I first joined the World Conference Against A and H Bombs in Hiroshima in 1984. That was after we had launched the nuclear weapons freeze movement in the U.S. which played a role in ending the Cold War. It followed our successful campaigning to prevent three U.S. ports from being transformed into nuclear weapons bases. Visiting Hiroshima and engaging with Hibakusha (the A-bomb survivors) and opponents of the more than 100 U.S. military bases and installations across Japan was a life changing experience for me, as it has been for so many others.
As Wilfred Burchett, first Western journalist to witness the ruins and suffering in Hiroshima in 1945, later correctly reported that despite their excruciating physical and emotional suffering, the Hibakusha became the world’s most powerful and influential force for nuclear weapons abolition. With the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize, the Hibakusha, their tortured testimonies, and their urgent appeal for a nuclear weapons free world now rings out more powerfully around the world.
Friends, there is no way that we can adequately thank Nihon Hidankyo and its Hibakusha members for their courage and steadfastness in warning the world about the existential danger we face in order to save humanity.
It has been my privilege to return to Hiroshima and Nagasaki many times in support of Japan’s nuclear weapons abolition movement. I had the extraordinary opportunity to meet, learn from, and to work with Hidankyo members and some of the organization’s most ravaged, wounded, and courageous founders, Watanabe Chieko, Yamaguchi Senji, and Taniguchi Sumiteru. Would that they had lived long enough to witness the Nobel Committee’s recognition of their sacrifices and to reinforce their existential warning.
Twenty-five years ago, amid a speaking tour, Tanaka Terumi—Hidankyo’s general secretary for 20 years—asked a heartfelt question: “Who will remember us when we (Hibakusha) are gone?”
Now we know. With the Nobel Peace Prize, a good part of the answer is that the world will remember. The question is whether humanity will heed the Hibakusha’s appeal.
Nihon Hidankyo was created in the wake of the 1954 U.S. Bravo H-Bomb test, a bomb which was 1,000 times more powerful than the Hiroshima and Nagasaki A bombs. Since then, Hidankyo’s core demands have been: Prevent nuclear war, eliminate nuclear weapons, and obtain essential medical care and services for A-bomb victims.
Recklessly, not only have the nuclear powers failed to respond to these life-affirming demands, but today U.S. nuclear terrorism in the form of its first strike doctrine is the cornerstone of both the United States’ and Japan’s national security doctrine. And preparations and threats of nuclear attacks are central to the military doctrines of the other eight nuclear weapons states. Tragically, for 60 years, despite Japan’s peace constitution, its military has insisted that it has the right to deploy and use tactical nuclear weapons, like those that destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Japan has facilitated the U.S. and other nuclear powers’ refusal to fulfill their Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty obligation to engage in good faith negotiations for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. Like the nuclear powers, it has yet to even send an observer to the conference on the Treaty on Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) at the U.N. And, many Hibakusha continue to be denied medical care as Tokyo continues to insist that all Japanese must bear the burden of its disastrous 15 Year War. We can hope that with Hidankyo’s Nobel Peace Prize, popular pressure will lead the Japanese government and the nuclear powers to reverse course and join the TPNW.
I want to make four additional points:
Contrary to the myth propagated by former U.S. President Harry Truman, the A bombs were not necessary to defeat Japan. Senior U.S. military officials from Dwight D. Eisenhower to Curtis LeMay and William Leahy all advised that “it wasn’t necessary to hit Japan with that awful thing.” Secretary of War Henry Stimson told Truman that Japan’s surrender on terms acceptable to the U.S. could be negotiated. In 1942, General Leslie Groves, who led the Manhattan Project, told the incoming senior scientist and future Nobel Peace Prize recipient Joseph Rotblat, that since Germany would not be getting the bomb, the A bomb project was then directed against the Soviet Union. With the A bomb, Truman said, he would have “a hammer over those boys,” meaning Soviet leaders. The people of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were thus sacrificed on the first altar of the Cold War.
Second, we need to correct a mistake in the Nobel Committee’s announcement of this year’s prize. Nuclear weapons have been used repeatedly since the 1945 A bombings. Daniel Ellsberg, a principle author of U.S. nuclear war planning in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations, revealed that during numerous international crises and wars, the U.S. has used its nuclear arsenal in the same way that an armed robber uses his gun when pointed at his victim’s head. Whether or not the trigger is pulled, the gun has been used. Such threats and preparations were made at least three times during European crises, 13 times to maintain U.S. Middle East hegemony, five times during the Korean War and subsequent Korean crises, three times against China, four times against Vietnam, and during the 1954 CIA Guatemala coup and the Cuban Missile Crisis. All other nuclear powers have made such nuclear preparations or threats at least once. Tragically, this is the playbook that the Kremlin is using with its Ukraine War nuclear threats. Add to these, there have been nuclear weapons accidents, false alerts, and miscalculations. The truth is that we are alive today more because of luck than because of wise policies.
Third, as the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists’ Doomsday Clock warns, we are 90 seconds to midnight, meaning apocalypse. All of the nuclear weapons states are upgrading their nuclear arsenals and delivery systems. The U.S. is spending $1.7 trillion to replace its nuclear arsenal and its triad of delivery systems. Russia has just lowered its doctrinal threshold for nuclear weapons use and underlined its nuclear threat by launching a nuclear-capable ballistic missile against Ukraine. With China expanding its nuclear arsenal, we are now three scorpions in a bottle. As U.S. President-elect Donald Trump returns to power, France and Britain are vying to provide Europe’s nuclear umbrella. North Korea is increasing the size of its nuclear arsenal and displayed its nuclear resolve with a commitment to nuclear weapons in its constitution. Many worry that Israel could use its nuclear weapons against Iran’s nuclear project. And India and Pakistan, the two nuclear powers of South Asia, remain at loggerheads.
Finally, there is Trump, the would-be dictator. His former national security adviser wrote that Trump is driven by his instincts and that he brought the world closer to nuclear war with his 2017 Fire and Fury nuclear threats against North Korea than almost anyone knows. Trump and his coterie plan to purge the military to ensure its loyalty to Trump, not to our Constitution, and they are committed to dominating China militarily, economically, and technologically. As a result, in the coming years, in the U.S., to prevent nuclear war, we will need to do more than defuse the confrontations over Ukraine, Taiwan, the South China Sea, and Korea. Our campaigning will require defense of constitutional democracy.
With humanity facing the greatest danger of nuclear apocalypse since the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, this year’s Nobel Peace Prize wisely refocuses world attention on the urgency of renewing nuclear disarmament diplomacy. Let us celebrate the Hibakusha who have awakened the conscience of the world.
With their testimonies across the world, including at the U.N., they forged the powerful but still inadequate taboo against the use of nuclear weapons. Their descriptions of the Hell that they witnessed and survived led most of the world’s governments to understand that for humanity to survive, priority must be given to addressing the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons, not so-called “state security” interests. Thus we have the Treaty on Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons which seeks to hold the nuclear weapons states accountable to their Article VI Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty obligation to engage in good-faith negotiations for the complete abolition of nuclear weapons.
Numerous popular disarmament initiatives are being boosted by the Peace Prize award to Nihon Hidankyo. In the U.S., there will be webinars and meetings in many communities. Our Back from the Brink campaign, initiated by Physicians for Social Responsibility, is at the leading edge of our movement, supported by 43 members of Congress and city councils across the country. It calls for negotiation of a verifiable agreement to eliminate nuclear weapons, renunciation of first-use policies, ending the president’s sole authority to launch nuclear weapons, taking U.S. nuclear weapons off hair-trigger alert, and cancelling the plan to replace the entire U.S. nuclear arsenal with enhanced weapons.
Friends, there is no way that we can adequately thank Nihon Hidankyo and its Hibakusha members for their courage and steadfastness in warning the world about the existential danger we face in order to save humanity. Let the Nobel Peace Prize lead us to insist on No More Hiroshimas, No More Nagasakis. No More Hibakusha. No More War.
