

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
NPR's CEO called the ruling "a decisive affirmation of the rights of a free and independent press."
Although the Corporation for Public Broadcasting dissolved at the beginning of the year, National Public Radio and the Public Broadcasting Service still celebrated a win in court on Tuesday, when a federal judge in Washington, DC blocked President Donald Trump's executive order intended to strip the organizations of federal funding.
NPR's attorney, Theodore Boutrous, called US District Judge Randolph's permanent injunction "a victory for the First Amendment and for freedom of the press."
"As the court expressly recognized, the First Amendment draws a line, which the government may not cross, at efforts to use government power—including the power of the purse—'to punish or suppress disfavored expression' by others," he said in a statement to The Associated Press. "The executive order crossed that line."
Katherine Maher, NPR's CEO, similarly described the ruling as "a decisive affirmation of the rights of a free and independent press."
PBS said in a statement that "we're thrilled with today's decision declaring the executive order unconstitutional."
"As we argued, and Judge Moss ruled, the executive order is textbook unconstitutional viewpoint discrimination and retaliation, in violation of long-standing First Amendment principles," the network added. "At PBS, we will continue to do what we've always done: serve our mission to educate and inspire all Americans as the nation's most trusted media institution."
Trump last May ordered the Corporation for Public Broadcasting to "cease direct funding to NPR and PBS, consistent with my administration's policy to ensure that federal funding does not support biased and partisan news coverage." As private donations poured in to NPR and PBS, Congress then voted to claw back nearly $1.1 billion from CPB.
The congressionally created and funded nonprofit corporation, which distributed federal funding to locally managed public radio and television stations across the United States, then announced it would shut down—which it ultimately did following a January vote by its board of directors. Still, NPR and PBS fought back in court, leading to Tuesday's decision.
"The president may, of course, engage in his own expressive conduct, including criticizing the views, reporting, or programming of NPR, PBS, or any other news outlet with whom he disagrees," wrote Moss, an appointee of former President Barack Obama.
"The government may also fund its own speech and may fund government programs that promote specific perspectives on issues of public importance, and it may decide which views or perspectives to convey—and which not to convey—in any such government speech or program," Moss continued. "And it may impose limits on federal grants to ensure that they are deployed to further the legitimate purposes of the program, and may pick and choose among applicants based on legitimate criteria."
"But the First Amendment draws a line, which the government may not cross, at efforts to use government power—including the power of the purse—'to punish or suppress disfavored expression' by others," the judge stressed. "As the Supreme Court and DC Circuit have observed on more than a dozen occasions, the government 'may not deny a benefit to a person on a basis that infringes his constitutionally protected... freedom of speech even if he has no entitlement to that benefit."
Moss found that "Executive Order 14290 crosses that line. It does not define or regulate the content of government speech or ensure compliance with a federal program. Nor does it set neutral and germane criteria that apply to all applicants for a federal grant program. Instead, it singles out two speakers and, on the basis of their speech, bars them from all federally funded programs."
"It does so, moreover, without regard to whether the federal funds are used to pay for the nationwide interconnection systems," he explained, "which serve as the technological backbones of public radio and television; to provide safety and security for journalists working in war zones; to support the emergency broadcast system; or to produce or distribute music, children's, or other educational programming, or documentaries."
The judge noted that the order applied to grants from not only the now-defunct CPB but all federal entities, including the Department of Education, Federal Emergency Management Agency, and National Endowment for the Arts.
Because of those other potential sources of money, CNN reported Tuesday, "the ruling could—emphasis on could—lead to some funding for PBS and NPR in the future."
Tim Karr of Free Press also told Common Dreams that "should Congress decide to restore funding at some later point," the executive order "won't have any legal effect on preventing it from doing so."
Welcoming the decision in a statement, Public Citizen co-president Lisa Gilbert said that "NPR and PBS are valuable resources for the American public. Children across socioeconomic backgrounds rely on their programming, and the political persecution of both stations by the Trump administration has been reprehensible."
"This ruling is a straightforward win for the rule of law," she continued. "The Constitution is very clear: Congress holds the power of the purse. This judicial ruling is appropriate, impactful, and a victory for democracy."
Seth Stern, chief of advocacy at Freedom of the Press Foundation, tied the development to the Trump administration's other attacks on the media, specifically those from Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Chair Brendan Carr and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.
"As the court said, it's long been the law that the government can't circumvent the Constitution by conditioning benefits on censorship where it can't censor directly," Stern said. "That goes for publicly funded media, but it also goes for Brendan Carr's FCC conditioning broadcast licenses or merger approvals for private media companies on editorial concessions to please Donald Trump, Pete Hegseth conditioning access to the Pentagon on journalists forfeiting established rights, or Trump himself steering transactions like the Paramount-Warner Bros. Discovery merger to supporters of his who promise him 'sweeping changes' to bend the news to his liking."
"Virtually all of the administration's 'wins' in reshaping the media that Carr and Trump have bragged about at CPAC and in social media posts violate this well-established constitutional principle," he added, referring to the Conservative Political Action Conference that just concluded. "More news outlets should sue and win."
This article has been updated with comment from Free Press.
"The dissolution of CPB is a direct result of Donald Trump and his MAGA Republican allies' reckless crusade to destroy public broadcasting and control what Americans read, hear, and see," said Sen. Ed Markey.
The Corporation for Public Broadcasting—which helped fund NPR, PBS, and many local public television and radio outlets—announced Monday that its board of directors has voted to dissolve the 58-year-old private nonprofit, a move one Democratic US senator blamed on Republican efforts to destroy the venerable American institution.
CPB said in a statement that Sunday's board of directors vote "follows Congress’ rescission of all of CPB’s federal funding and comes after sustained political attacks that made it impossible for CPB to continue operating as the Public Broadcasting Act intended."
Patricia Harrison, CPB's president and CEO, said Monday that "for more than half a century, CPB existed to ensure that all Americans—regardless of geography, income, or background—had access to trusted news, educational programming, and local storytelling."
"When the [Trump] administration and Congress rescinded federal funding, our board faced a profound responsibility: CPB’s final act would be to protect the integrity of the public media system and the democratic values by dissolving, rather than allowing the organization to remain defunded and vulnerable to additional attacks," Harrison added.
CPB board chair Ruby Calvert said: “What has happened to public media is devastating. After nearly six decades of innovative, educational public television and radio service, Congress eliminated all funding for CPB, leaving the board with no way to continue the organization or support the public media system that depends on it."
"Yet, even in this moment, I am convinced that public media will survive, and that a new Congress will address public media’s role in our country because it is critical to our children's education, our history, culture, and democracy to do so," Calvert added.
The dissolution of CPB won't end NPR, PBS, or other public media outlets—which are overwhelmingly funded via contributions by private donors and by viewers and listeners.
President Donald Trump, congressional Republicans, and conservative advocacy groups—including the Heritage Foundation, which led work on Project 2025, the right-wing roadmap for remaking the federal government whose agenda includes stripping CPB funding—argue that NPR, PBS and other public outlets have become too "woke" and liberally "biased." In May, Trump signed an executive order calling for an end to taxpayer support for CPB-funded media.
Critics counter that Republican attacks on CPB have little to do with ensuring balanced coverage and fiscal responsibility and more to do with punishing media outlets that are critical of Trump and his policies.
"The dissolution of CPB is a direct result of Donald Trump and his MAGA Republican allies' reckless crusade to destroy public broadcasting and control what Americans read, hear, and see," US Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) said in a statement Monday.
“Today’s decision to dissolve the Corporation for Public Broadcasting marks a grave loss for the American public," Markey continued. "For generations, CPB helped ensure access to trusted news, quality children’s programming, local storytelling, and vital emergency information for millions of people in Massachusetts and across the country."
"CPB nurtured and developed our public broadcasting system, which is truly the crown jewel of America’s media mix," he added. “This fight is not over. I will continue to fight for public media and oppose authoritarian efforts to shut down dissent, threaten journalists, and undermine free speech in the United States of America.”
Free press defenders also lamented CPB's imminent dissolution, as well as consolidation in the corporate mainstream media.
"Meanwhile," said human rights attorney Qasim Rashid on Bluesky, "billionaires continue to buy up major legacy media to prevent criticism of Trump."
There is so much that National Public Radio could do to make itself better and raise the expectations of its listening audience.
The reasons Congress created NPR, or National Public Radio, under the Nixon administration were to fill the yawning gaps of commercial radio in local, national, and international news coverage and to give voice to the people without the censorship that comes from advertisers. It was to be publicly funded by taxpayers. Almost 55 years later, NPR is now funded heavily by large corporations. NPR’s local affiliates solicit local business advertisements and grants from local corporations. President Donald Trump has cut out NPR’s small federal subsidy, further increasing its dependence on commercial funding.
Resolution One: Apart from excellent features around the country and the world, NPR should give voice to what civic groups are doing to improve our country locally and nationally. NPR is heavy on entertainment and coverage of entertainers. It needs to fill some of its airtime with news about the bedrock civic community in America. The imbalance is serious from the national to the local. NPR anchors regularly ignore calls by civic leaders requesting discussions about this exclusion.
Resolution Two: NPR has featured many reports and interviews on race but needs far more focus on class. Class exploitation of the poor and working class by the rich and powerful corporate supremacists feeds racial discrimination. The euphemism used is “inequality,” but corporate-bred crime, fraud, and abuse affect all people indiscriminately, which often disproportionately harms minorities. A result of the gross imbalance of time devoted to race and not to class is that indiscriminate injustice is mostly ignored.
Over 60 million poor whites in our country, if they even bothered to listen to NPR, might ask, “What About Us?”
NPR often focuses on racial plights without going to the sources of race- (and class-) based harms from commercial greed. Redlining, exploitation of tenants, lower pay (average hourly wages for Black and Hispanic men are substantially lower than those of white men), substandard healthcare, rampant overcharging of the poor (recall the book The Poor Pay More: Consumer Practices of Low-Income Families by David Caplovitz), greater difficulty getting loans, and discrimination against upward mobility to corporate executive ranks are some examples of systemic commercialism fueling systemic racism.
NPR’s collateral benefit from this inattention is that business advertisers large and small love NPR and its affiliates. This is especially the case for corporations with bad records, which crave NPR’s asserted prestige. NPR should reject ads from disreputable or criminal corporations.
Resolution Three: Stop mimicking commercial radio. NPR’s three-minute news segments on the hour often don’t even match the mediocre quality of CBS Radio’s choice of topics. For example, why, in 2023, were tennis star Novak Djokovic’s visa problems in Australia at the top of NPR news day after day? As for commercials, NPR stretches the envelope, airing, with its affiliates, as many as 30 ads per hour! Imagine the audience irritation. How many times do we have to hear each hour, “NPR is supported by XYZ corporation”? NPR gives abundant repetitive ad time to the same few advertisers that one wonders whether they are assured of exclusivity vis-a-vis competitors. Moreover, NPR starts the evening program "Marketplace" with ads, which even the commercial networks do not do.
Your listeners want you to decongest your programming from ads. And some may want to know why you haven’t, given the decades you have largely given up on reversing the relative decline of congressional appropriations. You give ample time to loud right-wingers and right-wing causes. Why aren’t you gaining bipartisan support for more congressional funding?
Resolution Four: Compress the weather forecasts. Back in 1970-1971, Congress knew that commercial radio stations gave plenty of time to weather, traffic, sports, and music. That is still true. So why does WAMC in Albany, an NPR local affiliate, have such lengthy forecasts, some starting with the West Coast, with ludicrous repetition for adjacent areas? WAMC is above average, with full-time staff covering local and state governments and candidates for public office.
Resolution Five: NPR should re-evaluate its music policy. NPR’s affiliates take their weekends seriously, so much so that they take off right at 6:00 p.m. on Saturday and Sunday evenings. Let the listeners hear music for the rest of the time, as if the world stops then.
Also, musical intervals are often too long, inappropriate for their context, and foolishly interjected. NPR’s evening program Marketplace, anchored by jumping-jack Kai Ryssdal, illustrates these observations. Even while he is rapidly giving the stock market numbers, there is background music loud enough to be considered foreground.
Resolution Six: Reconsider the uniform formulaics shackling your reporters. They respond to the anchor’s inquiry with a zigzag between their sound bites and corroborating sound bites from consulting firms, think tanks, and academic commentators. This model has a tedious staccato ring to it, especially since the reporters often, by way of their introduction, repeat what the interviewees are going to say.
Resolution Seven: Correct or explain your major faux pas. NPR staff need tutorials on the constitutional authority of Congress. NPR needed to explain immediately to its listeners why, with all that staff in Washington, DC, it took about 90 minutes (or until about 3:30 pm) to start telling its affiliates about the January 6, 2021 violent assault on Congress. Commercial CNN and other commercial media started reporting no later than 2:00 pm that fateful day. “And that’s not the only time NPR has messed up,” said one reporter for WAMC (that annually pays NPR $1 million for NPR programming).
Resolution Eight: Give your public editor, Kelly McBride, a regular public time slot to discuss her insights, presently communicated mostly internally, and to address serious feedback from your listeners about NPR’s broadcasting flaws. For example, NPR has broadcast Trump’s soundbite blatant lies without pointing out that they are false. The New York Times and Washington Post frequently advise their readers that such statements by Trump are false. (Local affiliates invite political opinions, personal development, and "how to" questions on related shows).
Ms. McBride could share the program with NPR’s CEO–a position more remote from the NPR public every decade. Hear ye, Katherine Maher! Among other benefits, you’ll get good suggestions for important, little-told news stories (see reportersalert.org).
Congress should have held long-needed public hearings in both the senate and the house of representatives to ascertain whether the original missions accorded to public radio and public broadcasting are being pursued both qualitatively and quantitatively and whether these networks and their affiliates have steadily strayed from those missions, due in part to the absence of congressional oversight and adequate mechanisms for public evaluations.
In that spirit, we issued a report in 2024 titled The Public’s Media by Michael Swerdlow, distributed to many reporters, editors, anchors, and top officials at NPR. The only response was from public editor Kelly McBride, who called it “a fair critique.” Even NPR’s resident intellectual, Scott Simon, has yet to share his thoughts.
There is so much more to learn about NPR and PBS about their relations with American Public Media, the BBC, and other connections to make them better and raise the expectations of their listening audience.
It’s easy to be complacent when you have so little competition from the commercial stations that for decades have debased our publicly owned airwaves, free of charge.
As conditions worsen on the ground, some establishment media have indeed increased their quantity of coverage, but few are expressing the heightened sense of horror and urgency that's needed at this juncture.
Before the third week of July, when mass-starvation alarms finally started sounding, only a tiny minority of Americans were focused on the crimes against humanity that Israel was committing in Gaza. Common Dreams readers had long known what was going on, of course, but most Americans who depend on establishment media, whether liberal or MAGA, for their news had little idea. In a Harvard-Harris poll published in early June, only 2% of respondents said Israel's war on Gaza was the most important issue to them. Only 5% believed it was even one of the most important issues facing the country today.
Why would so many people think that if their government is enabling a campaign of slaughter and starvation against a civilian population of 2 million human beings, it's not an important issue? Much of the blame can be assigned to government officials, other public figures, faith leaders, and establishment news media who have either defended Israel's actions or treated its crimes as a minor issue, if they mention them at all.
Then, in the last week of July, when a host of international experts, monitors, and humanitarian aid groups declared that Gaza was plunging into a state of famine, I wondered if big media would expand or improve their coverage accordingly. Now that Palestinian photographers have provided us with countless images of mothers holding skeletal children in their arms, one might expect that Israel's campaign to expel the Palestinian people from their homeland, if not wipe them out entirely, would be the story at every news outlet every day. You'd think the issue would be blowing up on social media across the political spectrum. You'd think that, as a result, Congress and the White House would be inundated with demands that they crack down on Israel and finally get enough food into Gaza.
So I looked around, and some establishment media have indeed increased their quantity of coverage. But few are expressing the heightened sense of horror and urgency that's needed at this juncture. Their tone often reads or sounds as if they're reporting on the aftermath of a wildfire or earthquake or plane crash. And context is still missing. In every report or commentary, they should be reminding readers, viewers, or listeners that Israel could not have inflicted such unspeakable cruelty and human suffering on this vast scale for almost two years without Washington's full support. They're neglecting (or deciding?) not to provide that crucial background, much less recognize the Palestinian people's right to live free in their own homeland.

When it comes to cheerleading for Zionism—and blithely supporting a full-blown genocide to boot—The New York Times is the consensus champion. In the past two years, Palestine supporters have blasted the old paper harder than ever for spreading pro-Israel propaganda with its reporting, for the smug callousness of its opinion writers, and for passive-voice headlines giving the impression that the source of Palestinians' endless suffering is a mystery. Here, though, I'll leave monitoring of the Times to the pros and focus instead on many liberals' favorite "objective" news source, the beleaguered National Public Radio.
It had been clear since this spring that if the Israeli occupation continued blocking food supplies from entering Gaza, famine would eventually sweep through the territory. Then on July 29, the International Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, the technical body that declares when and where famines occur, issued an alert stating in part"
The worst-case scenario of Famine is currently playing out in the Gaza Strip. Conflict and displacement have intensified, and access to food and other essential items and services has plummeted to unprecedented levels. Mounting evidence shows that widespread starvation, malnutrition, and disease are driving a rise in hunger-related deaths. Latest data indicates that Famine thresholds have been reached for food consumption in most of the Gaza Strip and for acute malnutrition in Gaza City. Immediate action must be taken to end the hostilities and allow for unimpeded, large-scale, life-saving humanitarian response. This is the only path to stopping further deaths and catastrophic human suffering.
This came as no surprise. In the course of the previous week, increasing numbers of children were reported to be starving to death, and more than a hundred aid organizations issued a statement warning of "mass starvation," as the "Israeli government's siege starves the people of Gaza." As early as July 19, the Palestinian Information Center put out a report titled, "Famine Claims Hundreds of Lives, Including 69 Children." So around July 22, I started checking to see if corporate and public media were ramping up their coverage of Israel's genocide and if so, what they were reporting.
The major U.S. TV networks have expanded their coverage, for the most part. The Times and Washington Post appear to have done so as well, but I, like many, canceled my subscriptions to them last year, so all I know of the substance of their reporting comes from their detractors. The Guardian has had lots of stories on some days and not much on others. Magazines vary. The New Yorker has done OK; don't miss the interviews in which Isaac Chotiner has grilled and fact-checked Israeli apologists. The Atlantic has paid little attention, and what they have published comes mostly from the keyboard of Yair Rosenberg, their earnest purveyor of Zionist propaganda. Slate and The New Republic seem to have run very little if anything.
I examined NPR's coverage more systematically, by looking through the archives of "Morning Edition" and "All Things Considered," their top daily news programs. I sampled random dates (without looking at show contents beforehand), including eight shows, four from each program, in the July 2–17 timespan, that is, before there was much talk of imminent famine in Gaza. I then sampled 14 shows that aired in the July 18–31 period, when a quickening drumbeat of increasingly dire famine warnings was sounding.
In the sample of shows between June 2 and 17, I found exactly one report related to Israel's war on Gaza. It was a gripping, harrowing story featuring NPR Gaza producer Anas Baba's attempt to obtain food for his family by venturing to one of the phony, deadly food distribution centers being run by American mercenaries. It was very good, but it was alone; there were no reports on Gaza among the other 148 segments aired during the eight shows I checked.
Like most outlets, NPR started paying more attention as famine closed in on Gaza between July 18 and 31. Of the 226 segments included in the 14 shows I sampled from that period, 18, or 8%, covered Israel's war on Gaza. Anas Baba reported again on the "food aid" death traps and also on Israel's threat to kill any Palestinian who ventured into the Mediterranean Sea, thereby blocking people from catching fish to feed their families. There were stories about cease-fire talks and starvation among Gaza's journalists. Then there was an interview of a British surgeon who had been operating on gunshot victims at Nasser Hospital. Among other shocking revelations, he noted that "one day we will see mainly abdominal gunshot wounds. Another day we'll see head gunshot wounds. Another day we'll see neck gunshot wounds. So there is a very clear pattern that all, not just me but all of us, have seen in this hospital, whereby particular body parts are targeted [by Israeli troops] on particular days." Though few and far between, reports like those, especially ones with Anas Baba's byline, gave a good sense of what's happening in Gaza.
But other segments told a very different story.
On July 23, with children dying of starvation in ever-greater numbers, "All Things Considered" host Ari Shapiro interviewed the vice president of global policy for the aid organization Mercy Corps about the group's just-issued statement on mass starvation in Gaza. Having prefaced an earlier question by saying, "I know that food has been scarce since the beginning of this war," Shapiro asked, concerning the food centers run by U.S. mercenaries, "Can you explain why this scheme is so much more dangerous than the previous U.N. model that you would like to see come back?"
The interviewee responded, in part, "In order to get there, [food-seekers are] often going through places that are quite dangerous, either because they're littered with unexploded ordnance or because they have to sort of cross near Israeli forces, and as a result, we've seen these massacres that have occurred. And there's also, just because of the situation I described, how little [food?] there is, often panic and chaos and lack of communication around this. And we see crushing incidents, like happened last week at one of these sites. So as a result, you know, [it's] very dangerous to go to these places."
That exchange may have confused listeners who'd missed on-the-scene reporting by Baba or other Palestinian journalists. Neither the interviewer nor the interviewee was putting nouns and verbs together in ways that make clear who's causing starvation and deaths, or how. Food "has been scarce." Why? The new food scheme is "much more dangerous than the previous U.N. model that you would like to see come back"? You mean those 400 not-at-all-dangerous United Nations food centers that were replaced by four U.S. death traps? Is it only Mercy Corps that wants the U.N. centers back? "Massacres have occurred." How? Does it have something to do with people having to "sort of cross near Israeli forces"?
The Mercy Corps representative mentioned unexploded ordnance, poor communication, and "crushing incidents" but not gunfire by Israeli troops. It is, of course, the latter who have killed more than 1,000 Palestinian civilians at or on the way to food sites. (At the top of the interview, Shapiro does mention that food-seekers are "risking being shot," but that's just more passive-voice equivocation.)
That same day, Shapiro interviewed an Israel representative to the U.N. about his country's blockade that continues to keep food out of Gaza. He allowed the official to repeat Israeli myths that Hamas—Gaza's government—is starving its own people. And as Israeli officials always do, he also blamed Hamas for the failure of cease-fire talks: "There is a cease-fire offer on the table. We said yes, for that cease-fire… We accepted the cease-fire offer. Hamas rejected it... So the blame is on Hamas."
It's Israel that keeps scuttling deals, of course; the official was turning reality inside out. And instead of challenging him on his lies about food aid and the cease-fire talks, Shapiro came back with a clumsy taunt that implicitly accepted the official's bogus claims: "You are saying that Hamas is able to prevent food from reaching the civilian population. Israel has spent almost two years heavily bombarding the Gaza Strip. If that was not enough to loosen the grip of Hamas, does that mean Israel's strategy in this war has been a failure?" Having falsely but successfully pinned blame on Hamas, the official simply dismissed the accusation of failure, saying, "We accomplished a lot," but "We have to finish the job."
Shapiro let those final six chilling words slip by without pointing out what Israelis mean when they say, "finish the job" in Gaza.
Finally, Shapiro bore down hard on the official—not about Israel having created a hell on Earth for 2 million Palestinians, half of them children, and not about Israel slaughtering more than 200 Palestinian journalists or keeping food out of Gaza, but about Israel refusing to allow Western journalists into Gaza. The official offered another vapid answer, and, with the usual, "I'm afraid that's all the time we have," Shapiro put an end to the debacle.
On July 29, virtually every U.S. news outlet, including NPR, reported that two Israeli human rights groups had just taken the fateful step of labeling the war on Gaza a genocide. But "Morning Edition," sustaining its reputation for hearing from both sides—however abhorrent one side's position may be—followed its report on the groups' announcements with a segment headlined, "War scholar discusses why he does not think there is a genocide in Gaza."
Rather than interview, say, an expert in international law, NPR chose John Spencer, an urban warfare scholar from the U.S. Military Academy who has embedded four times with the Israeli occupation forces in Gaza. In response to host Steve Inskeep's softball questions, Spencer disgorged propaganda that may have been even less connected to reality than the hasbara we keep hearing from Israeli officials. Several times, Inskeep responded not by fact-checking Spenser but by asking fresh questions that seemed intended to express incredulity but instead provided the military scholar with more chances to elaborate on his lies. At other times, Inskeep just changed the subject. Here are a few examples from the interview:
Inskeep: We could argue over how many [Palestinians] are combatants or noncombatants, but many are dead. Why is that not genocide?
Spencer: Because that's—I mean, the Genocide Convention's only a few pages. You can read it… And all the mountain of evidence of what Israel is doing to preserve infrastructure, civilian life, to provide services—both medical. I mean, the number of field hospitals, the number of water pipes, the amount of aid…
Inskeep: Do you think there's a single well-functioning hospital in all of Gaza?
Spencer: Yeah… After Israel surrounds them and evacuates them, picks the Hamas out of the crowd, and then lets [the staff] go back in, they go back into operating in some way.
Inskeep [allowing that fairy tale to stand]: Why do you think food has been so desperately short in recent months in Gaza…?
Spencer: Yeah, and there's more than one reason, and this is the problem. Israel attempted the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation effort to try to wrest the grasp of Hamas, depending on who's...
Inskeep [interrupting]: They blamed Hamas for being connected too closely to United Nations efforts and said they'd set up their own. OK.
Spencer: [more false accusations against Hamas, which Inskeep left uncontested]
Inskeep: Why do you think the Israeli effort to replace that food distribution system has worked so poorly?
Spencer: I don't think it's worked poorly… [followed by a string of lies praising the death-trap "food aid" centers run by U.S. mercenaries]
Inskeep: Do you not think that there are people in Israel's government who would like the land for Israel and for the Palestinians to leave?
Spencer: What usually happens in war is, you do move in, and you occupy that ground until you find somebody else to govern it.
Inskeep: Israel has not seemed that interested in finding someone else to govern it.
He was right on that. Israel wants to govern Gaza itself, after driving out its entire population. Lastly, Inskeep suggested a compromise by asking Spencer, in effect, OK, if you reject the term genocide, would you agree that Israel is at least committing war crimes? Spencer refused to do even that, contending that it's only individual soldiers who have "done the wrong thing." And with that, he got the last word. Inskeep wrapped up this bizarre who's-on-first conversation with, "John Spencer, scholar at West Point. Thanks very much."
These NPR interviews nicely illustrate a principle articulated by the scholar Benay Blend in her conclusion to a recent article for The Palestine Chronicle: "Given their reluctance to report anything other than the Official Story, it's not enough to ask that mainstream news cover these stories from Palestine. Given their unqualified reliance on Zionist narratives, it is perhaps best that they don't."
This is no time for phony "balance" or blind "objectivity" in interviewing, reporting, or commentary. If an occupying power is going all-out to obliterate the population whose land it is trying to steal, and a news outlet takes care not to take sides, then they are, in fact, taking a side, and it's the wrong one.
"For nearly 60 years, CPB has carried out its congressional mission to build and sustain a trusted public media system that informs, educates, and serves communities across the country," said the organization.
The organization that has been funding public media in the United States for more than half a century said on Friday that it is shutting down its operations.
In a press release, the Corporation for Public Broadcasting (CPB) said that "it will begin an orderly wind-down of its operations following the passage of a federal rescissions package" that clawed back more than $1 billion in previously approved funding for public broadcasting. President Donald Trump, who pushed for the rescissions, signed the package into law last month.
CPB also cited Senate Republicans’ release of an appropriations package that excluded public broadcasting funds "for the first time in more than five decades."
"For nearly 60 years, CPB has carried out its congressional mission to build and sustain a trusted public media system that informs, educates, and serves communities across the country," said CPB. "Through partnerships with local stations and producers, CPB has supported educational content, locally relevant journalism, emergency communications, cultural programming, and essential services for Americans in every community."
The majority of staffers at CPB will see their employment end after this coming September, though the organization plans to keep a small crew of employees on board through January "to ensure a responsible and orderly closeout of operations."
CPB President and CEO Patricia Harrison described the decision to shut down as a "difficult reality" and praised the role that the organization has played over the years in educating and informing Americans.
"Public media has been one of the most trusted institutions in American life, providing educational opportunity, emergency alerts, civil discourse, and cultural connection to every corner of the country," she said. "We are deeply grateful to our partners across the system for their resilience, leadership, and unwavering dedication to serving the American people."
Throughout its existence, the CPB was responsible for distributing funds to regional National Public Radio and Public Broadcasting Service stations across the United States. These stations would air both local content relevant to their specific markets as well as nationally syndicated shows including "Sesame Street," "NOVA," and "Frontline."
Earlier this week, Kate Riley, the president and CEO of America's Public Television Stations, lambasted Republicans on the Senate Appropriations Committee who failed to restore CPB funding.
"With this vote, the Senate Appropriations Committee missed an opportunity to extend a desperately needed lifeline to local public media stations that are already cutting essential services and staff and, in some cases, planning for their closure as a result of the rescissions of public media funding earlier this month," she said.
She went on to say that the negative effects of the cuts to public broadcasting are "real and imminent" and have "already begun to dramatically impact the vital services that local stations provide to communities across our country."
"This bill was an opportunity to acknowledge the dire situation that local stations are in and reverse their devastating fate," she added. "Instead, today the Senate Appropriations Committee turned a blind eye to local public media stations and the communities that rely on them for critical services."
"It is still early, and we hope the support will continue to grow," said the CEO of a firm that tracks and analyzes donations to public media.
Republicans in Congress may have voted to defund publicly funded media outlets in the United States, but American citizens are trying to fill the gap.
The New York Times reports that donations to public media have surged ever since the GOP voted to eliminate $550 million in annual funding for the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) and National Public Radio (NPR).
Citing numbers from Contributor Development Partnership, a firm that provides analysis of public media fundraising data, the Times reports that donors this year have so far contributed $70 million more to NPR and PBS than they had done over the same period the year before. The numbers also show that "over the last three months, as the prospect of the cuts intensified, roughly 120,000 new donors have contributed an estimated $20 million in annual value," writes the Times.
Contributor Development Partnership CEO Michal Heiplik tells the Times that these donations, while impressive, are still a long way from being able to fill the $550 million hole left by GOP cuts.
"It is still early, and we hope the support will continue to grow," he said. "Next few weeks will be telling."
Heiplik also tells the Times that more donors in recent months have signed up to become sustaining members, which he says will be helpful in ensuring both entities have sustained finances instead of having to rely on one-time bursts of donations.
The vast majority of funding for public media has long come from donors, with only a small percentage coming from the federal government.
The Trump purge of federal spending is about stripping our democratic system of all accountability mechanisms—including the sorts of journalism that hold our country’s rich and powerful accountable—and replacing it with propaganda.
U.S. Congress’ decision early Friday morning to completely defund the Corporation for Public Broadcasting is a blow to anyone who cares about the role the media must play to sustain the health of a democracy. The move follows a request by President Donald Trump to claw back more than $1 billion lawmakers had already allocated to the entity, which supports National Public Radio and Public Broadcasting Service stations across the country.
Zeroing out federal funding for public media has been a dream of Republicans since the Nixon administration. But it’s one that, until now, never came true. Past efforts ran up against a noisy public—including people of every political persuasion—who believe federal funding for public media is taxpayer money well spent.
Many were engaged in the current fight, too; they dialed their members of Congress by the thousands to urge them to preserve essential funding for favorite local radio and television stations. But Republican members of Congress chose to listen to their Dear Leader instead. The week prior to the rescission vote, Trump threatened to withhold his “support or endorsement” in upcoming elections to any Republican who didn’t back the clawback. And with far too few exceptions Republicans willingly got in line
The loss of CPB funding will be felt for years. “This is a vote to evade public accountability and hide the Trump administration’s destructive actions from independent scrutiny,” Free Press Action co-CEO Craig Aaron said.
It won’t be easy to rebuild what Trump has ruined, but we must because the health of our democracy depends on having independent public media. And the less than $2 per person that U.S. taxpayers willingly paid to fund the CPB was paltry by comparison with what other modern democracies spend on their own public media.
Congress is acting on the false belief that the November 2024 election—which Trump won with less than a majority of the popular vote—delivered them a mandate to remake the federal government in the president’s autocratic image.
The benefits in this public-interest equation far outweighed any expense. They include essential educational programming, invaluable accountability journalism, and the broadcast of emergency information.
As senators debated Trump’s defunding request on July 16, a 7.3-magnitude earthquake struck the Alaska Peninsula, prompting rural and island-bound public-radio stations to issue tsunami alerts to affected listeners throughout the region. It’s these rural stations that rely the most on public funds to air potentially lifesaving updates during emergencies and their aftermath.
Still, Congress is acting on the false belief that the November 2024 election—which Trump won with less than a majority of the popular vote—delivered them a mandate to remake the federal government in the president’s autocratic image, regardless of the costs.
And those costs are very high. The Trump purge of federal spending is not just about downsizing the government so billionaires won’t have to pay their fair share in taxes. It’s about stripping our democratic system of all accountability mechanisms—including the sorts of journalism that hold our country’s rich and powerful accountable—and replacing it with propaganda.
If anything has a popular mandate, it’s the use of federal funds to support public media. Americans routinely rank PBS among the most trusted institutions in the country, and a “most valuable” service taxpayers receive for their money.
These benefits accrue to our democratic system. A 2021 study coauthored by University of Pennsylvania professor (and Free Press board chair) Victor Pickard finds that more robust funding for public media strengthens a given country’s democracy—with increased public knowledge about civic affairs, more diverse media coverage, and lower levels of extremist views. Other studies strongly suggest that declines in such local news and information lead to drops in civic engagement.
There’s reasonable criticism of the public-broadcasting system that had been in place since President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Public Broadcasting Act of 1967. For example, CPB needed to offer more support to the proliferation of local noncommercial outlets serving communities too often overlooked by legacy commercial media. In addition, tax laws need to better accommodate local commercial news outlets seeking to shift their fiscal models to not-for-profit.
But we should build these changes on the foundation the CPB has established over the decades. That foundation has been swept away by a leader who cares far more about himself than the health of our nation.
It’s hard to find a silver lining to such a dark cloud. If any exists it’s in the energy and organizing for better public media at state and local levels.
New Jersey just re-upped its commitment to fund the Civic Information Consortium, a groundbreaking state-level effort that supports trustworthy, community-based news and information sources throughout the state.
These solutions are needed in addition to a federal mechanism for funding public media, not in place of it.
Local lawmakers in other states—including California, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New Mexico, Pennsylvania, and Washington—are advancing policy solutions that increase public support for and access to nonpartisan and independent local news. Noncommercial media—including existing outlets like Capital & Main, City Bureau, LAist, Mississippi Today, Outlier Media and ProPublica—are offering an antidote to a hyper-commercial media system that is too fearful of political leadership (and protective of profit margins) to act as a check against official abuses of power.
One possible solution is to impose a small tax on advertising to fund the production and distribution of local news and civic information, something Free Press has long advocated for.
But these solutions are needed in addition to a federal mechanism for funding public media, not in place of it. We still need to mobilize behind efforts to restore the CPB or a similar entity to that role. The goal—building a media system that serves the interests of the American people, and not those of a unitary executive—is vital to saving our democracy.
In the U.S., public broadcasting plays a unique role in our media diets as free, reliable, and trusted information. If it goes, we won’t get it back.
Our public radio and TV stations are in grave peril, and with them the unique services they perform for our communities.
By the end of day Friday July 18, we’ll know if Congress has clawed back the money it already gave to public broadcasting, through the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, or CPB. (The House will decide; this is your moment to call your representatives to ask them to support their public radio and TV stations, and to join—for free—Protectmypublicmedia.org.) Even if that money stays protected, though, public radio and TV will continue to be attacked.
I’ve studied public broadcasting here and around the world for 40 years. And I serve on the board of directors of the taxpayer-funded Independent Television Service, which coproduces a lot of the documentaries you might see on public TV. So, of course, I think it’s an important part of our media in America. But I think you probably do, too.
You might know public broadcasting through your local TV or radio station, both private nonprofits. Or you might know it through the services many such stations depend on for daily, high-quality, award-winning programs: National Public Radio (NPR) and Public Broadcasting Service (PBS). Both of them are private nonprofits that make, select, and bundle programs for public stations.
So far, public broadcasting has weathered political attacks, which didn’t begin with this administration but have reached a new high with it. But it has only done so by depending on its users—you and me—to come out and show their support.
Either way, you’re in good company. PBS and NPR are the most trusted media brands in the United States. Half of PBS viewers depend on PBS for news and information, including more than half of people who identify as “extreme conservatives” or “extreme liberals.” NPR’s news is trusted by more than half of those who have heard of it. Americans trust public media news and public affairs much more (by half) than they do commercial mainstream media.
Public stations, like those in Oklahoma, are the ones to issue emergency warnings in time of crisis. Kids learn about job opportunities from CPB’s American Graduate: Jobs Explained series—supported among others by Iowa, Tennessee, and Arizona public broadcasters. In rural Eureka, California, the public station carries program for the local indigenous communities. In south Texas, KDET provides distance learning for kids whose first language is Spanish. ITVS documentaries have brought you inside stories from small towns like Medora, Indiana; Taft, Oklahoma; Norco, Louisiana; and Huslia, Alaska.
American taxpayers contribute, overall, about 15% of the budgets of public radio and TV stations—a percentage that’s usually lower for the bigger, more urban stations, and higher for smaller, rural stations. Alleghany Mountain Radio and KTNA in Talkeetna, Alaska for instance depend on federal funds for about two-third of their budgets. Last year CPB’s budget was $535 million. (For comparison, military marching bands cost the American taxpayers more than $300 million a year.) The rest comes from us as individual donors, from private and corporate foundations, and from local and state taxes.
So it’s not big funding and cutting it would make no dent in the deficit. But it’s critical funding; it’s the money that leverages all the rest of it, and that provides the stability to be able to do the work year after year.
The people who designed public broadcasting—and that included a lot of people, from the late Bill Moyers as an aide to President Lyndon Johnson, to military experts and educators—were worried about how government funding could become censorship. So they created CPB as a private nonprofit, not as a government agency. That is why the Trump administration cannot fire its staff or its board. CPB and local stations all have First Amendment protection against government interference. And that is why the Trump administration cannot tell them what to program or which services, like NPR and PBS, to use. The designers required Congress to give CPB its budget two years in advance, to protect against political shenanigans. That is why Congress has to vote to claw that money back.
What public broadcasting’s designers created is unique in the world—most countries’ public broadcasting is just a mouthpiece for government. In the U.S., public broadcasting plays a unique role in our media diets as free, reliable, and trusted information, a connection to local communities, and a daily example of the essential role of shared public knowledge in democratic life.
If it goes, we won’t get it back.
So far, public broadcasting has weathered political attacks, which didn’t begin with this administration but have reached a new high with it. But it has only done so by depending on its users—you and me—to come out and show their support. Right now is the time to call your representatives, and to join Protectmypublicmedia.org. (Protect My Public Media makes it super-easy to connect with your reps.) We all have something to lose.
"At 2 am, Republicans just passed a bill to defund public broadcasting and lifesaving aid because Trump told them to—they wouldn't even protect rural radio or emergency alerts."
In the early hours of Thursday morning, Senate Republicans passed legislation that would claw back $9 billion in previously approved congressional funding for public broadcasting and foreign aid programs targeted by President Donald Trump's White House.
The final vote count was 51 to 48, with Sens. Susan Collins (R-Maine) and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) joining Democrats in opposing the package, which now heads back to the GOP-controlled House for final passage. The legislation would cement some of the Trump administration's lawless, unilateral attacks on programs approved by Congress with bipartisan support.
"At 2 am, Republicans just passed a bill to defund public broadcasting and lifesaving aid because Trump told them to—they wouldn't even protect rural radio or emergency alerts," said Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.), the vice chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee, warning that the GOP's partisan clawback of funding imperils all future spending negotiations.
"Congress should decide what we spend and what we cut—not Trump and not Russ Vought," Murray added, referring to the director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB).
In a floor speech ahead of the Thursday morning vote, Murray said Vought refused to be specific about which programs would be cut if the rescissions bill passes.
"It's one of the great outrages of this package," said Murray. "At our hearing with him, he refused to go into detail. He stonewalled us. We asked and we asked. The chair, the Republican chair, even asked him about this. But OMB would not tell us. The question is: What will you cut? The answer has been: Pass it, we'll see."
"The thing that's particularly dangerous about it is that this is probably a test case. If they pull it off with these topics, they'll move on to more and more and more topics."
The White House rescissions request was broadly outlined in a May memo authored by Vought, an architect of the far-right Project 2025 agenda.
The Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which helps fund PBS and NPR, is expected to face over $1 billion in cuts, while the rest of the rescissions package targets foreign assistance.
"With this vote, Senate Republicans are telling us everything we need to know about their priorities," said Alex Jacquez, the Groundwork Collaborative's chief of policy and advocacy. "After passing a tax law that gives a massive giveaway to billionaires and raises costs on working families, Senate Republicans are now codifying DOGE's deeply unpopular and reckless cuts to vital programs. Once again, Republicans are failing to deliver on the one thing they promised: lower prices. Instead, they're waging a campaign that will make life more expensive and difficult for working families while lining the pockets of the wealthy."
During the marathon amendment process, Republicans rejected Democratic proposals to shield public safety alerts and prevent cuts to international disaster relief programs.
Vought has signaled that the White House will likely submit more rescissions requests if the $9 billion in cuts make it through Congress.
Kate Riley, the president and CEO of America's Public Television Stations, said in a statement following the Senate vote that the rescissions bill would "eliminate federal funding to the local public television stations throughout this country that provide essential lifesaving public safety services, proven educational services, and community connections to their communities every day for free."
"This elimination of federal funding will decimate public media and put local stations at risk of going dark, cutting off service to communities that rely on them—many of which have no other access to locally controlled media," Riley warned.
Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) accused Republicans of weaponizing the rescissions process to attack "some of their favorite enemies, like National Public Radio, Elmo, or food for starving people overseas."
"The thing that's particularly dangerous about it is that this is probably a test case," Whitehouse added. "If they pull it off with these topics, they'll move on to more and more and more topics, bringing their Musk-type chainsaw to projects which Congress has approved on a bipartisan basis, put into law, and funded."
The bill threatens "emergency alerts that save lives, local journalism that informs communities, and educational tools that support families, job seekers, and teachers," according to Protect My Public Media.
The Republican-controlled U.S. Senate is on the verge of stripping more than a billion dollars from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which could decimate local news stations.
On Tuesday, the chamber voted 50-50, with a tie broken by Vice President JD Vance to move forward with debate on the package, which is underway as of Wednesday morning.
Three Republicans—Sens. Susan Collins (R-Maine), Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), and Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.)—joined Democrats in opposition.
If passed, the bill would codify President Donald Trump's illegal impoundment of more than $9 billion in funds that were already appropriated by Congress.
Defenders of public media have mobilized a last-ditch effort to stop the bill, which strips more than $1.1 billion from the CPB, which includes cuts to NPR and PBS.
The progressive group Our Revolution on Tuesday delivered more than 70,000 petitions to the Senate urging them it to vote against the bill's advancement.
"This is a coordinated, authoritarian attempt to silence dissent and dismantle the public good—not 'fiscal policy,'" the group said in a post on social media.
Despite the bill's advancement to the debate stage, the group Protect My Public Media says that the cuts can still be stopped.
"Changes to the bill are still possible," the group said. "Now is the time to urge your senators to remove the proposal targeting public media from the package."
"Taking back this funding—just $1.60 per person per year—wouldn't simply force stations to scale back," the group continued. "It would dismantle services that millions rely on every day: emergency alerts that save lives, local journalism that informs communities, and educational tools that support families, job seekers, and teachers. In many rural and underserved areas, the loss could be total. Some stations may be forced off the air entirely, leaving entire communities without access to essential information."
Legislators have similarly warned about the bill's devastating effects on local news.
This was highlighted in a letter sent Tuesday by Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus Chair Grace Meng (D-N.Y.), Congressional Black Caucus Chair Yvette Clarke (D-N.Y.), and Congressional Hispanic Caucus Chair Adriano Espaillat (D-N.Y.).
"The federal government is the largest single funding source for public television and radio stations," the letter said. "CPB's elimination would decimate public media infrastructure, as the vast majority of its funding goes directly to local stations, many of which rely on it for over half their operating budgets."
More than 70% of CPB funding goes to local news and radio stations, according to its website. This funds more than 1,500 locally-owned public radio and television stations. Around half of those are in rural areas, which are often "news deserts" that lack other sources of regular coverage.
Murkowski, one of three Republicans who voted against the bill Tuesday, noted this at a Senate Appropriations hearing last month. Speaking about public news stations in her home state of Alaska, she said, "[A]lmost to a number, they're saying that they will go under if public broadcasting funds are no longer available to them."
In May, NPR President and CEO Katherine Maher disputed the Republican characterization of these cuts as a cost-saving measure.
"This is not about balancing the federal budget," she said. "The appropriation for public broadcasting, including NPR and PBS, represents less than 0.0001% of the federal budget."
Rather, she said, it's an investment in a local news ecosystem that pays off in the long-run.
"Every $1 of federal funding generates $7 from local sources," she said, "enabling stations to produce local journalism, support local and regional music and arts, and develop creative, informative, and entertaining programming for distribution across the nation."
The plan to cut public broadcast funding is overwhelmingly unpopular. In a poll conducted by Data for Progress last week, just 21% of voters said they wanted to defund public broadcasting including NPR and PBS, compared with 67% who said they wanted to either keep funding at its current levels or increase it.
The Senate vote on whether to pass the rescissions package could take place Wednesday following debate and amendment votes. Should it pass, it will return to the House, where the deadline for its passage is Friday.
Though it moved on to the debate stage Tuesday, just one more Republican defector could force the bill's cuts to public broadcasting to be revised.
"Now it's our job to speak up and make sure the Senate hears us," said Protect My Public Media in a final urgent plea. "Pulling back support from local stations would leave communities less safe, children less prepared for school, and all of us less connected."