public of the essential rightness of our wars and their benefits to those populations under siege, never mind the horrific death toll.
The selling of war to the American public is, of course, responsible for the victimization of the mostly young people commemorated here. No doubt, many, probably most, believed they were serving an admirable cause--that they were taking freedom and democracy to dark regions of the planet.
These lives lost, along with the physically and emotionally damaged who have returned represent the highest costs of our wars. As an aside: Can we ignore the suicides--nearly one military suicide a day for the first six months of 2012, 26 attempted suicides by active military personnel in July alone? But, the toll is extensive in many other ways we know.
There's the shear monetary drain and the associated "opportunity costs". Costs of our wars since 9/11 will be over $4 trillion. Trillions down a drain that might better have been dedicated to other problems---world poverty, climate change, renewable energy solutions.
Tirman has brought home to me the costs of wars and our militarism as experienced by others and the associated loss of our international stature. Americans may give little attention to our track record--they may be ignorant or oblivious, but citizens of other countries may not be so clueless.
It is well known, for instance, in Iraq and elsewhere in the Middle East that the incidence of abnormal births in Fallujah and Basra is off the charts, though not generally known here. The abnormalities found among the newborn to over half the families recently surveyed in Fallujah are such that we'd rather turn away. Certainly they are an echo of the legacy of Agent Orange in Vietnam where some 2-3 million victims live today, unable to take care of themselves.
In a world connected and informed as it is today, very little is secret. Not these histories in Iraq and Vietnam. Not the torture at the hands of our military, or CIA, or private contractors. Not the renditions, or drone assassinations, or kill lists. Not the crippling sanctions we have imposed on Iran based on totally unsubstantiated claims of a nuclear weapons program. It's all known.
Brian Willson believes that each of those killed at our hands leave behind an average of 5 loved ones who are traumatically conditioned to violence. We should ask what that means and how might those survivors feel about America. A family member of one of our errant drone attacks in Pakistan was quoted as saying, "It is beyond my imagination how they can lack all mercy and compassion, and carry on doing this for years. They are not human beings." We don't want to think about who "they" is.
It is useful to view the consequences of our vast military empire from the perspective of the "other"--through the eyes of the Vietnamese, the Chinese, the Iranians, the Pakistanis. We would have serious objections if the Chinese were to build a base on a Caribbean island as we are doing on the Korean island of Jeju. There would be "push back" if toxic defoliants were sprayed over Miami. And, there would be serious blowback if suddenly Americans were essentially vaporized from above as is happening in Pakistan, and Yemen, and the Sudan, and Mali. And I believe all our bases around the world cause far more mischief than do they make us safe.
So, yes, my experiences in the military and those years since have led me to hate war. For me it is personal. I have sat with and interviewed Inuit from Greenland who were displaced in Trail of Tears-like fashion to make way for Thule Air Force Base. I have sat with and interviewed people of Diego Garcia, a remote Indian Ocean island, who were evicted to make way for a gigantic base from which we have launched bombing missions over Iraq and Afghanistan. I have sat with and interviewed Marshall Islanders whose islands became uninhabitable thanks to our atomic weapons testing there. And I have sat with and interviewed Agent Orange victims and family members in Vietnam. The heart-wrenching stories I have heard, without being overly dramatic, have etched searing images. They are us and we are them and we ought to know their anguish.
For me it is personal. I did not know anyone commemorated here. But, I do know former Marine Jerry Stadtmiller, who was shot in the face in Vietnam and is blind, Duane Wagner who lost both legs to a grenade, Allen Hayes another double leg amputee, victim of a land-mine, Artie Guerrero who was shot four times in Vietnam and is confined to a wheelchair with trauma induced MS, Carlos Moleda, a Navy Seal paraplegic who was shot in Panama, Dan Jensen who lost a leg to a land mine. I knew well my three teammates, nine classmates, and my best friend, Don MacLaughlin whose names are all on the wall. I mourn for them. Just as I mourn the loss of these commemorated here. All victims of failed leadership. All victims of our failure to redirect our government.
Buffy Sainte-Marie has written, "He's the universal soldier. He's fighting for Canada, he's fighting for France and he's fighting for the U.S.A. He's the universal soldier and he really is to blame." But then, she goes on to say, "his orders come from far away no more. They come from here and there and you and me and brothers can't you see. This is not a way to put an end to war." In a youtube video Sainte-Marie says that while composing the song she realized we all must take responsibility--that the soldiers take their orders from the generals, the generals take their orders from the politicians, but the politicians take their orders from us. More like the 1% now; but we can't concede responsibility to them or allow them to prevail.
So I see all those commemorated here to be like you and me. It is right that they be mourned and not forgotten. They are you and me and we all must take responsibility and redouble our awareness and our work to stop what is being done in our names. We must build coalitions, with "occupiers", labor activists, education activists, with health care activists, marriage equality activists, women's rights activists, environmentalists, anti-corporatists, all of us and we must persist and we must know that if not us, then who?
Outrage and disgust continue to build over the decision by the Tucson, Arizona, unified school system to ban books by Chicano and Native-American authors. The punitive action follows on the heels of the decision by state politicians to shut down Tucson highly effective ethnic studies program that focused on Mexican-American life and culture.
Over 60 percent of the students in Tucson are of Mexican descent and the program was widely regarded as an educational success. However, the program drew the ire of some Arizona whites who were offended by lessons about white oppression of Chicanos and Native-Americans.

Among the banned books are Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire, Occupied America: A History of Chicanos by Rodolfo Acuna, 500 Years of Chicano History in Pictures edited by Elizabeth "Betita" Martinez, Chicano! The History of the Mexican Civil Rights Movement by Arturo Rosales, Critical Race Theory by Richard Delgado, and books by Native-American writers such as Leslie Marmon Silko, Buffy Sainte-Marie, and Winona Laduke.
The decisions to ban the books followed a 4-to-1 vote on Jan. 17 by the Tucson Unified School District board to cave in to the State of Arizona, and to put an end to Mexican-American Studies.
According to various news reports, and interviews with teachers directly affected by the book ban, the banned books were seized from classrooms right in front of students. The teachers were given a couple of days to figure out what to teach in place of the Mexican Ethnic studies curriculum. Some students in these classes were reported to be in tears as the books were packed up and shipped off to a book depository.
I spoke on Wednesday with Dr. Carlos Munoz, one of the key pioneers in Ethnic Studies and Chicano Studies in the country. Dr. Munoz was the founding chair of the first Chicano Studies Department in the nation in 1968, at the California State University at Los Angeles, and the founding chair of the National Association of Chicana and Chicano Studies.
He is a pioneer in the creation of undergraduate and graduate curricula in the disciplines of Ethnic Studies and the author of numerous pioneering works on the Mexican-American political experience and on African-American and Latino political coalitions. His book, Youth, Identify, Power, the Chicano Movement won the Gustavus Myers Book Award for Outstanding Scholarship in the Study of Human Rights in the United States.
DB: Well it's good to have you with us, although it's a terrible situation and this thing, believe it or not, started to unfold on Martin Luther King's birthday celebration. Let me get your initial response to what happened here. What were you thinking? What went through your mind?
CM: Well you know, I don't have the words to express my anger at what's taken place in Tucson, Arizona. It's just simply unbelievable. I mean never did I expect at this point in time, in history, after over 40 years of scholarship that has been generated and published and being taught in universities across this country, specifically on the Chicano experience in the United States. ...
Scholars of Mexican-American background and other people of color, scholars of color, have collectively made a profound, profound contribution to the body of knowledge of people of color in this country -- and have rectified, and documented a history that speaks the truth of what this country has been historically as an empire, a promoter of imperialism throughout the world, as a racist white-supremacist nation as witnessed by the so-called Founding Fathers who were [in many cases] slave owners, you know, and this kind of truth doesn't speak well to what's going on in Arizona.
Because I think that the people who are there, responsible for this particular tragedy in public education, are either ignorant and never attended a university, and never were educated, and/or are members of the Tea Party or some other extreme racist organizations that are promoting anti-Mexican racist hysteria. So I think what we see here, as I see it anyway, is a situation where right-wingers have collectively organized there and make this an issue, because as a manifestation of the perceived threat, of what I call, the "brown invasion" as has been capsulized by a lot of the right-wing politicians in this country. The increasing, of what I call, demographic revolution that we are witnessing right now has become a threat to many people in power, especially in Arizona.
As you know, they are the ones who started this whole process of criminalizing Mexican undocumented workers, you know, and have set the tone for other states to follow that are under the tutelage of right-wing political folks. So I think it is something that needs to be protested. People have to take to the streets, as they are doing in Tucson. It is something that is an issue that has become, I think, very, very critical and deserves the support of all Americans, regardless of race, ethnic backgrounds. It is just ridiculous.
DB: One of the things that people who work within the system, we were speaking with teachers and students, is that it was an incredibly effective program in which students were succeeding, students who were dropping out before were staying in school, and going on to higher education. Could you talk about how that happens, why it's so important for these students and the school system there is 61 percent Mexican-American? Why it's so important, say a little bit more about that.
CM: Well, you know, I think in any process of education if you are a student and you don't hear about people like yourself in the making of history in this nation you are bound to feel somewhat inferior, you know what I mean? I've gone through that when I was a kid. My God, it's all white history, and all the heroes were white. And you never hear about the good things that were done by folks of color in our society, in the building of this nation.
And so it's been, prior to the emergence of Ethnic Studies and Chicano Studies in the universities there were no books about the Chicano experience. The consequence of that, as I witnessed earlier, if I experienced it was an inferiority complex, you know. My God, you know, all we hear about Mexicans, for example, they are criminals, you know, they are drunkards, you know, the women are whores, you know. There comes all these racist, negative stereotypes that are promoted in the movies and television, newspapers. So the consequence of that was historically, what I call the colonization of the mind, where young people of Mexican descent were pushed into thinking that they were inferior, the culture was inferior.
Now, what's happened in Tucson, has been a remarkable, remarkable process of deep colonization where the issues that have been presented there in public schooling have been taken on by teachers, staff members, and the school district who have had the courage to develop a program of Mexican-American studies. The first, by the way, the only one in the whole country at the public school level. A remarkable feat that ought to be celebrated and be set up as, you might say, an example of what other public school systems, including those of us here in California, those systems here, ought to pursue.
And the consequences have been remarkable, as you mentioned, the fact that in Tucson, Mexican-American studies program has resulted in a radical turnabout in terms of young people taking pride, becoming proud of their heritage, becoming proud of the fact that they learned that they come from ancestors who have made contributions, profound contributions to civilizations throughout the Americas. I mean that fact alone is incredible, an intangible contribution to boosting the feeling of being worthy as human beings. And that kind of feeling is very, very important to have in order for young people to succeed in life, beyond public school.
So I think what has been done in Arizona by these white politicians has been an effort to return to the days of the 1950s, previous to the Chicano movement and other civil rights movements in this country to try to "Americanize" and re-colonize the minds of young people in the state of Arizona.
DB: You know banning this program in Tucson is almost like banning the speaking of Spanish in Mexico. Anybody who has spent time in Tucson and Nogales, Arizona understands how prevalent, I mean, it's Mexico but it's called the United States. Now they did this in front of the students. The decision was made for the teachers to be boxing the books up in front of the students, shipping them out for storage. Kids were crying.
I remember when I was down there in Tucson, we were broadcasting from there one young student told me that she was really thinking about suicide and had actually tried to take her own life once until she got into a program like this and began to feel alive. Could you comment on that?
CM: This is an example of what I was referring to. When young people are awakened by educators to who they really are, where they come from, and why it is a source of pride, or should be a source of pride. I mean, it's incredible, you cannot put value on that kind of influential discovery and awakening of a young mind. It makes a world of difference to a young person, to find meaning in their lives, that carries them forth towards a positive direction in society. They become good citizens and critical-thinking people that are going to make contributions to the betterment of the society as a whole.
DB: You know, one has to believe, or gets the strong feeling that they really don't want these students to succeed because the program was so successful. The amount of, the percentage of students who ended up going to college as a result of this kind of study was overwhelming and one has to think that this is an attempt to cripple, undermine and keep these kids down rather than to cheerlead the fact that they are getting better, things are getting better and they are really succeeding. It's racism at the core, wouldn't you say?
CM: I agree. I wholeheartedly agree. And I think, to add to that, what I see here is that with regards to the demographics that Arizona has become even more "Mexican" than ever. They envision that out of all these young people developing a critical thinking capacity and proud identity that they are going to become the future politicians of Arizona, and that's a scary thing. That's a scary thing for these guys. My God, man, we'll not only have undocumented workers who are poor and are a cheap labor source, we're going to have people now, who are getting into powerful positions in the future that are going to take away from what belongs to "us."

DB: Some of the people who have been banned are labeling this as sort of an inquisition. I thought that was maybe an overstatement but maybe now I'm thinking it's an understatement. I'm thinking about books that were banned. Can you imagine The Pedagogy of the Oppressed" by Paulo Freire, Occupied America, a History of Chicanos by Rodolfo Acuna, a good friend of yours. We actually had the both of you on the show not too long ago. Talk about what these white people might be afraid of that's inside these beautiful books.
CM: Well, they are afraid of the truth. You know the truth hurts. And I think that, as I said earlier, the fact that scholarship like Rodolfo Acuna's incredible path-breaking book. He was the first one to put out a history, a true history of America, in a sense that he documents, beyond the shadow of a doubt, the nature of our society and how, in fact, Mexican-Americans in particular have struggled for social justice throughout the history here of this country. And it is just remarkable that all this knowledge that Occupied America represents, they don't want to, they don't want to acknowledge it. They have problems with it, because Rody Acuna speaks the truth, as do all scholars, and Shakespeare speaks the truth.
Talking about this is really absurd, you know, when in a sense even people like Shakespeare, an English, a white guy who had the audacity for his time to speak truth to power of the British empire and put out the issue of colonization and oppression in that regard. Even there they couldn't tolerate that particular scholarship.
So basically it's an ideological struggle going on, it's a cultural war that is what's happening in Arizona between those who espouse the racist framework of analysis that white Eurocentric thought should be predominant in public education. And those of us who have struggled against that and have created a teaching now, a very definitely more truthful history of our society, and who have gone out of our way collectively to push forth a more, you might say, visionary process of education that is inclusive of all people, not just Mexican-American, but all people,
You know we don't do what we are accused of doing, dividing, being divisive, un-American. To the contrary, we have been most American in the context of continuing a process of creativity, intellectual thought that our ancestors started here in the Americas long before the white man arrived to conquer and engage in conquest and that is that we have ancestors that generated civilizations way back when, and our people as a whole have completed that process.
And I think we are remarkable in the context of what we represent as a people, in terms of not just being indigenous people but also inclusive of all the other dimensions of the reality that we represent, as a multi-racial, multi-ethnic, multi-cultural people in our society. And this is what is not acknowledged by these people. They don't want to acknowledge that, it is scary to them. And rightly so, should be scary to them. So that's the whole issue now.
DB: I'm wondering Dr. Munoz, I don't see your book on the list yet, Youth, Identify, Power, the Chicano Movement but I guess it's going to become a sort of a diploma that you put on your wall along with the other ones that you have. "I was banned in Tucson and I'm proud of it."
CM: Well, this is the thing that I tell people, that all these people, all these banned books represent, I think, quite an honorable group of people. It's incredible. I feel kind of ....
DB: ...left out?
CM: I want that honor of being identified by this right-wing. So I hope I do get that honor down the road. But in the mean time I'm very proud of all these folks down in Arizona, how they have gone to bat, supported the defense of Mexican-American studies in Tucson.
DB: And it is troubling that this comes in the context of really, what is the new civil rights movement which is the rights of migrant workers, immigrant workers; the workers who do the hardest work in this country that we all depend on. It's a way to sort of build the borders higher even those who are citizens in this country, it's building walls around their lives and condemning their kids to a life less than they deserve.
CM: Yeah, I agree. I think what's happening is that there's an effort definitely to put down Mexican-Americans in Arizona there, to criminalize them, to put them as social outcasts, not worthy of being "American" unless, of course, they take the path of assimilation into the dominant culture, which, by the way, won't be so dominant pretty soon, down the road. This is what I made reference to earlier, the demographic revolution is a reality. Whether some white people like it or not we're going to be the majority in this country.
DB: Well, here in California whites are already the minority. Right?
CM: Exactly, right. Hawaii, and here ... so it's happening. Now mind you, we don't want to romanticize that fact because I always provide my critical analysis of it, the demographic revolution, in the context that unfortunately that is not necessarily going to be a consequence of profound change. And I site President Obama as an example, big deal we have a black president, but where are we? We are worse off than we were during the Bush presidency.
So the point here is not so much to romanticize that people of color are going to take "power." It's a question of looking at the reality, that indeed, there is that potential to honor this diversity of American culture there will come about a more humanistic society that is going to place its emphasis on social justice and peace, and not war and violence, in our society and throughout the world.
DB: Now finally I want to get back to the revenge aspect of this action taken in Tucson and what it looks like, and what may need to happen in terms of a fight-back. We understand that white politicians took this action starting with the fact the Dolores Huerta was in Tucson, and talked about how white people hate brown people, and white politicians there hate brown people. And those politicians never forgot it, they are in positions of power now, and they are punishing the people. Respond to that and what the fight-back, that you'd like to see, what it should look like?
CM: Well, I think there should be a revolution. This is the time for the revolution to emerge in the context of Dr. King's call for a revolution of values. I'm not talking here about any other Hollywood version, Hollywood revolution whatever, of violence and all that but rather a non-violent revolution as Dr. King called for that's going to transform the value system we have now in our society away from a process of individualization, what's best for the individual, what's best for the banks, what's best for the 1 percent but rather what is best for the 99 percent of our society.
That includes the majority of people of color, and poor whites, and the white middle class, as we know. So I think this is what I would like to see happen there. And I think also we have to definitely make clear that is not all white politicians, there are some good folks out there who are allies but it's a kind of white politician that we need to address this issue towards and that is the right-wing, Tea Party, white politician type of person who is out there doing the evil deeds that are taking place in Tucson, Arizona.
Keshagesh means Greedy Guts. It's what you call a little puppy who eats his own and then wants everybody else's.
* * * * *
I never saw so many business suits
Never knew a dollar sign could look so cute
Never knew a junkie with a money jones
Who's buying Park Place? Who's buying Boardwalk?
Keshagesh means Greedy Guts. It's what you call a little puppy who eats his own and then wants everybody else's.
* * * * *
I never saw so many business suits
Never knew a dollar sign could look so cute
Never knew a junkie with a money jones
Who's buying Park Place? Who's buying Boardwalk?
These old men they make their dirty deals
Go in the back room and see what they can steal
Talk about your beautiful for spacious skies
It's about uranium. It's about the water rights
Got Mother Nature on a luncheon plate
They carve her up and call it real estate
Want all the resources and all of the land
They make a war over it; they blow things up for it
The reservation out at Poverty Row
The cookin's cookin and the lights are low
Somebody tryin to save our Mother Earth I'm gonna
Help em to Save it and Sing it and Pray it singin
No No Keshagesh you can't do that no more.
Ol Columbus he was lookin good
When he got lost in our neighborhood
Garden of Eden right before his eyes
Now it's all spyware Now it's all income tax
Ol Brother Midas lookin hungry today
What he can't buy he'll get some other way
Send in the troopers if the Natives resist
Same old story, boys; that's how ya do it , boys
Look at these people Lord they're on a roll
Got to have it all; gotta have complete control
Want all the resources and all of the land
They break the law over it; blow things up for it
While all our champions are off in the war
Their final rippoff here at home is on
Mister Greed I think your time has come I'm gonna
Sing it and Say it and Live it and Pray it singin
No No Keshagesh you can't do that no more.
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