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Wells Fargo Workers United and Stop the Money Pipeline are teaming up to target one corporation that clearly doesn't care about everyday people: Wells Fargo.
Living in the United States right now, it's easy to feel rage and despair. Corporations and billionaires have amassed so much money and power that popular opinions held by everyday working people are no longer represented by our federal government, and corporations are freer than ever to do what they like.
The results are damning: rising costs of basic needs like healthcare, housing, insurance, and groceries, making them unaffordable. We are faced with increasingly dangerous extreme weather events, endangering our homes, businesses, and loved ones. We are exposed to more pollution and toxins in our air, water, and soil than ever before. On top of it all, our mandated tax dollars are being used to kill and starve children at home and abroad.
Now, we find ourselves asking: How can we possibly influence our government, these corporations, and the billionaire class to do the right thing? Our only choice is to work together: the climate and labor movement uniting to hit these corporations and billionaires where it hurts—their wallets.
Wells Fargo Workers United and Stop the Money Pipeline are teaming up to target one corporation that clearly doesn't care about everyday people: Wells Fargo. In February, despite its rank as the fifth largest funder of fossil fuels in the world in 2024, Wells Fargo publicly dropped its 2030 and 2050 climate goals. Wells Fargo has also been caught union busting, recently allegedly eavesdropping on bargaining. The bank has already faced over 30 Unfair Labor Practice (ULP) charges, and has been found violating workers’ rights on multiple occasions. Since its founding, Wells Fargo executives have proven that they will prioritize profit over people and the planet.
There’s a magical reality that happens when talking to people about the power they already have to impact a corporation and the world.
We won’t let them get away with it. If enough Wells Fargo workers join the union, they can withhold, or threaten to withhold, their labor, which could cost the company real revenue loss. Workers can then use this leverage to negotiate for higher wages, more staff, and an end to Wells Fargo’s funding of the climate crisis. This the first time that a union is forming at a US bank this large.
We’re seeing real momentum. Already, 28 Wells Fargo branches have voted to unionize and are actively engaging in bargaining. In August, over 30 people from communities facing the brunt of pollution from fossil fuel build-out in the Gulf South visited bank branches in San Francisco to inform workers about the union and Wells Fargo dropping its climate targets.
There’s a magical reality that happens when talking to people about the power they already have to impact a corporation and the world. We’ve seen workers light up when we share more about the support system of workers who feel the same way they do. They lift out of the drudgery of their daily routine, and sparkle with energy as we explore the possibility of change in their workplaces. In a time when so many of us are isolated, the opportunity to come together safely in person and affect real meaningful change can be so fulfilling, and even joyful. We need as many people as possible talking to Wells Fargo workers about the union to build the power we need to win.
This isn’t just about what we’re against, this is about what we fight for: a collective future where all of us can thrive, drink clean water, and breathe clean air; where workers unite to build power for better working conditions and climate policies. Any worker, anywhere, can take action. If you are a union member, or connected to any climate or labor organizing, talk to your leadership to see what you can do to build these bridges.
We won’t deny the challenges before us. It's true, stepping outside of your comfort zone is scary, but this is a space of growth and creativity. To create a better world, we have to do things that challenge ourselves and our status quo. As the saying goes, “Action is the cure for despair.” The only way to effectively protect our world and democracy is to stand together across climate and labor and fight back as one. It’s time that we embrace this moment together.Six of the 12 MLB teams in this year’s playoffs—including the league champions—are sponsored by some of the biggest polluters on the planet as well the financial institutions that underwrite them.
Millions of baseball fans have been watching this year’s World Series between the Los Angeles Dodgers and Toronto Blue Jays, building on the huge audience the Major League Baseball playoffs attracted over the last few weeks. Nationally, postseason viewership through the American and National League championship series averaged 4.48 million, a 13% increase from 2024, making it the most-watched baseball postseason since 2017.
Fans tuning in couldn’t help but notice signage in the ballparks—as well as logos on players’ uniforms—promoting corporations that are exacerbating climate change. Six of the 12 MLB teams in this year’s playoffs—the league champions along with the Boston Red Sox, Cleveland Guardians, Detroit Tigers, and Milwaukee Brewers—are sponsored by some of the biggest polluters on the planet as well the financial institutions that underwrite them.
It’s called sportswashing, a play on the term greenwashing. Companies sponsor teams to portray themselves as good corporate citizens, increase visibility, and build public trust, hoping that fans will form the same bond with their brand that they have with their teams. According to a 2021 Nielsen study, 81% of fans completely or somewhat trust companies that underwrite sports teams, second only to the trust they have for friends and family.
As it turns out, more than half of the 30 MLB teams are pursuing petrodollars, but baseball is not alone. Three dozen US pro basketball, football, hockey, and soccer teams have similar sponsorship deals that afford oil companies, electric utilities, and fossil fuel-friendly financial institutions a range of promotional perks, from billboards and jersey logos to community outreach projects and facility naming rights, according to a survey conducted last fall by University of California, Los Angeles’ Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment.
Baseball club owners, however, are more concerned about their bottom line than their sponsors’ climate impacts
Most sports aficionados are likely unaware that their favorite teams are going to bat for corporate climate destroyers, but baseball fans in New York and Los Angeles are calling out the Mets and Dodgers, demanding that they sever their ties to the fossil fuel industry. Cigarette advertisements, which at one time were ubiquitous in ballparks, were essentially banned because of the threat smoking poses to public health. Given the threat that fossil fuels pose to public health and the environment, shouldn’t their ads—as well as the other trappings of their sponsorships—be banned as well?
Oil, gas, and coal are largely responsible for the carbon pollution driving up world temperatures and triggering more dangerous extreme weather events. Last year the world experienced the highest average global temperature in 175 years of recordkeeping, and that dubious distinction came on the heels of 10 of the hottest years, according to the World Meteorological Organization. Those warmer temperatures certainly played a role in producing the 27 weather and climate disasters in the United States last year that caused at least $1 billion in damages, one fewer than the record set in 2023.
Baseball club owners, however, are more concerned about their bottom line than their sponsors’ climate impacts. After all, annual MLB payrolls today average $157 million.
The Dodgers, whose $321 million payroll is the highest in baseball, first partnered with Phillips 66, owner of the 76 brand gas station chain, in 1962. The most visible element of their partnership is the company’s iconic 76 orange logo that sits atop both Dodger Stadium scoreboards. But like most sponsorships, it is about much more than prime ad placement.
Phillips 66 fosters community loyalty, for example, by collaborating with the Dodger foundation’s educational and charitable programs, including a campaign promoting science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education for underserved elementary and middle-school students. Most of its tie-ins, however, involve various promotions to sell more gasoline. Customers who buy at least 8 gallons can get a free limited edition 76-Dodger pin or two Dodger home game tickets for the price of one. And on special “76 Stadium Days,” customers who fill up their tanks can get free tickets, T-shirts, and other swag.
Phillips 66 has built a devoted customer base over the years by tying itself to the Dodgers, but its environmental track record tells a very different story. It is definitely not a good corporate citizen. The company is among the nation’s top 10 air and surface water polluters in total pounds and the 14th biggest carbon polluter, emitting more than 30 million metric tons in 2022, according to the 2024 edition of Political Economy Research Institute’s (PERI) “Top 100 Polluter Indexes.” The company also is one of six major oil and gas companies California sued in June 2024 for climate damages, accusing them of carrying out a “decades-long campaign of deception” to hide the truth about climate change and delay the transition to clean energy. Likewise, it is among 32 companies named in similar lawsuits filed at the same time by three California cities—Imperial Beach, Richmond, and Santa Cruz—and three California counties—Marin, San Mateo, and Santa Cruz.
Arco, owned by Marathon Petroleum, also advertises in Dodger Stadium. The country’s largest oil refiner with more than 7,000 Marathon and Arco gas stations nationwide, it is among the top 20 air, surface water, and carbon polluters in the country, according to PERI’s 2024 report. It also is one of the oil and gas companies sued by the six California municipalities in June 2024, and the company and its subsidiaries have been fined more than $900 million for federal environmental violations since 2014.
An Ohio-based company, Marathon Petroleum has much closer ties with the Cleveland Guardians. It has been one of the team’s main sponsors since 2021, and the team—who lost to the Tigers in the wild card round—has been wearing its logo on their sleeves since the summer of 2023. Its logo also is prominently displayed in the Guardians’ ballpark and, as part of the uniform patch agreement, is featured on souvenir jerseys given to fans on two game days every season.
Cleveland’s ballpark has been called Progressive Field since 2008, when the Progressive insurance company paid $58 million for naming rights for 16 years. It extended the deal through 2036 for an undisclosed sum last year. While Progressive is a minor player when it comes to fossil fuel investments, it is still a contributor. As of 2024, the company had $306 million invested in 20 utilities and fossil fuel companies, including Duke Energy, Marathon Petroleum, and ExxonMobil, according to a report by the German environmental nonprofit Urgewald.
The Tigers, who lost to the Seattle Mariners in the American League Division Series, partner with DTE, a local fossil fuel-based electric utility. DTE derives 40% of its electricity from coal, another 26% from fossil gas, and only 12% from wind and solar. Although the company is committed to reducing its reliance on coal over the next decade, it plans to replace it with fossil gas, not renewables.
The Blue Jays, Brewers, and Red Sox, meanwhile, have commercial ties with financial institutions that invest heavily in fossil fuels.
The Blue Jays’ jersey sleeves display the logo of the Toronto-Dominion (TD) Bank, the ninth biggest financier of fossil fuel companies in 2024, when it invested $20 billion, according to the 2025 edition of the “Banking on Climate Chaos” fossil fuel finance report. More than a quarter of that outlay—$5.5 billion—went to the Trans Mountain Pipeline extension, which the report says “poses a grave threat to Indigenous people.” Its US recipients included ConocoPhillips, NGL Energy, and Phillips 66.
The Brewers, who lost to the Dodgers in the National League Championship Series, wear Northwestern Mutual patches on their sleeves. As of last year, the insurance company had $12.17 billion invested in 146 fossil fuel companies, including ExxonMobil, Marathon Petroleum, and Shell, according to Urgewald’s report.
Lastly, one of the official sponsors of the Red Sox, who lost to the New York Yankees in the wild card round, is Bank of America. According to the “Banking on Climate Chaos” report, it invested $46 billion in fossil fuels in 2024, second only to JPMorgan Chase. Its US recipients included Occidental Petroleum, Duke Energy, and ConocoPhillips.
Besides the Red Sox’ Bank of America connection, an illuminated Gulf Oil sign hangs on the back wall overlooking Fenway Park’s left field grandstand. (As Sox fans know, there is also a massive Citgo sign sitting on top of a nearby building that looms over Fenway’s Green Monster, but it is not owned by the Red Sox.)
In June 2024, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres castigated coal, oil, and gas companies—dubbing them the “godfathers of climate chaos” for spreading disinformation—and called for a worldwide ban on fossil fuel advertising. He also urged ad agencies to refuse fossil fuel clients and companies to stop taking their ads. So far, more than 1,000 advertising and public relations agencies worldwide have pledged to refuse working for fossil fuel companies, their trade associations, and their front groups.
Major League Baseball is behind the curve, but fans, environmentalists, and public officials in New York and Los Angeles have been trying to bring their teams up to speed.
Two years ago, a coalition of groups, including New York Communities for Change, Stop the Money Pipeline, and Climate Defenders, joined New York City Public Advocate Jumaane Williams to urge the New York Mets to sever ties with Citigroup—the third biggest fossil fuels financier in 2024—which paid $400 million for the Mets to call their ballpark Citi Field for 20 years. “Citi doesn’t represent the values of Mets fans or NYC,” Williams wrote in a tweet. “If they refuse to end their toxic relationship with fossil fuels, the Mets should end their partnership with Citi.” (Although the Mets payroll is nearly as high as the Dodgers’, they didn’t make the playoffs this year.)
Activists are hoping that more public officials—and more fans—will step up to the plate and pressure their teams to do the right thing.
While Williams and the coalition initially framed their campaign around the Mets’ ties to Citigroup, most of the coalition’s activity since 2023 has focused more broadly on Citigroup’s fossil fuel financing and not specifically on its Mets sponsorship.
A similar baseball-oriented campaign in Los Angeles, however, is still very much alive. More than 80 public interest groups, scientists, and environmental advocates signed an open letter in August 2024 calling on the Dodgers to cut their ties with Phillips 66. “Using tactics such as associating a beloved, trusted brand like the Dodgers with enterprises like 76,” the letter states, “the fossil fuel industry has reinforced deceitful messages that ‘oil is our friend,’ and that ‘climate change isn’t so bad.’” Since then, more than 28,000 Dodger fans have signed the letter, and the Sierra Club’s Los Angeles chapter has held rallies outside Dodger Stadium this year demanding that owner Mark Walter end his team’s Phillips 66 sponsorship deal.
The campaign has received support from some local elected officials. State Sen. Lena Gonzalez (D-33), for example, endorsed the campaign earlier this year. “Continuing to associate these [fossil fuel] corporations with our beloved boys in blue is not in our community or the planet’s best interest,” the lifelong Dodger fan told the City News Service, a Southern California news agency, in March. “Ending the sponsorship with Phillips 66 would send the message that it’s time to end our embrace of polluting fossil fuels and work together toward a cleaner, greener future.”
So far, the campaigns in New York and Los Angeles have struck out. Both the Mets and the Dodgers have balked at walking away from sponsorships worth millions. But activists are hoping that more public officials—and more fans—will step up to the plate and pressure their teams to do the right thing. As that baseball sage Yogi Berra astutely observed, “It ain’t over till it’s over.”
This article first appeared at the Money Trail blog and is reposted here at Common Dreams with permission.
If financiers can’t bring themselves to think about more than the next quarter, Republican politicians can’t bring themselves to think about more than the next round of donations. Together, they threaten our future.
People often ask me why I give away this newsletter for free. After explaining that I’m able to because some kind people take out a voluntary subscription, I give the noble answer: This is the most important topic on Earth, and so people need to know about it. The less noble answer is, sometimes I wonder if I’m really able to capture what’s going on, or if there are simply too many moving parts for anyone (me anyway) to write coherently about “climate change.”
That’s because it’s simultaneously the most important scientific story on the planet (in terms of physics and chemistry, but also everything from meteorology and agriculture to public health) with the largest imaginable economic effects, which should mean (but doesn’t) that it should dominate our political life. Understanding how those three spheres interact means trying to figure out everything from human psychology to geopolitics, and much in between. So I thought I’d try to give just a tiny sense this week of how, even in the course of a few days time, all these things bump up against each other.
Let’s start by looking at the science, of which there’s been a lot this week. Because the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change takes five years or more to issue its massive assessments, a somewhat smaller and nimbler group of 60 international experts has been assembled to issue interim annual updates, and this year’s is a doozy. Let’s let Zeke Hausfather sum it up:
“Things aren’t just getting worse. They’re getting worse faster,” said study coauthor Zeke Hausfather of the tech firm Stripe and the climate monitoring group Berkeley Earth. “We’re actively moving in the wrong direction in a critical period of time that we would need to meet our most ambitious climate goals. Some reports, there’s a silver lining. I don’t think there really is one in this one.”
The headline here is that we’ll pass the 1.5°C mark within a few years, but that’s long been obvious to anyone paying attention. The scary part is about the constantly growing energy imbalance on our planet, as more and more of the sun’s heat is held here instead of radiating out to space—this imbalance is up by about 25% over the last decade. Air temperatures are hitting new records almost every month, of course, (and if you want to read about the human damage that is causing, this new report from Pakistan is utterly typical) but most of the heat is pouring into the planet’s oceans. This makes oceans rise faster because warm water takes up more space than cold, and because ice is melting—the rate of sea-level rise has doubled in the past 10 years compared with the period from 1971-2018.
This kind of news is not producing the kind of reaction any normal person would reasonably expect.
I think the important thing to take away from this is that everything is now happening in very real time—forget 1.5°C, we’ll pour enough carbon into the air at our current pace to lock in 1.7°C within nine years. And that two-tenths of a degree, which sounds like so little? That’s enough to move 200 million human souls out of the comfortable climate zone they currently inhabit. (Nine years is the Trump term, and then assuming he leaves the next one).
But we’re already in the white water above the waterfall. New NASA data (and by the way it wouldn’t surprise me if these kinds of reports start to dwindle dramatically) this week showed an extraordinary increase in extreme weather events like droughts and floods around the world. Here’s how Roger Harrabin of The Guardian explained the findings:
The study shows that such extreme events are becoming more frequent, longer-lasting, and more severe, with last year’s figures reaching twice that of the 2003-2020 average.
The steepness of the rise was not foreseen. The researchers say they are amazed and alarmed by the latest figures from the watchful eye of NASA’s Grace satellite, which tracks environmental changes in the planet. They say climate change is the most likely cause of the apparent trend, even though the intensity of extremes appears to have soared even faster than global temperatures.
The closest thing we have to an explanation may have appeared in another new study, this one from the dauntless climate scientist Michael Mann and others, which found, as Seth Borenstein explained in The Associated Press, that climate change has tripled the number of “atmospheric wave events linked to extreme weather in the last 75 years.”
Planetary waves flow across Earth all the time, but sometimes they get amplified, becoming stronger, and the jet stream gets wavier with bigger hills and valleys, Mann said. It’s called quasi-resonant amplification or QRA.
This essentially means the wave gets stuck for weeks on end, locked in place. As a result, some places get seemingly endless rain while others endure oppressive heat with no relief.
“A classic pattern would be like a high pressure out West (in the United States) and a low pressure back East and in summer 2018, that’s exactly what we had,” Mann said. “We had that configuration locked in place for like a month. So they (in the West) got the heat, the drought, and the wildfires. We (in the East) got the excessive rainfall.”
The reason for the stuckness? We’ve melted much of the sea ice in the Arctic, reducing the temperature difference with the equator, and
that weakens the jet streams and the waves, making them more likely to get locked in place, Mann said.
“This study shines a light on yet another way human activities are disrupting the climate system that will come back to bite us all with more unprecedented and destructive summer weather events,” said Jennifer Francis, a climate scientist at the Woodwell Climate Research Center who wasn’t involved in the research.
The effects as this plays out will be—well, horrific. An eight-year study study of six key crops—corn, soybeans, rice, wheat, cassava, and sorghum—in the premier scientific journal Nature on Wednesday predicted that each degree Celsius increase in temperature will lower global food production by an average of 120 calories per person per day. Solomon Hsiang, who led the study at Stanford’s Doerr School for Suystainability, helpfully summed up the findings for CNN:
“If the climate warms by 3°C, that’s basically like everyone on the planet giving up breakfast,” he said. The world is currently on track for around 3°Celsius of warming by the end of the century.
America would be hit particularly hard, because we have the best grain-growing soil and climate on Earth—but it’s in a vast continental interior susceptible to drought in the new world:
If humans keep burning large amounts of fossil fuels, corn production could fall by 40% in the grain belt of the U.S., eastern China, central Asia, southern Africa, and the Middle East; wheat production could fall by 40% in the U.S., China, Russia, and Canada; and soybean yields could fall 50% in the U.S.
Again, this is not far away—remember that we learned in one of those other studies that the global carbon budget for staying below 2°C will be exhausted by the mid-2040s on our current trajectory.
So—you would think this would be the biggest story on planet Earth, and by several orders of magnitude. After all, “What’s for breakfast?” is one of the four most important questions on Earth, along with “What’s for lunch,” “What’s for dinner,” and “Do you think you could love me too?”
I don’t think it’s climate alarmism that’s going to end up on the ash heap of history—I think it’s pretty clearly humanity, not to mention the rest of the planet’s biology.
And at some level our leaders understand this. Jerome Powell, chair of the Federal Reserve and hence arguably the most important figure in the world economy, told the Senate Banking Committee this week that “banks and insurance companies are pulling out of coastal areas and… areas where there a lot of fires. So what that’s going to mean is that if you fast-forward 10 or 15 years there are going to be regions of the country where you can’t get a mortgage.” America’s wealth is largely stored in its houses—perhaps you remember the global financial crisis of 2008 when that wealth started to evaporate? This is that, but on steroids. Indeed, a new analysis from the entirely credible people at Bloomberg Intelligence estimated that the U.S. alone is already spending a trillion dollars a year on climate damage. “That’s 3% of GDP that people likely would have spent on goods and services they’d prefer to have, and amounts to “a stealth tariff on consumer spending,” the analysts write. (And it’s not just the U.S.—a new study found that climate-caused subsidence in soils is now a multi-trillion dollar risk for insurers across the E.U.)
And yet—and here we are definitively switching from science to politics and economics—this kind of news is not producing the kind of reaction any normal person would reasonably expect. It’s not even producing it at the Treasury Department, which you think might pay some small attention to the Fed Chairman. Instead, check out this description of events from intrepid reporters Alastair Marsh and Laura Noonan:
At a June 11 gathering of the Financial Stability Board, officials from France, the Netherlands, and Canada voiced dismay after Michael Kaplan, the Treasury’s interim undersecretary for international affairs, said climate should only be a focus if there’s proof of an imminent financial stability risk, according to people familiar with the matter who asked not to be identified discussing private talks.
The comments drew instant pushback, with some officials raising their voices, the people said. That led FSB Chair Klaas Knot from the Netherlands to briefly suspend the meeting until those present had cooled down, the people said.
That’s right, they had to stop the meeting for a while so that financial regulators didn’t—I don’t know, beat up?—the American representative. And of course America is where most of the world’s capital hangs out. The new edition of the now-venerable Banking on Climate Chaos report came out this week, and it was as big a doozy as the various scientific studies. After making endless pledges to help decarbonize the planet, the big banks—led of course by Chase, Citi, and Bank of America—”walked back many of those climate pledges and significantly increased their fossil fuel financing, including ramping up finance for fossil fuel expansion.” This is a gold-standard report—it found the banks, after four years of decreasing their funding to the fossil fuel industry, had increased it by $162.5 billion between 2023 and 2024, which were also the two hottest years we’ve ever recorded on this Earth.
Probably the best account of the folly of our financial system comes from the Sierra Club’s Ben Cushing, who last week put out a crucial paper calling on the planet’s investors to weigh systemic climate risks: “The greatest threat to long-term portfolios isn’t from holding particular stocks—it’s the continued rise in global emissions. And unless those emissions are reduced in the real world—not just in investors’ accounting systems—the damage will continue, and portfolios will bear the cost.”
But if financiers can’t bring themselves to think about more than the next quarter, Republican politicians can’t bring themselves to think about more than the next round of donations. The Senate this week decided to back up the House, and continued the job of gutting support for clean energy in the Big Beautiful Bill. As Sen. Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) explained, “The legislation achieves significant savings by slashing Green New Deal spending.” Instead, the Senate decided to reward oil drillers with new subsidies. For instance, as Evan Halper reports:
Several firms, including Occidental Petroleum, which is completing a large carbon-capture plant in the West Texas oil fields, sought expanded subsidies for using captured carbon dioxide to pressurize wells and draw more oil from the ground. The carbon-capture subsidy would push up the tax legislation’s price tag by what experts forecast will be billions of dollars.
It emerged after Occidental’s CEO said she personally lobbied President Donald Trump… The CEO said subsidizing the technology will enable oil companies to pull 50 billion to 70 billion additional barrels of oil out of the ground that they would not otherwise be able to get at.
Trump’s team was also busy arresting the public official who has done the most to stand up to the financial system’s insane greed, New York City Comptroller Brad Lander, who spent the afternoon in the hoosegow for the other crime in our current regime, helping immigrants. Meanwhile, remember those NASA satellites showing us the increase in extreme weather events? That’s the kind of thing the administration is busily shutting down. Scott Waldman in Politico reported that
All told, it’s an unprecedented assault on humanity’s understanding of how global warming is transforming the planet, scientists say. And they warn that Trump’s actions will blind the United States and the world to the ways people are rapidly heating the planet by burning fossil fuels.
As Energy Secretary, and former fracking exec, Christopher Wright put it on Twitter last week:
Climate alarmism has had a terrible impact on human lives and freedom. It belongs in the ash heap of history.
Given the science above, I don’t think it’s climate alarmism that’s going to end up on the ash heap of history—I think it’s pretty clearly humanity, not to mention the rest of the planet’s biology. All of this would be stupid enough if we had no alternative to fossil fuels. But of course this week, like every week, there was more and more news of precisely how well those alternatives were working. To give just the smallest sampling:
The world’s first large-scale sand battery went into operation in Finland:
The new 1 MW sand battery has a precursor. In May 2022, Polar Night Energy rigged a smaller design to a power station in Kankaanpää town.
Launched just as Russia cut off gas supplies in retaliation for Finland joining NATO, the project was a timely example of how renewable energy could be harnessed in a new way.
It’s quite a simple structure to begin with, Polar Night Energy said of its prototype. A tall tower is filled with low-grade sand and charged up with the heat from excess solar and wind electricity.
The sand can store heat at around 500C for several days to even months, providing a valuable store of cheaper energy during the winter. When needed, the battery discharges the hot air—warming water in the district heating network. Homes, offices, and even the local swimming pool all benefit in Kankaanpää, for example.
And in Japan, a new fleet of solar cars was unveiled, designed especially for small island nations that don’t have great distances to drive. As The Japan Times reported:
The electrification of transport, a potent strategy to address climate change, is gaining momentum, with over 38 countries committing to no less than 30% zero-emission newly sold medium- and heavy-duty trucks by 2030. For LDCs and SIDS, harnessing the drive for electrification using what is often their richest natural endowment—sunshine—could represent a breakthrough.
These seem small and niche to you? Then consider the ongoing miracle in China, where new data shows that the world’s largest economy generated more solar power through May of this year than it did in all of 2022. As industry watcher Felix Hamer said, “This is what a 30% annual growth rate can look like.” Just as an example, China leads the world in converting old coal mines into solar farms—90 projects so far, with 46 more in the works according to new data this week from Global Energy Monitor.
That’s all good news. To go back to the top of this account—those vast scientific studies showing the breakdown of the planet’s climate system—there are only two things that can conceivably scale fast enough to make a real difference. One is some kind of as-yet-undeveloped carbon sequestration scheme. The other—now fully available to us everywhere—is the rapid buildout of clean energy across the Earth. If we were functioning effectively as a species, spreading solar panels, wind turbines, and batteries would be job one, two, and three on this planet—especially since if we were successful at it we could stop fighting wars at least partly about oil, wars which this week, of course, threaten to escalate into something far worse.
So as I bring this tour to an end, let me remind you to figure out something to do for SunDay. The first events are appearing already on the map. From Julie Williams comes the sun of the week:

I hope this tour through science and economics and politics has been helpful in some way—you can see why I sometimes despair, not just of the future but even of my own ability to get across what’s happening in the present. I think I’ve been at this so long that I have a better sense than most of how all those moving pieces interact, but there are so many pieces and they’re now moving so fast.
Which is why we need to be moving some of them ourselves—the stakes of this wager are so ominous that anything we can do to change the odds we must; it is the greatest of all the challenges we face on this anxious planet. Thank you, immensely, for being a part of this fight.
"The time for climate justice is now, and that means ending fossil fuel investment at its source and holding banks and financial institutions accountable," said one Native American environmental activist.
The 16th annual Banking on Climate Chaos report, which was released Tuesday, found that dozens of the world's biggest banks committed $869 billion to firms engaged in fossil fuels in 2024—a "tremendous" increase from the overall fossil fuel financing that was recorded the year prior, according to the authors of the study.
The report comes a few months after the World Meteorological Organization announced a new milestone in the climate crisis: Not only was 2024 the warmest year in a 175-year observational period, reaching a global surface temperature of roughly 1.55°C above the preindustrial average for the first time, but each of the past 10 years was also individually the 10 warmest on record.
The new report analyzed the globe's 65 largest banks by assets according to S&P Global's annual rankings and was authored by several climate-focused groups, including Rainforest Action Network (RAN), Sierra Club, Indigenous Environmental Network (IEN), and others.
The report has been endorsed by hundreds of organizations in dozens of countries, according to a statement from RAN, and all banks in the report were given the opportunity to review the financing attributed to them prior to the report's release.
Big picture, the report shows that Wall Street investment banks and other financial institutions are "complicit in the climate crisis," according to Tom BK Goldtooth, executive director of the Indigenous Environmental Network and study co-author.
"The time for climate justice is now, and that means ending fossil fuel investment at its source and holding banks and financial institutions accountable," Goldtooth added.
The bank financing compiled in the report includes things such as the role banks play in facilitating bond issuances or their lending of money, according to the methodology section. Banks play a crucial role in enabling fossil fuel production because, as senior research strategist at RAN Caleb Schwarz explained, fossil fuel companies are quite rich but they don't have enough capital to finance their projects solely on their own.
Fossil fuel financing had been in on the decline between 2021 and 2023, dropping by $215 billion during that time period to $707 billion—meaning the rise in 2024 is a turnaround of over $162 billion.
"This growth in fossil fuel finance is troubling because new fossil fuel infrastructure locks in more decades of fossil fuel dependence," according to the report. "While various macroeconomic and political factors likely influenced specific decisions, at the end of the day, what matters is the outcome: Banks poured even more money into the expansion of the fossil fuel industry, despite the clear societal need for them to do the opposite."
Other topline findings include that the 65 banks featured in the report have committed $7.9 trillion in fossil fuel financing since 2016, and over two-thirds of the banks upped their fossil fuel financing between 2023 and 2024.
The world's biggest offender when it comes to fossil fuel financing in 2024 was JPMorgan Chase, which tallied $53.5 billion in fossil fuel financing, per the report. Bank of America came in second place.
"This should be a wake-up call to national governments and regional supervisory bodies that they need to step in," said Allison Fajans-Turner, bank engagement and policy lead at RAN and one of the co-authors of the report, on Tuesday. "Banks are not policing themselves. Regulators need to set rules to manage the financial risk that banks are putting into the system."
The authors of the report lay out several demands for banks, including that they drop all finance for fossil fuel expansion, adopt "binding and mandatory emissions reduction targets for upstream, midstream, and downstream fossil fuels," and increase financing for a "just transition," among others.
Insurance companies contribute to the climate crisis through their financial choices, and then expect frontline communities to foot the bill. This must stop.
The Los Angeles area began this year with some of the worst wildfires in its history. Dozens of people were killed and 200,000 were displaced. About 40,000 acres and 12,300 structures, including houses, were burned. The city endured immense emotional and physical damage. Yet, many property owners in the city find themselves with little recourse for financial compensation.
In fact, over the past five years, insurance companies like State Farm, Farmers, Chubb, Liberty Mutual, and Allstate have all refused to renew policies for innumerable homeowners in the Los Angeles area, leaving residents without adequate protection for their homes. By July of 2024, State Farm alone had dropped 1,600 clients residing in the Pacific Palisades ZIP code, where damage from the fires would be some of the worst. Soaring home insurance prices have also forced lower- and middle-income residents to make the impossible decision of refusing insurance for their homes. In the wake of the most recent fires, many are not only left devastated by the destruction of their homes and the uprooting of their lives, but they are also financially stranded in the disaster’s aftermath.
All of these horrible consequences stem from a simple rule that defines much of the home insurance industry’s dealings with the public: Increased risk means increased prices. In more disaster-prone areas, the likelihood of insurance companies having to compensate homeowners is heightened by the prevalence of destructive events, and insurance companies raise premiums to remain profitable and to ensure their financial ability to cover future losses or drop clients altogether. For instance, knowing that California is highly prone to destructive wildfires, insurance companies will deny housing coverage for people in high-risk forest fire areas to avoid paying the high cost of rebuilding thousands of homes should one occur.
As climate organizers encounter a federal government unfriendly to systemic change but have made decent strides in their work with financial institutions, it is clear that targeting the private sector is imperative at this moment.
Rising insurance prices are not isolated to one region, though. Communities across the country from Kentucky to Florida to New York are now facing the brunt end of this crisis. When hurricane Ida hit New York in 2021, damages cost one woman up to $25,000 dollars out of pocket for repairs because Liberty Mutual outright rejected them coverage. This disproportionately affects low-income communities, who will face even more struggle trying to afford to pay for damages that should have been covered by their housing insurance in the first place.
Even considering the fact that the burden often falls on people purchasing insurance for their homes, increased and intensified natural disasters fundamentally have an adverse financial effect on insurance companies by making their services more expensive, which is also often accompanied by reduced coverage. Therefore, you would think that they would address the root cause of this increase in destruction—climate change.
But, many don’t. Everyday, insurance companies like Chubb, Liberty Mutual, and AIG practice hypocrisy, creating a perpetual cycle that expedites climate destruction and inequality. This is accomplished through the underwriting of fossil fuel projects, which is often cheaper for these companies because it allows them to invest and insure something deemed less “risky” that, in the short-term, will make the company more money. Insurance companies continue to underwrite pipelines for transporting fossil fuels and liquefied natural gas (LNG) infrastructure that is often built nearby vulnerable communities. The domestic insurance industry has also invested $582 billion of assets collected through client’s premiums into the fossil fuel industry. Still, climate change, caused by the emission of those exact fossil fuels into the Earth’s atmosphere, further exacerbates and increases the frequency of the (not so) natural disasters that drive up insurance prices. Essentially, these companies contribute to the climate crisis through their financial choices, and then expect frontline communities to foot the bill.

The insurance industry is one of the key pillars of our society’s reliance on fossil fuels alongside the financial institutions that bankroll it and the government agencies that sign off on its expansion. When insurance companies provide coverage for fossil fuel extraction projects, they provide insurance so that in the case of a disaster like a spill or explosion, the extraction project is protected. Without insurance coverage, corporations simply cannot continue building the infrastructure that keeps us hooked on fossil fuels. For example, last year, when Chubb dropped the coverage from the Rio Grande LNG project, AIG stepped right in as an insurer on the initiative. As climate organizers encounter a federal government unfriendly to systemic change but have made decent strides in their work with financial institutions, it is clear that targeting the private sector is imperative at this moment.
Insurance companies, especially, know the risks of climate change and are vulnerable to its effects. A report by the asset manager Conning shows that 91% of insurance executives profess “significant” concern about the climate crisis. This makes efforts to persuade insurance companies on matters of climate particularly salient and realistic during these times—especially when the public wants change. According to one study, 78% of U.S. voters are at least somewhat concerned about rising property insurance costs and 67% percent are concerned about extreme weather events. Most importantly, the vast majority of the population surveyed said that insurance executives are to blame for the aforementioned rising costs and 57% said that these costs should not be passed on to customers.
Although older generations also suffer the difficulties of accessing reliable insurance and figuring out how to pick up their lives after devastating climate disasters, Gen Z is uniquely forced to come of age without the financial expectations and infrastructure that were promised to us as part of the American economic system. Affordable mortgages and insurers that will actually cover us and provide reliable and ethical insurance now seem near-impossible to access for young people, knowing the state of our climate. This has particularly impacted Gen Z because we have grown up in a time where climate disasters are stronger, more frequent, and now something of a regular occurrence. In response to these climate events becoming normal, companies will continue to increasingly deny us housing coverage and proper insurance in hopes of saving money. This calls youth across the country to take action against the hypocrisy of these companies, calling for sustainable insurance that does not fund the fossil fuel industry.
The shift to a fossil fuel-free insurance industry will not be easy, but it is now, more than ever, a necessary step toward ensuring the common good. It is, in fact, the only ethical option on behalf of corporations that are meant to protect people’s livelihoods. As youth, we demand immediate action from the individuals and corporations in power, and to those who refuse to listen to us, we have one question: Who do you expect to pay your premiums in 50 years?
More than half of all Major League Baseball teams are sponsored by companies that are exacerbating the climate emergency and the financial institutions that support them.
Millions of Americans were buoyed by the return of Major League Baseball (MLB) this spring. For the 50% of adults who follow the sport, it can serve as a welcome distraction given the dire news coming out of Washington these days.
But political reality can intrude even on the national pastime. It turns out that at least 17 of the 30 MLB teams are sponsored by companies that are exacerbating the climate crisis and the financial institutions that support them.
It’s called sportswashing, a riff on the term greenwashing. Companies sponsor leagues and teams to present themselves as good corporate citizens, increase visibility, and build public trust. According to a 2021 Nielsen study, 81% of fans completely or somewhat trust companies that underwrite sport teams, second only to the trust they have for friends and family. By sponsoring a team, companies increase the chance that fans will form the same bond with their brand that they have with the team.
Baseball club owners are much more concerned about their bottom line than their sponsors’ climate impacts.
Baseball teams are not alone in their pursuit of petrodollars. At least 35 U.S. pro basketball, football, hockey, and soccer teams have similar sponsorship deals that afford companies a range of promotional perks, from billboards and jersey logos to community outreach projects and facility naming rights, according to a survey conducted last fall by UCLA’s Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment. U.S. sports leagues and teams also partner with banks and insurance companies that invest billions of dollars annually in coal, oil, and gas companies, all to the detriment of public health and the environment.
Most baseball aficionados are likely unaware that their favorite team is going to bat for the very companies and banks that are destroying the climate, but a growing number of fans in New York and Los Angeles are calling out the Mets and Dodgers, demanding that they sever their ties to the fossil fuel industry. And once they know, will fans in other MLB cities remain on the sidelines?
Oil, gas, and coal are largely responsible for the carbon pollution driving up world temperatures and triggering more dangerous extreme weather events. Last year was yet another record hot year, and the last 10 years have been the hottest in nearly 200 years of recordkeeping, according to the World Meteorological Organization. Those warmer temperatures certainly played a role in producing the 27 weather and climate disasters in the United States last year that caused at least $1 billion in damages, one less than the record set in 2023. And just this week, violent storms and tornadoes ripped through a swath of the nation’s midsection in what The Associated Press said could be a “record-setting period of deadly weather and flooding.”
Regardless, baseball club owners are much more concerned about their bottom line than their sponsors’ climate impacts. But with today’s annual MBL payrolls averaging $157 million, it is not hard to understand why teams pursue corporate sponsorships.
The team with the highest payroll—the Los Angeles Dodgers at $321 million—has a longtime partnership with Phillips 66, owner of 76 gas stations, whose orange-and-blue logo hovers above both Dodger stadium scoreboards and is scattered throughout the facility. Phillips 66, which also sponsors the St. Louis Cardinals, is among the top 10 U.S. air and surface water polluters in total pounds, according to the 2024 edition of Political Economy Research Institute’s “Top 100 Polluter Indexes,” and the 14th-largest carbon polluter, emitting 30.2 million metric tons in 2022.
Arco, owned by Marathon Petroleum, also advertises in Dodger Stadium. The country’s largest oil refiner with more than 7,000 Marathon and Arco gas stations nationwide, Marathon Petroleum is among the top 20 air, surface water, and carbon polluters in the country, according to PERI’s 2024 report, and the company and its subsidiaries have been fined more than $900 million for federal environmental violations since 2014.
The Findlay, Ohio-based company has been one of the Cleveland Guardians’ major corporate sponsors since 2021, and the team has been wearing Marathon Petroleum’s logo on their sleeves since the summer of 2023. The logo also enjoys prime placement in the Guardians’ ballpark and, as part of the uniform patch agreement, it is featured on the souvenir jerseys given to fans on two game days every season through 2026.
The Guardians are not the only team that has inked an oil patch deal. The Houston Astros (Oxy), Kansas City Royals (QuikTrip gas stations), and Texas Rangers (Energy Transfer) also display oil industry logos on their sleeves.
Both Oxy—Occidental Petroleum’s nickname—and the Astros’ other oil industry sponsor, ConocoPhillips, are headquartered in Houston, home to more than 400 oil and petrochemical facilities and among the 10 worst places in the country for air pollution. Occidental is one of the top 30 U.S. air polluters, 40 surface water polluters, and 60 carbon emitters, releasing 10.5 million metric tons of heat-trapping gases in 2022, according to PERI’s 2024 report. ConocoPhillips, meanwhile, came in 88th in PERI’s top 100 carbon polluters list.
Fossil fuel-based utilities also partner with MLB teams. Detroit’s local electric utility DTE, for instance, sponsors the Tigers. More than 40% of DTE’s electricity comes from coal, another 26% comes from fossil gas, and only 12% comes from wind and solar. Although the company is committed to reducing its reliance on coal over the next decade, it plans to replace it with fossil gas, not renewables.
Seven teams—and the league itself—have commercial tie-ins with financial institutions that have major fossil fuel industry investments.
The Milwaukee Brewers wear Northwestern Mutual patches on their sleeves. As of last year, the insurance company had $12.17 billion invested in 146 fossil fuel companies, including ExxonMobil, Marathon Petroleum, and Shell, according to a 2024 report by the German environmental nonprofit Urgewald. Meanwhile, the Toronto Blue Jays’ patch sponsor, TD Bank, had nearly twice that amount invested in fossil fuels last year. The Toronto-based bank sunk $21.37 billion in 201 fossil fuel companies, including ExxonMobil and Chevron, which, by the way, sponsors the Sacramento Athletics and San Francisco Giants.
The Washington Nationals partner with Geico, which underwrites a mascot race featuring U.S. presidents running around the outfield warning track every home game. Geico is a wholly owned subsidiary of Berkshire Hathaway, a multinational conglomerate that, as of last year, had investments of a whopping $95.8 billion in Chevron, Occidental Petroleum, and six other fossil fuel companies.
The other four teams—the Braves, Diamondbacks, Mets and Pirates—have lucrative, multiyear stadium-naming-rights agreements with oil-soaked banks.
Finally, official MLB sponsors include two insurance companies—the aforementioned Berkshire Hathaway subsidiary Geico and New York Life—that have sizeable fossil fuel portfolios. Last year, New York Life had investments of $11.76 billion in 234 companies, including Duke Energy and the Southern Company.
Last June, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres castigated coal, oil, and gas companies—dubbing them the “godfathers of climate chaos” for spreading disinformation—and called for a worldwide ban on fossil fuel advertising. He also urged ad agencies to refuse fossil fuel clients and companies to stop taking their ads. So far, more than 1,000 advertising and public relations agencies worldwide have pledged to refuse working for fossil fuel companies, their trade associations, and their front groups.
Major League Baseball is behind the curve, but fans, environmentalists, and public officials in New York and Los Angeles are trying to bring their teams up to speed.
Two years ago, a coalition of groups joined New York City Public Advocate Jumaane Williams to urge Mets owner Steven Cohen to change the name of Citi Field. “Citi doesn’t represent the values of Mets fans or NYC,” Williams wrote in a tweet. “If they refuse to end their toxic relationship with fossil fuels, the Mets should end their partnership with Citi.”
Activists in New York and Los Angeles are hoping that more public officials—and more fans—will step up to the plate and pressure the teams to do the right thing.
Last summer, the groups that led the effort to persuade the Mets to drop Citigroup, including New York Communities for Change, Stop the Money Pipeline, and Climate Defenders, targeted Citigroup directly with their Summer of Heat on Wall Street campaign calling on the company to stop financing fossil fuels altogether.
In Los Angeles, more than 80 public interest groups, scientists, and environmental advocates signed an open letter last August calling on the Dodgers to cut its ties with Phillips 66. “Using tactics such as associating a beloved, trusted brand like the Dodgers with enterprises like 76,” the letter states, “the fossil fuel industry has reinforced deceitful messages that ‘oil is our friend,’ and that ‘climate change isn’t so bad.’” Since then, more than 28,000 Dodger fans have signed the letter, and last week the Sierra Club’s Los Angeles chapter held a rally outside of Dodger Stadium on opening day demanding that owner Mark Walter end his team’s Phillips 66 sponsorship deal.
The campaign has received support from some local public officials. Lisa Kaas Boyle, a former deputy district attorney in Los Angeles County’s environmental crimes division, was quoted in a L.A. Sierra Club press release in January. “Booting Big Oil out of baseball is up to the fans, because team owners won’t take responsibility,” she said. “This isn’t abstract. Bad air quality from wildfires has forced MLB teams to move games, a hurricane ripped the roof off of [Tampa’s] Tropicana Field, and the Dodgers had to give out free water in 103°F heat last summer. It’s almost becoming too hot to watch at Chavez Ravine.”
State Sen. Lena Gonzalez (D-33), a lifelong Dodger fan, also endorsed the campaign. “Continuing to associate these [fossil fuel] corporations with our beloved boys in blue is not in our community or the planet’s best interest,” she recently told the City News Service, a Southern California news agency. “Ending the sponsorship with Phillips 66 would send the message that it’s time to end our embrace of polluting fossil fuels and work together toward a cleaner, greener future.”
Such entreaties, thus far, have been ignored. Both the Mets and the Dodgers have balked at the idea of intentionally walking away from sponsorships worth millions. But activists in New York and Los Angeles are hoping that more public officials—and more fans—will step up to the plate and pressure the teams to do the right thing. As that baseball sage Yogi Berra astutely pointed out, “It ain’t over till it’s over.”
This column was originally posted on Money Trail, a new Substack site co-founded by Elliott Negin.
The insurers that played a role in facilitating the very climate disasters now affecting their former customers have effectively cut and run, leaving the residents and the state holding the bag.
The deadly fires that devastated Los Angeles and displaced hundreds of thousands of people in January have been finally contained, but they left another sort of firestorm in their wake—one raging around the insurance industry and its shrinking coverage of climate risks such as extreme wildfires. Climate change increased the likelihood and severity of the fires—by far some of the most destructive in the city’s history. The blazes killed at least 28 people and destroyed some 16,000 structures over nearly 50,000 acres—an area larger than the city limits of San Francisco. Insured property damage alone is expected to reach as much as $40 billion. The question of who pays looms large.
For at least 50 years, the insurance sector has been aware of the physical risks of climate change and that greenhouse gas emissions, primarily from fossil fuels, are overwhelmingly responsible for rising temperatures. Despite this, U.S. insurance companies have investments of more than $500 billion in fossil fuel-related assets. The underwriting business of major insurers remains heavily focused on the fossil fuel sector, with the top U.S. insurers of fossil fuel businesses earning $5.2 billion from underwriting in 2023.
After decades of pocketing premiums from homeowners and investing significant portions of that money in the fossil fuel industry that drives climate change, private insurers like State Farm and Berkshire Hathaway carved out fire coverage from their policies or pulled out of the California market altogether.
All of California’s home insurance policyholders are the victims of fossil-fueled climate change.
The result: The insurers that played a role in facilitating the very climate disasters now affecting their former customers have effectively cut and run, leaving the residents and the state holding the bag.
Private insurers will escape the full bill, largely because they have shifted their exposure to the most extreme climate risks to California’s insurer of last resort—the FAIR Plan. In abandoning the California home insurance market, or otherwise excluding fire coverage from their policies, private insurance companies effectively pushed the responsibilities of shouldering climate risk back onto the public and protected their own profits. Despite their claims to the contrary, insurance companies, as recently as 2023, generated significant profits on homeowner insurance policies and are still raking in record profits.
The FAIR Plan is now on the brink of insolvency. To fund the shortfall, the California Insurance Commissioner has levied an assessment totaling $1 billion on private insurance companies. However, private insurance companies will pass $500 million of the assessment on to all of California’s insured homeowners.
This $500 million bill is a direct consequence of climate change and the profit-driven insurers who—after pocketing ever-increasing premiums and investing in the fossil fuel sector—have shed policies for homes most vulnerable to climate risks. All of California’s home insurance policyholders are the victims of fossil-fueled climate change.
The destructive force of the LA wildfires is a result of climate change-induced drought, which led to the accumulation of dried-out vegetation and the perfect conditions for extreme wildfires. Unusually strong wind gusts of more than 100 miles per hour spread the fires across LA, scattering flames throughout many of the city’s communities. And it was not just the fires causing damage—climate change intensifies fire smoke, filling the air with hazardous pollutants that harm health.
In California, the frequency and severity of wildfires have increased the cost of disasters, prompting insurers to hike premiums or refuse to renew policies. California’s home insurance rates jumped 48.4% from 2019 to 2024. Twelve major insurers have also restricted homeowners insurance even after being allowed massive rate hikes.
Insurers have justified abandoning California homeowners by citing rising climate risk. Yet, insurance companies are complicit in facilitating climate change through their massive investments in fossil fuel-related assets—including coal, oil, and gas—the primary sources of the greenhouse gases driving climate change.
State Farm General (State Farm)—through its parent company, State Farm Mutual—is a major investor in fossil fuels. The company’s investments include more than $6 billion in upstream oil and gas producers ExxonMobil, Chevron, Coterra Energy, and Shell and mining company Rio Tinto. These five companies sit on the list of the top investor-owned entities with the highest historical carbon dioxide emissions. State Farm Mutual also has billions of dollars of investments in fossil-fuel-intensive or dependent industries such as utilities, oil and gas services, and pipeline companies, as well as chemical, steel, and fertilizer manufacturers.

Despite facilitating climate change through its fossil fuel investments, State Farm—the largest property and casualty insurer in California—stated in 2023 that it would not renew 30,000 home insurance policies in the state. The decision was primarily due to the increasing risk of wildfires in California. After an approved rate increase of 20% in December 2023, among other concessions from the California Department of Insurance, State Farm agreed to renew these 30,000 home insurance policies, but only on the condition that the renewed policies exclude fire coverage. State Farm clients had to specifically secure separate fire coverage from the FAIR Plan.
The Pacific Palisades, one of the neighborhoods devastated by the LA Fires, was one of the zip codes abandoned by State Farm. According to California Department of Insurance spokesperson Michael Soller, State Farm dropped about 1,600 policies in Pacific Palisades in July. State Farm also dropped more than 2,000 policies in two other LA zip codes, which include neighborhoods also damaged by the wildfires, such as Brentwood, Calabasas, Hidden Hills, and Monte Nido. The FAIR Plan is now the principal recourse for wildfire coverage for former State Farm policyholders.
Most private insurers are looking to their reinsurer to provide coverage for their losses from the LA Fires. Reinsurance, basically insurance for insurance companies, is a common part of an insurer’s business model as it allows them to shift some of their risk to protect themselves from the most catastrophic events. State Farm’s reinsurer is its parent company—State Farm Mutual. From 2014 to 2023, State Farm paid reinsurance premiums of nearly $2.2 billion but was only reimbursed $0.4 billion—less than 20%—suggesting that the company overpaid for reinsurance. These payments to its parent company, with little return, led to accusations that State Farm was artificially boosting its parent company’s profits.
State Farm Mutual has over $130 billion in surplus available to support its subsidiary. Despite the exorbitant profits of its parent company and well before the LA Fires, in June 2024, State Farm requested a 30% increase in its homeowners insurance rates (on top of the 20% increase it was granted in March of the same year) purportedly to improve its general financial condition. Within days of the LA fires being contained, State Farm again asked its California policyholders to step in and maintain the profits of its parent company. State Farm requested an annual $740 million bailout in the form of an “urgent” 22% increase in State Farm’s home insurance rates, as well as requesting rate hikes of 38% for rental dwellings and 15% for tenants.
Fortunately for California’s consumers, Commissioner Ricardo Lara rejected State Farm’s requested rate increase. And true to form, State Farm is now “considering its options” because the commissioner’s decision “sends a strong message to State Farm General about the support it will receive to collect sufficient premiums in the future”—a barely veiled threat to again abandon California policyholders.
State Farm had already limited its exposure to climate change-induced wildfires and then sought to reduce it further, asking policyholders to take on even more of the remaining risk. All the while, they continue to facilitate climate change and profit from their fossil fuel investments.
As insurance companies pull out of vulnerable areas or raise premiums, many California homeowners are left with no choice but to rely on the FAIR Plan—the state-supported insurer of last resort. The FAIR Plan offers limited coverage at higher rates, making it costly and an inadequate safety net for homeowners abandoned by private insurance companies.
The exit of insurers from the California residential property market has meant that the FAIR Plan’s exposure to wildfire risk has increased exponentially. The FAIR Plan now holds 13,752 policies with more than $23 billion in liability across the residential and commercial sectors in the zip codes affected by the fires.
Insurers should then seek to recoup the costs of covering the damage from climate change-induced severe weather events from fossil fuel companies—not from the individual policyholders or the public at large.
On February 11, 2025, Insurance Commissioner Lara found “that the FAIR Plan is faced with a substantial threat of insolvency due to unprecedented losses” and approved the FAIR Plan’s request to levy an assessment totaling $1 billion on private insurance companies. Before July 2024, insurers operating in California would have been solely required to fund any deficit, paying a fee based on their market share. But a July 2024 regulation allows insurers to shift 50% of the assessment onto the state’s existing policyholders. Homeowners from all over California are being asked to bail out the FAIR Plan, irrespective of the risk profile of their home and neighborhood and the climate risk mitigation or adaptation they have undertaken.
This change in regulation was part of a series of concessions Lara has given to the insurance industry in recent years, including provisions that make it easier for companies to raise premiums and a new rule that allows companies to use forward-looking catastrophe models when setting rates. These new regulations were aimed at convincing insurers to stay in California, but consumer advocates warn that they have the potential to further exacerbate homeowners’ climate-related costs.
Insurance companies facilitate climate change by investing in fossil fuel assets and underwriting fossil fuel projects. However, the primary drivers of climate change are fossil fuels themselves, and it is the companies that produce and sell them that are principally responsible for the climate emergency. Instead of attempting to shift their exposure to California’s householders, insurers should divest from fossil fuel assets and cease underwriting fossil fuel projects. Insurers should then seek to recoup the costs of covering the damage from climate change-induced severe weather events from fossil fuel companies—not from the individual policyholders or the public at large.
A new bill, SB222, introduced into the California legislature, would make it easier to ensure that polluters pay for the climate-driven disasters befalling residents and upending the insurance industry. It specifically directs the FAIR Plan and incentivizes private insurers to pursue the parties responsible for climate change-induced weather events by standing in the shoes of policyholders to recoup the costs of losses, utilizing their right of subrogation. An insurer’s right of subrogation is the right to try to recover the amount of a claim or claims it paid out from another party that caused the insured loss(es).
The draft legislation directs the FAIR Plan to exercise its right of subrogation against “a responsible party for a climate disaster or extreme weather or other events attributable to climate change” if the benefits of subrogation outweigh the costs (as determined by an independent advisory body). If the FAIR Plan’s funds are exhausted and private insurance companies are being assessed, as is the case now, the bill also provides incentives to insurers to exercise the right of subrogation against a “responsible party” for a climate disaster. An insurer’s share of the assessment will be reduced by 10% if the insurer exercises its right of subrogation against a responsible party, but if it does not exercise its right of subrogation against a responsible party, it will be increased by 10%.
Finally, in addition to its right of subrogation, the bill provides that an insurer may seek damages against a responsible party for a climate disaster, extreme weather, or other events attributable to climate change.
Make no mistake: The responsible parties driving climate change are fossil fuel businesses.
SB222 highlights that the real culprit of the climate emergency is the fossil fuel sector. But insurance companies are far from innocent bystanders. By supporting “business as usual” in the fossil fuel sector, insurance companies are facilitating the escalating climate crisis, causing climate change-induced events like the LA fires. When coupled with their representations around protecting policyholders from peril and their justifications for rate hikes and non-renewals, insurers’ conduct violates consumer protection laws and standards.
Insurers must no longer be permitted to invest large portions of premium income in fossil fuel companies and underwrite new oil and gas projects while charging some homeowners more for increased climate risk and simply turning others away. Before any further handouts are given to the insurance industry or any more concessions are made to preserve a profit-driven insurance model that may simply be untenable in the age of climate chaos, insurers must stop fanning the flames.
The nearly $4.7 billion in International Finance Corporation trade finance commitments that may have supported fossil fuel-related projects in 2023 is a telltale example.
Since assuming office, World Bank President Ajay Banga has pursued a clear agenda: mobilize vast amounts of private capital in service of the bank’s goal to end poverty on a livable planet. There are many valid criticisms of this approach, but none speaks louder than a deeper look into the World Bank’s own private sector arm, the International Finance Corporation, or IFC, and its dealings.
Urgewald’s research on IFC trade finance in Financial Year (FY) 2022 and FY2023 shows just how slippery the private sector slope can be. Indeed, the IFC trade finance program’s alarming developments exemplify the World Bank’s overall trajectory: throwing good money after bad, neglecting environmental and social standards, and prioritizing private profit over public well-being.
From FY2017 to 2023, the IFC trade finance portfolio saw a hefty 86% increase. In FY2023, trade finance amounted to 58% of the IFC’s total portfolio. (Trade finance refers to a range of financial instruments and services designed to facilitate international trade. It provides liquidity and risk mitigation for exporters and importers, enabling transactions that might otherwise not be viable. Instruments such as letters of credit, guarantees, and working capital loans ensure that buyers and sellers can engage in global trade with reduced financial risks.)
The private sector’s profit orientation is incompatible with the World Bank Group’s public service mandate.
While the sums for trade finance are growing exponentially, the checks and norms for their disbursal are stagnating. The environmental and social standards that apply to trade finance have not been updated for at least a decade, and financial flows are shrouded in mystery.
The stated goal of ending poverty on a livable planet presupposes transparency, accountability and sustainability. And yet the meteoric rise of IFC trade finance transactions in recent years comes with opacity, outright unwillingness to disclose basic information about individual transactions, and the long shadow of fossil fuel favoritism.
So, what’s the number? In FY2023, $4.7 billion, or nearly one-third of total IFC trade finance commitments, may have supported fossil fuel-related projects. This figure represents a 28% increase compared to FY2022.
The Global Trade Finance Program (GTFP) alone accounted for $3.7 billion of possible oil and gas-related financing, 41.7% of its total commitments. Transparency issues persist as the IFC fails to disclose detailed information about specific trade transactions and beneficiaries.
The World Bank Group’s own Independent Evaluation Group (IEG) indicates that in the past, significant shares of IFC trade finance investments went into fossil fuel financing, particularly in Africa (50%) and the Middle East (28%).
The dangerous trend of enabling fossil fuel transactions in fragile countries expands when we look at the IFC Private Sector Window (PSW). It was established in 2017 to encourage private sector investments in high-risk, low-income countries, particularly in IDA-designated regions. The PSW provides risk-sharing mechanisms and facilitates trade finance and other investments that might otherwise be deemed too risky. Between FY2020 and FY2024, $1.03 billion, or about a quarter of PSW approvals, were allocated to trade finance projects. These funds enabled $5.1 billion in trade finance, underscoring the PSW’s leveraged impact.
This fivefold impact, however, remains controversial. Despite its commitment to sustainable development, the PSW lacks exclusion criteria for fossil fuels. Thus, it allows for investments in oil and gas. Transparency remains a significant issue, and information about specific projects and the traded commodities is sparse. PSW-supported trade finance’s environmental and developmental impacts are questionable at best.
Many of these problems precede President Banga’s tenure. However, it is vital to highlight and address them now because his laser focus on mobilizing private capital is likely to exacerbate the issues highlighted above. The private sector’s profit orientation is incompatible with the World Bank Group’s public service mandate. The IFC’s growing trade finance portfolio highlights the organization’s critical role in shaping global trade. The significant share of fossil fuel commitments in that portfolio undermines the World Bank Group’s mission of fostering sustainable development.
To align with international climate objectives, the IFC must adopt urgent reforms to enhance transparency; exclude harmful investments; and prioritize clean, fair, decentralized renewable energy—especially in poor and high-risk regions of the world that need them most. To better align the PSW with its mission, the allocation of Private Sector Window funds should prioritize renewable energy and sustainable development projects. Additionally, stringent exclusion criteria and improved reporting standards should ensure greater accountability and alignment with climate and social goals.
These changes are clearly at odds with President Banga’s agenda, and yet only through them can the World Bank Group stay true to its noble goals.
The four banks that sponsored the FireAid benefit concert were among the world’s largest fossil fuel industry financiers from 2016—when the Paris climate accord went into effect—through 2023.
Stevie Wonder was one of more than two dozen superstars who performed at FireAid, a six-hour benefit concert held late last month to raise money for Los Angeles wildfire victims and, according to event organizers, support “long-term initiatives to prevent future fire disasters throughout Southern California.” Viewed by more than 50 million people around the world, the benefit raised more than $100 million.
Before launching into “Love’s in Need of Love Today,” “Superstition,” and “Higher Ground,” Wonder called for unity in the face of the disaster. “In this world today, we have no time for blaming. We have no time for shaming,” he said. “We need to have prayer and come together as a united people of the world.”
Wonder was likely alluding to the thoroughly debunked lies uttered by then-President-elect Donald Trump, who falsely accused then-President Joe Biden, California Gov. Gavin Newsom, and Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass of mismanaging resources.
If someone on the FireAid stage had remarked how ironic it was that JPMorgan and Goldman Sachs sponsored the event, 50 million people would have heard about the destructive role they are playing, probably for the first time.
Neither Biden, Newsom, nor Bass were at fault, but with all due respect to Mr. Wonder, it is long past time to blame and shame those who are truly responsible for fueling the climate crisis.
One could of course start with Trump, whose first administration rolled back or dismantled nearly 100 environmental safeguards and who—on day one of his new term—ordered federal agencies to begin gutting protections for the air, water, public lands, and the climate. Republican members of Congress, who have amassed 82% of oil and gas companies’ campaign contributions over the last two decades, are also to blame. And then there’s the fossil fuel industry itself, which was aware of the threat its products pose as early as 1954 but publicly denied the science for decades and funded disinformation campaigns to obstruct and delay government climate action.
Other responsible parties, notably banks and insurance companies, are less obvious. Paradoxically, a handful of them were among FireAid’s corporate sponsors, all of which presumably underwrote the concert to demonstrate their bona fides as caring, public-spirited companies. Joining American Express, Kaiser Permanente, and 20 other corporations were four banks—JPMorgan Chase, Goldman Sachs, UBS, and U.S. Bancorp—and a financial services company—Capital Group—whose investments undermine the concert’s goal of preventing future fire disasters. In fact, the tens of billions of dollars they collectively invest in fossil fuel-related companies annually will make fire disasters in Southern California—and everywhere else—more likely to happen.
The science is clear, regardless of what Donald Trump may claim. Primarily caused by burning fossil fuels, climate change is the “main driver” of an alarming increase in wildfires in the Western United States over the last four decades, according to the findings of a 2021 study in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) sponsored by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA).
“During 1984 to 2000, 1.69 million acres burned over 11 states,” NOAA’s PNAS study press release pointed out. “It doubled in size to [approximately] 3.35 million acres during 2001 to 2018. In 2020, the total annual burned area jumped to 8.8 million acres, more than five times of that in 1984 to 2000.”
“Even though wetter and cooler conditions could offer brief respites,” the press release added, “more intense and frequent wildfires and aridification in the Western states will continue with rising temperatures.”
A study published last November in Science Advances found that temperatures out West have indeed continued to rise since NOAA’s 2021 study, causing drought even when the region experienced normal precipitation due to moisture loss from “evaporative demand,” or atmospheric thirst. Once again, researchers predicted more severe, longer-lasting droughts covering wider areas as temperatures increase.
Just two months after the Science Advances study came out, Los Angeles County was engulfed in flames, prompting a multinational team of scientists at World Weather Attribution to produce a quick analysis. They found that, without a doubt, climate change “increased the likelihood of wildfire disaster in highly exposed Los Angeles area.”
The cost of that disaster was astronomical. A preliminary estimate of damages from the LA wildfires by AccuWeather ranged from $250 billion to $275 billion—more than the losses from the entire 2020 U.S. wildfire season. Other analysts estimate that the wildfires will cost insurers anywhere from $10 billion to $40 billion.
The four banks that sponsored FireAid were among the world’s largest fossil fuel industry financiers from 2016—when the Paris climate accord went into effect—through 2023, according to the most recent “Banking on Climate Chaos” annual report, published by a handful of environmental groups in May 2024.
JPMorgan Chase: Although JPMorgan’s investment of $40.8 billion in fossil fuel, utility, and pipeline companies in 2023 was roughly half (in inflation-adjusted dollars) of what it invested in 2016, it is still the largest underwriter of fossil fuel deals. From 2016 through 2023, the bank—the largest in the United States—invested $430.9 billion (in unadjusted dollars), more than any other bank worldwide. Its top client was ExxonMobil, which received $15 billion, more than twice the $6.48 billion the bank poured into TransCanada Pipelines, its second largest investee.
Besides its relatively paltry donation for LA fire victims, JPMorgan is retreating from international efforts addressing the climate crisis.
Goldman Sachs: Goldman Sachs, which invested $184.9 billion from 2016 through 2023, was the 14th largest investor over that eight-year span. Its two biggest clients were the Saudi Arabian Oil Company ($4.38 billion) and Royal Dutch Shell ($3.2 billion). In 2023, Goldman Sachs invested $8.8 billion and was the fourth largest financier of fracking companies.
UBS: The Swiss-based UBS’s investments in fossil fuel-related companies dropped precipitously in 2023 to $8.8 billion, likely due to the bank’s dramatic profit swings, but between 2016 and 2023, it was the world’s 10th largest funder. Over those eight years, it invested $210.7 billion and was the biggest financier of metallurgic coal companies. UBS’s leading investee was Calpine Corporation, the largest U.S. natural gas and geothermal electricity provider, which received nearly $4 billion. Other top clients included Duke Energy ($3.25 billion); Parsley Energy, a natural gas developer ($3.4 billion); and Buckeye Partners, an oil pipeline company ($3 billion).
U.S. Bancorp: U.S. Bancorp—the fifth-largest U.S. bank—was the 28th largest financier, investing $97.27 billion over the eight years covered by the “Banking on Climate Chaos” report. Among its top investees were Occidental Petroleum ($2.2 billion) and Devon Energy ($1.9 billion). In 2023, U.S. Bancorp invested $12.77 billion and was the ninth biggest financier of fracking companies. (Besides sponsoring FireAid for an undisclosed sum, the company—which has about 200 branches and 4,000 employees in the Los Angeles area—donated a meager $100,000 to the United Way of Greater Los Angeles to help fire victims.)
Capital Group: The fifth financial institution that sponsored FireAid, Capital Group, is one of the world’s largest asset managers. As of May 2024, it held more than $173 billion in shares and bonds in 162 fossil fuel-related companies, including ExxonMobil, Chevron, and Conoco Phillips, according to the 2024 report “Investing in Climate Chaos,” which did not document investments on an annual basis.
JPMorgan, by far the worst of the five financial titans sponsoring FireAid, posed as a good corporate citizen by offering LA fire victims mortgage payment relief and donating $2 million to the American Red Cross, California Community Foundation, and United Way of Greater Los Angeles. But that’s chump change for a bank that posted a record $56.8 billion profit last year, a 19% increase from 2023.
Besides its relatively paltry donation for LA fire victims, JPMorgan is retreating from international efforts addressing the climate crisis. Just days before the bank announced its donation, it announced it was leaving the Net-Zero Banking Alliance, a United Nations-sponsored organization of more than 140 banks from 44 countries that have pledged to align their investments and loans with the goal of attaining net-zero carbon emissions by 2050. A year before, in February 2024, JPMorgan quit Climate Action 100+, a $68-trillion investor organization that advocates for reining in world’s largest corporate carbon emitters to reduce financial risk.
JPMorgan says it left CA 100+ because it hired its own climate risk analysts, but it walked away shortly after the investor group began requiring members to broaden their corporate disclosure and implement climate transition plans, according to ESG Dive, a trade journal. The bank did not cite a reason for leaving the Net-Zero Banking Alliance, but news outlets reported that Republican politicians had been pressuring banks to quit even before Trump, a notorious climate science denier, won the election last November.
A JPMorgan spokesperson promised that the bank would “continue to support the banking and investment needs of our clients who are engaged in energy transition and in decarbonizing different sectors of the economy.” And, to its credit, JPMorgan had already pledged to “finance and facilitate more than $2.5 trillion”—including $1 trillion for renewable energy and other “green initiatives”—by 2030 to “help advance long-term climate solutions and contribute to sustainable development.” In 2023 alone, the company invested $300 billion.
But the company remains the top fossil fuel industry financier and will continue to invest, regardless of the consequences. At a September 2022 congressional hearing, JPMorgan CEO Jamie Dimon, who made $34.5 million that year, was unequivocal. When asked if his company has a policy against funding oil and gas projects, he responded: “Absolutely not. That would be the road to hell for America.” More recently, in April 2024, the company issued a report warning that it will take “decades, or generations, not years” to phase out fossil fuels and hit net-zero targets.
Goldman Sachs, the sixth largest U.S. bank, announced in December 2019 that it would no longer invest in oil development in the Arctic or in thermal coal mines worldwide, a first for a U.S. bank. It also said it would invest $750 billion in sustainability financing, which includes green energy, by 2030.
Environmental groups cheered, but stressed that the bank had a long way to go to align its investments to meet net-zero goals. It still does.
Like his counterpart at JPMorgan, Goldman Sachs CEO David Solomon rejects calls to sever his bank’s ties to the fossil fuel industry. “Traditional energy companies are hugely important to the global economy they are hugely important to Goldman Sachs,” he said in 2023, when he made $31 million, a 24% jump from the previous year. “We are all going to continue to finance traditional companies for a long time.”
Likewise, Goldman Sachs quit CA100+ (last August) and the Net-Zero Banking Alliance (last December). “We have made significant progress in recent years on the firm’s net-zero goals and we look forward to making further progress, including by expanding to additional sectors in the coming months,” the bank said when it departed the alliance. “Our priorities remain to help our clients achieve their sustainability goals and to measure and report on our progress.”
Last year was the hottest on record, beating out the next warmest year—2023. Meanwhile, the 10 warmest years since 1850 have all occurred over the last 10 years. In 2024, global temperatures exceeded the pre-industrial (1850 to 1900) average by 2.63°F (1.46°C), only slightly less than the Paris climate agreement’s ambitious goal of limiting the worldwide temperature increase to less than 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels to avoid the worst consequences of climate change.
The hotter it gets, the more likely such devastating events as the Los Angeles wildfires and Hurricane Helene will be decidedly worse. More neighborhoods will be wiped out. More people will lose their homes. More will die.
Regardless, the world’s largest banks have failed to keep their pledge to support the central aim of the Paris accord, according to a new report by research firm Bloomberg New Energy Finance. BNEF analysts calculated that the ratio of financing green energy and infrastructure relative to financing fossil fuel-related ventures must reach 4 to 1 by 2030 to keep any temperature rise below 1.5°C. Since 2016, BNEF found, banks have invested nearly $6 trillion in fossil fuels but only $3.8 trillion in green energy. That’s a trifling 0.63 to 1 ratio. For every dollar invested in fossil fuels, only 63 cents went to clean energy.
The banking ratio is only slightly better now. In 2023, it was 0.89 to 1, according to BNEF, a minor improvement over 2022, when it was 0.74 to 1. And for all that JPMorgan crows it invests in “green initiatives,” its energy-supply banking ratio in 2023 was a measly 0.80 to 1, and it is doubtful that the bank will start investing four times more in green enterprises than in fossil fuel companies anytime soon.
Regardless, JPMorgan, Goldman Sachs, and the other financial firms that sponsored FireAid and donated to local nonprofits aiding fire victims want to be seen as good guys. They correctly assume that the general public has no idea that their investments are ruining the planet. After all, the mainstream news media rarely, if ever, report on this topic, and the trade press that does is mainly read by industry insiders.
So no matter how heartfelt, Stevie Wonder—a celebrated humanitarian in his own right—was wrong. We should call out the people and corporations responsible for the climate crisis. If someone on the FireAid stage had remarked how ironic it was that JPMorgan and Goldman Sachs sponsored the event, 50 million people would have heard about the destructive role they are playing, probably for the first time. A column like this one, unfortunately, does not have that kind of reach.
This column was originally posted on Money Trail, a new Substack site co-founded by Elliott Negin.
As we meet with Japanese financial institutions and policymakers, we carry a clear message: The human cost of Japan's LNG investments can no longer be ignored.
The United States is at a political crossroads, with President Donald Trump and his allies promising to accelerate fossil fuel expansion. We write with urgency about the devastating impact of Japanese-funded methane gas exports on our communities.
As I, Manning Rollerson, stepped off a plane in Tokyo this week, I carry with me the stories of five generations of family who have watched our Texas Gulf South community transform into what can only be described as a "sacrifice zone." I am a Black community rights activist and founder of Freeport Haven Project for Environmental Justice. I have watched my historically Black community bear the brunt of industrial pollution for far too long. With 27 grandchildren, this fight is deeply personal. When our children are born with cancer and breathing issues, there should be accountability. That's why I'm here in Japan—to say enough is enough.
We are part of a delegation of frontline residents from the U.S. Gulf South traveling to Japan to confront the financial institutions bankrolling liquefied natural gas (LNG) expansion in their communities. Our mission comes at a critical moment, as Japanese banks line up to expand terminals like Cameron LNG in Louisiana.
Japanese leaders need to see our faces. They need to understand that when they sign LNG financing agreements, they're signing away our children's health, our neighborhoods' safety, and our planet's future.
The evidence we bring is compelling and direct. I, Sharon Wilson, spent 12 years in the oil industry before becoming an environmental investigator for Oilfield Witness. Using specialized optical gas imaging cameras, I've documented methane releases from Japanese-financed gas and LNG facilities. "If only people could see what's here, smell the air, drink the water, visualize the emissions, this wouldn't be happening," I can say with certainty. "The public would not stand for it."
Others, like Roishetta Ozane, founder of Louisiana's Vessel Project and a Black mother living in Sulphur, could not be with us in person but are with us in spirit: The journey to Japan is deeply personal. "My children face severe health conditions caused by pollution the oil and gas industry unleashes into our air and water," she says. "We cannot allow our communities to bear the burden of fossil fuel racism any longer."
Japanese institutions have emerged as the leading financiers of U.S. LNG export infrastructure. Private banks like MUFG are backing new projects like Rio Grande LNG near Port Isabel, Texas, while companies like Mitsui continue acquiring Texas gas fields—even as research shows exported LNG has a 33% greater climate impact than coal.
The Japanese government is the largest public financier of U.S. LNG. Japanese private banks MUFG, Mizuho, and SMBC are the top three private financiers of U.S. LNG, providing over $35 billion. Japanese institutions, such as the Nippon Export and Investment Insurance, are considering providing financing for the expansion of the Cameron LNG export terminal, while Japanese companies JERA and INPEX have signed offtake contracts for the Calcasieu Pass 2 project.
For us, this trip represents more than just advocacy—it's about bringing the reality of our communities directly to those making decisions half a world away. Japanese leaders need to see our faces. They need to understand that when they sign LNG financing agreements, they're signing away our children's health, our neighborhoods' safety, and our planet's future.
Our timing is strategic, coming just after Trump advisers signed an executive order to restart LNG export approvals—even as Japan positions itself as a clean energy leader in Asia while simultaneously pushing for expanded methane gas infrastructure across the region. There's no such thing as clean gas. Methane is intentionally released and blasted into our atmosphere from the moment a hole is drilled into the ground. This isn't about leaks—it's about a fundamentally dirty industry that cannot operate without massive pollution. And now, with Trump's team plotting to restart permits, our communities face even greater threats.
As we meet with Japanese financial institutions and policymakers, we carry a clear message: The human cost of Japan's LNG investments can no longer be ignored. Despite the threat of a fossil fuel-friendly administration, we have proven our resilience. We stopped LNG projects before, and we will do it again. This time, we're taking our fight directly to the source of the money. Human rights abuses are being committed in our Gulf South communities in the United States—and Japanese money is making it possible. We will not stop fighting until our communities are safe from harm.