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"It's fascinating that the more money that goes into our political system, the less we talk about actual politics."
The super PACs pouring money into the US Senate race in Maine are doing a great job of proving Graham Platner's point.
As new reporting on Monday detailed the flood of dark money targeting his campaign, the Democratic hopeful in recent days has put a spotlight on the super PACs, which he says have created a political system dominated by corporations and wealthy donors who want to distract from the serious issues and struggles faced by everyday voters and working families.
"I think it's very telling that a political system that has become controlled by money, controlled by the power of organized money, is also a political system that is trying to convince all of us down here that policy and discussions around what government can or cannot do is not what they want to talk about," Platner said during a conversation with Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), a longtime critic of super PACs, posted to social media.
"It's fascinating that the more money that goes into our political system," he continued, "the less we talk about actual politics."
"I agree with Senator Sanders: Super PACs should be outlawed," said Platner.
On Monday, Sludge reported that a pair of shadowy nonprofits "with no public presence and no disclosed staff" have dumped at least $750,000 into a super PAC supporting Platner's opponent, the five-term incumbent Republican Sen. Susan Collins, according to Federal Election Commission (FEC) filings.
Condorcet Initiative Corp. has given $500,000 to Pine Tree Results PAC across two separate donations, including $250,000 on May 1 that was disclosed in a filing reported to the Federal Election Commission last week. Ardleigh Impact Corporation contributed an additional $250,000 in April.
The PAC has spent nearly $4 million on attack ads against Sen. Susan Collins’ Democratic challenger Graham Platner, according to FEC data.
The two nonprofits are both described as shell-like entities linked to the same address in Springfield, Virginia, belonging to Republican political consultant Staci Goede.
The groups are part of a much larger network and have poured a combined $9 million into GOP-aligned PACs since 2024, including in four competitive Senate races in this coming cycle.
Goede, meanwhile, is the treasurer or officer for at least nine different nonprofits "that span Republican Senate campaigns, pro-Israel donor pass-throughs, and issue advocacy groups," according to the report.
The Campaign Legal Center has filed a complaint against Ardleigh, arguing that the nonprofit, which contributed an astonishing $2.575 million across six federal committees in its first three months of existence, was being used as a straw donor to conceal the identities of one or more rich benefactors.
The source of the $750,000 aimed at Platner remains unknown. But the Pine Tree Results PAC is already known to have a slate of wealthy backers from the commanding heights of finance and tech, including Blackstone CEO Stephen Schwarzman, hedge fund founder Paul Singer, and Palantir CEO Alex Karp. The fund has also taken in contributions from an affiliate of the tobacco giant Altria and from the far-right news company Newsmax.
According to a FEC data, it has raised more than $16 million to help Collins ward off a challenger in 2026, which will almost certainly be Platner.
While the potential use of straw donors may present legal issues, the use of super PACs by wealthy backers to dump unlimited sums behind their preferred candidates is unquestionably legal under federal campaign finance law.
As of March, super PACs funded by crypto, artificial intelligence, pro-Israel donors, and outside groups had already spent more than $225 million trying to influence the 2026 election cycle, according to the Washington Post.
Platner has argued on the campaign trail that the unchecked ability of the wealthy to influence elections is a genesis point for the growing wealth gap between the rich and poor.
"The inequality we’re experiencing, it didn’t happen organically," he said at a recent campaign event. "We live in the outcome of policy written by establishment politicians who for 40 years have been doing the bidding of those who donate the most money to them."
The Pine Tree Results PAC had already spent nearly $4 million on ads attacking Platner as of May 20, according to FEC data. As Sludge's reporting notes, "Rather than engaging with policy, the ads are exclusively focused on personal attacks against Platner, digging up comments the candidate made online going back as far as 2013."
So far, attempts to mire Platner in personal scandal have done little to blunt the momentum of his populist campaign. A poll from the University of New Hampshire in late May showed him leading the incumbent by a nine-point margin among likely voters and other polls show similar advantages.
It can be expected that the PACs attacking Platner will make a meal out of recent reports from The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times that probe into the private details of his marriage.
But noting the failure of past attempts to drown Platner in controversy, Lever News founder David Sirota questioned in a piece on Monday if these sorts of "character" attacks even work in an age of politics defined by rapacious corporate greed and corruption.
He noted how Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Ct.) and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) responded to recent questions from news outlets about whether Platner’s controversies mean he’s failed to “pass the character test.” Murphy responded that “character involves standing up to people who are bankrupting and corrupting this country,” while Khanna lauded Platner for “having the character to stand up against the war in Iran, against genocide, and against an unfair and lopsided economy.”
This response, Sirota said, hinted that the country could be entering a new political paradigm—"a reality in which many voters are so economically pulverized and politically disillusioned that they now define 'character' in a politician solely as whether or not they are single-mindedly focused on destroying oligarchy and ending corruption."
“It is, potentially, a new era in which voters who can’t afford anything and who feel totally ignored by their government have reimagined their entire definition of political 'character' on economic/anti-corruption terms—rather than on old definitions of personal moral rectitude,” he wrote. “In this potential new reality, the personal shortcomings of individual politicians—which often have little effect on voters’ actual lives—are less important and electorally salient than the policies those politicians support and oppose."
"And such a shift," he added, "would make sense in the current moment.”
As the Trump-backed oligarch tries to grow even more wealthy and with longstanding rules changed to his benefit ahead of the SpaceX public offering, "retirees could take huge losses, while insiders cash out."
Billionaire Elon Musk has ambitions to become the world's first trillionaire when his company SpaceX makes what is expected to be the biggest initial public offering in history—and money unwittingly invested by ordinary Americans may help him get there.
Progressive media outlet More Perfect Union on Wednesday published a video detailing how the Nasdaq stock market exchange changed its own rules so that SpaceX can be immediately included in index funds without having to wait through the one-year "seasoning" period that used to be required for newly public companies.
The reason companies in the past had to wait a year to be included in index funds is that such funds contain a large chunk of Americans' retirement savings, and are thus supposed to be more averse to risk.
Watch the 12-minute video:
NEW: Elon Musk wants a SpaceX IPO valuing the company at upwards of $1.75 trillion.
To get there he got the rules changed so that index funds, with millions of Americans' retirement savings, are forced to buy in.
Retirees could take huge losses, while insiders cash out. pic.twitter.com/DviJEt0XAu
— More Perfect Union (@MorePerfectUS) May 27, 2026
This means that ordinary investors could see their money plunged into an unproven company while investors who have bankrolled Musk's previous ventures now rolled into SpaceX could cash out at inflated prices.
"Every piece of evidence we have is that the IPO is being engineered to rise very rapidly after it prices, and then fall very dramatically after that," George Pearkes, global macro strategist for Bespoke Investment Group, told More Perfect Union. "That is a recipe for retail investors, especially, to take large losses."
SpaceX is a particularly risky bet, Preakes added, given that it is seeking a $1.75 trillion valuation with its IPO. For a company that made only $19 billion in profits last fiscal year, critics say a valuation 54 times larger than its projected revenue multiple, a measure of its value based on expected future earnings, is a huge red flag.
"This combination of extreme size and this extreme multiple," Peakes said, "is completely unprecedented."
Pearkes isn't in the only expert concerned about the structure of the SpaceX IPO.
Writing at Seeking Alpha, independent equity researcher Julia Ostian similarly argued that the SpaceX IPO is structured using a "calculated mechanism that will feed the artificial demand generated by the forced index fund buyers," and thus at least initially send share values soaring beyond what the company's fundamentals would suggest, and giving insiders an opportunity to quickly cash out.
Ostian added that "it is clear who is the beneficiary here and who pays the price for this engineered system," and said that "the rich are getting richer openly, without hiding it or even without trying to pretend it’s something else."
As More Perfect Union emphasized, the entire IPO was orchestrated by Musk for maximum advantage to himself and his closest allies, but he needed regular Americans to put up the money for the scheme to work.
"He got the rules changed so that index funds, with millions of Americans' retirement savings, are forced to buy in," the outlet noted. "Retirees could take huge losses, while insiders cash out."
"Are you willing to fight for somebody you don't know as much as you are willing to fight for yourself? If this campaign is any indication, the answer in Maine is a resounding yes."
Over 1,700 people attended a packed-house rally in a former waterfront warehouse in Portland, Maine on Monday as Sen. Bernie Sanders championed the working-class populist candidacies of Graham Platner for US Senate and Troy Jackson for governor in front of a crowd that never missed a chance to boo and rail against Republican Sen. Susan Collins—and the billionaire class that has benefited most from her nearly 30-year career in Washington, DC.
"We are coming for you, Susan Collins," said Bill Jefferson, a Vietnam veteran and peace activist, who opened the Memorial Day event by noting "the horror of combat and unbearable losses" that come with war.
Jackson, a fifth generation logger from northern Maine who previously served as president of the State Senate, denounced a political system in which "people that can write the biggest checks" win while working people—stretched to the breaking point week after week just trying to get by—always end up on the losing end.
"What little time we have is being stolen by the oligarchy," —Troy Jackson
"This is a hard point sometimes to get across," said Jackson, "but honestly, I'm running for governor because we've been robbed by so many things in this world by the people who control it, but there's never been any greater robbery than that of our time. It's something that we can never get back. The time that we have with our parents, our children, and our loved ones is limited. It's finite."
"What little time we have is being stolen by the oligarchy," said Jackson, "who see our lives, who see us as nothing more than a commodity—something to monetize."
"We can't afford to wait any longer," he said, before declaring: "Our time is now!"
Ahead of the Democratic Party primary in Maine on June 9, where he faces a large field of candidates looking to take over from outgoing Democratic Gov. Janet Mills, Jackson said that "solidarity" between the people of the state is not a word, but a "lifestyle," and that campaigning next to Sanders and Platner is about building a movement with the strength of working people behind it.
"Right here in Maine," he said, "we are going to remind the world that the Democratic Party is the party of the working class and we're damn well going to fight for it for a change."

Kelli Brennan, president of the Maine State Nurses Association (MSNA), told the crowd that the fight at hand is against President Donald Trump and "his billionaire buddies," but also about building a better society where Medicare for All is embraced and people are not profiting off the sickness of others.
"This isn't about the right versus the left," said Brennan. "This is about the haves versus the have-nots; the billionaires versus the working class; and healthcare capitalism has no place in the world of healing."
After Gov. Mills dropped out of the race for the US Senate last month, the primary is no longer the obstacle it once was for Platner's campaign, which now has its sights firmly set on the general election against Collins. After a similar rally on Sunday further north in Orono, Platner told the crowd in Portland, the state's largest city, that the strength his campaign has shown thus far is more a credit to them than to him.
"Senator Sanders asked a question in his 2020 presidential run," said Platner. "Are you willing to fight for somebody you don't know as much as you are willing to fight for yourself? If this campaign is any indication, the answer in Maine is a resounding yes."
"This isn't about the right versus the left. This is about the haves versus the have-nots; the billionaires versus the working class." —Kelli Brennan, MSNA president
Back in September, Sanders became the first major political figure to endorse Platner at a Labor Day event when the campaign was just a few weeks old. In the months since, Platner explained Monday, he has seen firsthand what the question posed by the man he credits with inspiring him politically means in practice.
"I've heard from students who fear not only for themselves, but for their parents and their grandparents, the people who gave them everything and whose Social Security checks get smaller each month as everything else gets more expensive," said Platner. "I've heard from fishermen, who—with all the challenges they face—are concerned about how tariffs are impacting their neighbors who are contractors. Or I've heard from loggers who fear for the nurses and the teachers in their communities who seem to never be paid what we know they are owed."
"Here in Maine, we are ready to fight as hard for the people we do not know as we are for the ones that we do," Platner thundered. "It is who we are and it is who we will always be."

"This movement—our movement—is not divided by age or by class or by gender or by race," he continued. "It's not divided by where you live in Maine or for how long. This is a movement of Maine, by Maine, and for Maine. And we are going to take back what is ours, because for decades—they have taken. Piece by piece, store by store, hospital by hospital, home by home—they have taken. They took so much they began to think that we didn't exist at all, but they don't know Maine."
Recalling claims by establishment Democrats like Sen. Elissa Slotkin (D-Mich.), who last year complained that Sanders’ use of the word “oligarchy” wouldn’t resonate with Americans even as he had drawn more than 100,000 people to rallies on the nationwide Fighting Oligarchy tour, Platner jokingly checked with the crowd before using the term.
“There’s a word I want to use to describe what we are fighting,” he said. “Before I use it, I just want to make sure. Can you raise your hand if you know what the word ‘oligarchy’ means?”
"That's what I thought," said Platner as hands shot up across the crowd.
"Piece by piece, store by store, hospital by hospital, home by home—they have taken. They took so much they began to think that we didn't exist at all, but they don't know Maine."—Graham Platner
The word, defined by Merriam-Webster as "a system of government where all power is concentrated in the hands of a small, elite group," appeared well understood by attendees who filed out of the building after the rally.
"Balancing society with us versus the 1%, fighting the oligarchy... That's very important to me as a concern for the future," a resident named Ben Russell, who attended the rally with his young family, told Common Dreams. "We brought life into this world, and we'd like it to not devolve into some cyberpunk dystopia."
The rally speakers, along with Sanders, Jackson, and Platner, offered a "brand of politics that cares about all the people," Russell said, "and not just allowing the greed of a few Americans to ruin it for the rest of us."
Sanders, in his remarks, said that oligarchs, the billionaires, the corporate media, and too many folks in Congress are in the habit of telling people that the society we have now is just "the way it is—you can't do better than that."
But the message from candidates like Jackson and Platner, as well as the nationwide push to confront the oligarchy, is to stand firmly against that position.
"We're here to say that we can do a hell of a lot better than that," said Sanders. "We can create an economy that works for all of us, not just the billionaire class."

Another rallygoer, who asked not to be identified, said she was motivated to spend Memorial Day at an indoor political event because "the billionaires are running this country right now, and we have a criminal wannabe billionaire king in the White House who's allowing it to happen."
"My son has to live with me because he can't afford to live on his own," she told Common Dreams, referring to a living arrangement that's grown more common for adults aged 18-34 across the country.
Among Americans aged 25-34, the share living with their parents has jumped over 87% over the past two decades, US Census data shows, as adults struggle to afford housing.
At the rally, Sanders asked the crowd whether "everybody here in Portland [has] great housing at an affordable cost," leading the crowd to answer with a resounding, "No!"
"Well, nobody in Burlington, Vermont does either," said the senator. "And all over this country, what we're seeing is people paying 40, 50% of their limited incomes on housing."
"We can create an economy that works for all of us, not just the billionaire class." —Sen. Bernie Sanders
The housing affordability crisis is well known to Mainers and Portland residents, with a 2023 study finding the state was in need of 84,000 new housing units by 2030 in order to meet demand. Last year, the National Low Income Housing Coalition found that a full-time worker in Maine must earn $28.42 an hour to afford a two-bedroom apartment at fair market rent—but the median hourly wage in the state is just $24.19, while the minimum wage is $15.50.
Roughly half of renters in Cumberland County, where Portland is located, were spending more than 30% of their income on housing costs in 2020-24, qualifying them as cost-burdened, according to a Census survey.
At the rally, the crowd expressed anger at the impact of the housing affordability crisis on people at all income levels, booing loudly when Sanders noted that 800,000 Americans are now homeless.
"I think [it] is really unfortunate in the wealthiest country in the world that we can't take care of those people," Russell told Common Dreams.

Along with loudly booing Collins throughout the speeches, the crowd erupted in cheers at Platner's demand that US tax dollars be used to "build schools and hospitals in America instead of bombs to drop on them in Gaza," and at Sanders' call to pass "legislation to get super [political action committees] out of the political process."
"I want the day to come when young people who want to run for public office," said Sanders, can do so "without having to beg wealthy people and billionaires for campaign contributions."
Planter, who has said that before last year he never aspired to any public service beyond serving as harbor office in his small town of Sullivan, credited Sanders for his relentless commitment to a message that says "we can have an economy and a government that works for the 99% and not just the 1%." But Platner also emphasized that "we are not going to get any of this with speeches alone or with any politician alone."
"No one is coming to save us. We need one thing, something the man speaking after me has been fighting for for 60 years. We need a political revolution," said Platner, drawing some of the biggest applause of the night. "It is thousands of people across Maine, millions across America, acting together, creating a movement too powerful for money to buy."
Platner followed with a call for attendees to volunteer for his and Jackson's campaigns, emphasizing that doing so would be an opportunity to connect with people who may have different political beliefs or affiliations.
"It is taking precious time out of our weeks, week after week, and doing something that isn't complicated, but is hard: talking to our neighbors at their doors, overcoming our differences, and bringing them into our fight because this is the fight of our lives," said Platner.
The message stuck with one voter, who said as she was leaving the venue, "People have to take back the power, and this bunch of people can do that."
Those who gathered in Portland, she said, were "not coming from any other place except who they are as individuals and what they want to see for their families."