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He dreads with every racist, misogynistic fiber in his body the rise of Harris and the intensity of her support, and also the organizing might of Black women voters.
One of the nation’s best-known Black Republicans is former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. In the 21st century (and perhaps ever), no African American woman rose higher in Republican politics than Rice, who served as President George W. Bush’s national security adviser and then his secretary of state, both firsts. Like her or not, agree with her politics or not, she brought significant experience, knowledge, and professionalism to those positions.
Former President Donald Trump’s first public words about Rice date back to 2006 when he labeled her with a vile term. In a speech before 8,000 people in New York City, he said, “Condoleezza Rice, she’s a lovely woman, but I think she’s a bitch. She goes around to other countries and other nations, negotiates with their leaders, comes back, and nothing ever happens.” There was no justification for Trump using such repulsive language other than his own toxic petulance and racist misogyny against Black women.
The stunning upheaval in the 2024 presidential race has, in fact, brought into sharp focus Trump’s longstanding animosity toward and war against Black women.
His vulgarity and sexism toward Rice foreshadowed a political future of hateful attacks on women—particularly women of color—with whom he disagrees. That incident provides some context for a recent New York Times report that, in private, Trump has referred repeatedly to Vice President Kamala Harris, his most formidable challenger for the 2024 presidential race, as a “bitch.” His campaign spokesperson Steven Cheung shamelessly and unbelievably stated that, when it comes to the person many would view as the most profane president ever, “That is not language President Trump has used to describe Kamala.” In fact, Trump’s longstanding and fixed sense of patriarchy and the cruel slurs against women that go with it are well documented.
The stunning upheaval in the 2024 presidential race has, in fact, brought into sharp focus Trump’s longstanding animosity toward and war against Black women. President Joe Biden’s June 21st decision to drop out of that race propelled Harris to become the presumptive Democratic nominee for president, which means Trump now faces the one opponent who not only threatens his return to office, but also triggers his worse racist and sexist behavior.
In her first weeks running for president, he has publicly called Kamala Harris “dumb as a rock,” “nasty,” a “bum,” and “real garbage.” In front of thousands of his followers, he has deliberately and repeatedly mispronounced her name, claiming, “I don’t care” when called out on it. At his rallies, some of his supporters can be seen wearing and selling T-shirts that say, “Joe and the Ho Must Go,” or some variation on that, deplorable mantras that date back to 2020. Neither Trump nor his campaign have ever denounced such unacceptable activities. His effort and that of many MAGA adherents to “other” Harris is not just meant to humiliate her but degrade and dehumanize her as well.
Nor is this one-off focused on Harris. Trump has done the same to other Black women and women of color for decades. Before, during, and after his presidency, he specifically targeted Black women with a kind of venom he rarely aimed at white women or men.
He’s gone after Black women, whether elected and appointed officials (Republican or Democrat), journalists, athletes, prosecutors, or celebrities. Here are just a few examples of his loathing:
The examples of Trump’s enraged responses to Black women who criticize or call out his lies, ineptitude, insecurities, and ignorance are endless. He is also fully aware that his attacks put targets on the backs of those women. In fact, that may be exactly the point.
While the journalists and celebrities that he goes after are part of his bullying approach to life, with some added racist and sexist spice, he clearly feels most threatened by Black people and Black women in particular who could send him to prison. Georgia Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis, New York State Attorney General Letitia James, and Washington, D.C. District Judge Tanya Chutkan have all felt the pressure of Trump’s inflammatory wrath as they oversaw legal cases attempting to hold him accountable for his criminal behavior. They have all experienced countless death threats since taking on his cases. In addition to referring to them as “racists,” “animal,” “rabid,” “liars,” and worse, he also called Willis and James “Peekaboo,” a nickname he has yet to explain but that seems awfully close to the racist slur “jigaboo.” It’s an obvious dog whistle similar to his calling them and others prosecuting him “riggers,” which, of course, rhymes with the “N-word” and which he normally spells out in caps in social posts to make sure it gets attention.
His attacks on Judge Chutkan led to the arrest of a woman in Texas who threatened to murder her and a swatting attack on her home, bringing the police to her house in response to a false report of a shooting there. Chutkan is attempting to move forward with the case against Trump in Washington, D.C., although there will clearly not be a trial before the November election. If Trump loses the election, the case will likely go forward with the strong possibility that he’ll be convicted and punished. If he wins, he’ll undoubtedly order the Justice Department to drop it.
While Black leaders in politics, the media, women’s groups, and community organizations consistently denounced Trump for his chauvinist attacks, there was dead silence from his best-known Black women supporters. MAGA devotees like far-right commentator Candace Owens, social media celebrities like (the late) Diamond and Silk, conservative abortion extremist Reverend Alveda King, and others said nary a word as he raged and ranted.
Notably, in his businesses and during his presidency, very, very few Black individuals were either in Trump’s employ or in his inner circle. In his White House, only three Black women held high political or staff positions: the briefly tenured Manigault Newman, the briefly acting Surgeon General Sylvia Trent-Adams (from April 2017 to September 2017), and Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) official Lynne Patton.
Only Patton worked for Trump for any period of time. Prior to 2016, she worked for the Trump Organization and the Eric Trump Foundation for at least a decade, eventually becoming a “Trump family senior aide.” After taking office, Trump appointed her administrator of HUD Region II under Secretary Ben Carson. Like Carson, she had no background or expertise in housing policy, yet was put in charge of hundreds of thousands of public housing units in New York and New Jersey. She made excuses for Trump’s unsuccessful effort to cut millions of dollars from the New York Housing Authority budget that could have led to a potential 40% rent increase for public housing residents.
She was scandal-ridden throughout his tenure, caught, for instance, misrepresenting her education background on her government résumé, implying that she had attended and graduated from Quinnipiac University School of Law and Yale University when she hadn’t. She dropped out of Quinnipiac and only took summer classes at Yale. When caught, she responded: “Lots of people list schools they didn’t finish.”
It’s not just Trump’s hateful words but the policies and initiatives he pushed while in office that harmed Black women as well as millions of other Americans.
Her most notorious scandal occurred on February 27, 2019, when she volunteered to be a political prop for then-Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.) at a congressional hearing. To repudiate the testimony of former Trump lawyer Michael Cohen, who was accusing him of being racist, among other charges, Meadows had Patton stand silently behind him while he ludicrously stated that Trump couldn’t be racist because Patton had worked for him and she was a descendant of slaves.
Like other White House staff under Trump, Patton repeatedly violated the Hatch Act, which doesn’t allow federal employees in the executive branch to engage in political partisanship. She was first warned by the Office of Special Counsel (OSC) in September 2019 but continued her transgressions. She and other Trump staffers broke the law, but the Trump administration did little to enforce it. However, when Biden came into office, the OSC did apply the rule of law. In response, Patton was forced to admit her violations and reached a settlement. She was fined $1,000 and banned from holding any federal government position for four years. And yet she still remains loyal to Trump.
Following his recent disastrous interview appearance at the National Association of Black Journalists, Trump’s campaign issued a statement claiming that Trump, who slung insults, spewed endless lies, refused to answer questions, and hurried off early, was the victim of “unhinged and unprofessional commentary.” His most noted unbalanced remark—and there were plenty of them—was his contention that Kamala Harris had only in recent years “happened to turn Black.”
At the Republican National Convention, where African Americans were only 3% of the attendees, eight speakers were Black, seven of them men. The only Black woman given a prime speaking spot was rapper and model Amber Rose, whose Trump-loving father converted her to support him. Rather than include an elected official, state party leader, or conservative scholar, Trump selected someone who fulfilled his gendered view of Black women as either spectacles or subservient.
It’s not just Trump’s hateful words but the policies and initiatives he pushed while in office that harmed Black women as well as millions of other Americans. Much of what he’s done and is planning to do is laid out in policy proposals detailed in the Heritage Foundation’s racially discriminating Project 2025 report, written by many of Trump’s former officials and those aligned with him. These include policies relating to abortion rights, education, criminal justice, civil rights, and healthcare access, among many other concerns.
In addition, Black women have been disproportionately suffering from the abortion bans implemented since the significantly Trump-built conservative Supreme Court ended Roe v. Wade in 2022. According to the Democratic National Committee, “More than half of Black women of reproductive age now live in states with abortion bans in effect or with threats to abortion access.” Close to 7 million Black women, ages 15 to 49, reside in those states. Worse yet, Project 2025 advocates a nationwide ban on abortion for a future Trump administration. He himself has become increasingly coy in addressing such an electorally damaging issue by deferring to whatever states want to do, fearing otherwise that he might lose a majority of women voters, but not wanting to anger the Christian nationalist extremists in his base.
That same Trumpified Supreme Court also ended affirmative action at colleges and universities. In 2023, it ruled that colleges and universities can no longer consider race in admissions. As yet, it’s not clear whether acceptance rates have fallen, particularly at elite schools. What is clear, thanks to the ruling, is that many colleges and universities have cut or dramatically redefined hundreds of scholarships worth millions of dollars that were previously targeted for Black and Latino students. This particularly hurts Black women students (who attend college in disproportionate numbers compared to young Black men).
Black women voters have responded in kind to Trump. In 2016, he won about 6% of the Black vote overall, but there was a stunning gender gap. While he gained about 14% of Black male votes, 98% of Black women voted for Hillary Clinton. Four years later, in 2020, Trump garnered about 8% of the overall Black vote, but only 5% of Black women.
Given those numbers (and his sexism), it’s clear why Trump has focused his “Black outreach” on Black men. However, the wedge he seeks to build may not be as stable as he imagines. Not only have Black women rallied behind the Harris-Walz ticket, but it appears that Black male voters are shifting as well. In a poll conducted in late July by the Howard University polling service, the Howard Initiative on Public Opinion (HIPO), of which I’m a member, we found 96% of Black women and 93% of Black men expressing their intention to vote for Harris. Meanwhile, a Zoom gathering of 40,000 Black men voicing their support and suggestions only days after Harris was rising to become the nominee suggested that the Trump campaign’s hope for an irreversible gender split among Black voters wasn’t on target.
As New York Times columnist Charles Blow noted, Trump is the “totem” of contemporary patriarchy. He is also the embodiment of what Black feminist scholar Moya Bailey terms “misogynoir,” the marriage of misogyny and racism.
Certainly, he dreads with every fiber in his body the rise of Harris and the intensity of her support, and also the organizing might of Black women voters. In Georgia, in 2021, it was the on-the-ground mobilization of Black women that led to the defeat of Trump’s preferred Senate candidates and the victories of Sens. Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock.
Count on one thing: Donald Trump is now running scared. What he assumed barely a month ago would be an essentially uncontested victory has been transformed into his worst nightmare: facing a smart, confident, younger Black woman who has stolen his momentum and whose possible victory in November would be a defeat from which he could never recover.
George Shultz, a prominent cabinet member of both the Nixon and Reagan administrations, holding posts at State, Treasury, Labor and the Office of Management and Budget, died over the weekend at age 100. His death prompted no fewer than three fawning tributes in the Washington Post, in addition to the paper's official obituary.
Former George W. Bush Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who considered Shultz both a mentor and friend, was given column space at the Post (2/7/21) to wax poetic about how Shultz "never lost sight of the centrality of freedom to the human experience and to human dignity," and concluded that "we are all so much better for having been a part of the consequential life that he lived."
Minutes later, the Post published a tribute from the paper's former reporter Lou Cannon (2/7/21), who lauded a man who "spoke truth to power" and "lived his life in service to his nation and humanity."
The next day, Post columnist David Ignatius (2/8/21) offered yet a third hagiography. Ignatius gushed:
Watching him over so many years was an education in the fact that the good guys--the smart, decent people who take on the hard job of making the country work--do sometimes win in the end.
Ignatius noted that Shultz "was Post publisher Katharine Graham's favorite tennis partner," and the warm, fuzzy feelings clearly persist at the paper long after Graham's departure.
But assessments that judge Shultz to be one of "the good guys," with a commitment to things like freedom, human dignity and humanity, necessarily gloss over his role in both the Iraq War and the Iran/Contra scandal.
It was Shultz's influential assertion in the mid-'80s of a right to pre-emptively strike against "future attacks"--what was dubbed the "Shultz Doctrine"--that helped pave the way for the endless War on Terror, and led the Wall Street Journal (4/29/06) to call Shultz "the father of the Bush Doctrine" of unprovoked attacks on nations deemed threats. Shultz was a mentor to both George W. Bush and Dick Cheney, as well as Rice, and after 9/11 Shultz chaired the pro-invasion "Committee for the Liberation of Iraq." As FAIR (8/2/10) argued more than 10 years ago, when PBS aired a glowing documentary about Shultz that omitted his role in the Iraq War:
His advocacy for a new norm of international law that legitimizes "active prevention, pre-emption and retaliation" against terrorism is one of the most abiding, and controversial, legacies of Shultz's tenure at the State Department, providing the justification for two ongoing wars.
None of the three Post contributors mentioned Bush, Iraq or the War on Terror. Perhaps even more disturbingly, neither did the paper's nearly 3,000-word obituary for Shultz (2/7/21).
The Post also attempted to avoid or rewrite another key piece of Shultz's history--his role in the Iran/Contra scandal, in which the Reagan administration secretly sold arms to Iran in order to fund, against congressional prohibitions, the right-wing Contra terror squads working to overthrow the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua. As Iran/Contra prosecutor Lawrence Walsh concluded in his final report (Extra! Update, 4/94):
The evidence establishes that the central National Security Council operatives kept their superiors--including Reagan, [Vice President George] Bush, Shultz, [Defense Secretary Caspar] Weinberger and other high officials--informed of their efforts generally, if not in detail, and their superiors either condoned or turned a blind eye to them.
The Post obituary, written by Michael Abramowitz and David E. Hoffman, tried to spin this, relying on the account of the Reagan administration's hand-picked investigative board:
By Mr. Shultz's account, he argued vigorously in private against the arms sales to Tehran, which were designed to gain Iran's help in freeing US hostages in Lebanon. But he was criticized afterward for not taking on the matter more directly.
"Secretary Shultz and Secretary Weinberger in particular distanced themselves from the march of events," concluded the board chaired by former Sen. John Tower (R.-Texas) that reviewed the Reagan administration's handling of the matter. "Secretary Shultz specifically requested to be informed only as necessary to perform his job."
As if worried that even this apologetic assessment might still put the deceased in an unfavorable light, the paper quickly softened the blow:
Once the matter became public, however, Mr. Shultz, reflecting the lessons of what he had seen during Watergate, urged others in the administration to come clean. Historian Malcolm Byrne, in his book Iran/Contra, wrote that "Shultz alone proposed to engage the US public rather than keep a tight hold on information."
And the Post didn't even mention Shultz's position on the Contra half of the scandal--perhaps because he actively participated in discussions regarding how to get around the congressional prohibitions, and almost made a solicitation himself to the Sultan of Brunei (FAIR.org, 8/2/10).
In Ignatius's telling, Iran/Contra was an illustration of Shultz's "good judgment":
He could detect bad ideas taking shape in the bureaucracy almost as if by smell. And he tried to stop them, even when that meant challenging Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, whose policy ideas he mistrusted, or President Ronald Reagan, whose National Security Council staff concocted a bizarre plot--to fund the contras in Nicaragua by selling arms to Iran--that Shultz abhorred.
Rice and Cannon simply omitted Iran/Contra in their columns. Either way, by exclusion or distortion, establishment obituaries rewrite history to make the official heroes fit for adoration (FAIR.org, 6/9/04, 7/9/09, 8/29/18, 12/7/18).
After being mistakenly abducted in Macedonia and detained in a secret CIA prison in Afghanistan, Khaled El-Masri told his interrogators that his ongoing detention was like "a Kafka novel." A cable to CIA headquarters reported that El-Masri said he "could not possibly prove his innocence because he did not know what he was being charged with."
After being mistakenly abducted in Macedonia and detained in a secret CIA prison in Afghanistan, Khaled El-Masri told his interrogators that his ongoing detention was like "a Kafka novel." A cable to CIA headquarters reported that El-Masri said he "could not possibly prove his innocence because he did not know what he was being charged with."
Much has been reported on this tragic case of mistaken identity at the hands of the CIA. But this week, additional details on El-Masri's case emerged when the CIA released a new batch of documents in response to an ACLU Freedom of Information Act lawsuit. Among the many disturbing details relating to the CIA's post-9/11 torture and rendition program was a revealing investigation carried out by the CIA's inspector general into the rendition and torture of El-Masri, an innocent German citizen who was disappeared, detained, and abused by the CIA for over four months in early 2004. (The ACLU now represents El-Masri in a pending case against the U.S. before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.)
The investigation makes clear that El-Masri's unlawful rendition and detention were rife with neglect, abuse, and incompetence, reaching to the highest levels of the CIA.
The investigation makes clear that El-Masri's unlawful rendition and detention were rife with neglect, abuse, and incompetence, reaching to the highest levels of the CIA. It reveals that even as the CIA "quickly concluded he was not a terrorist," two CIA officers who had been involved in his rendition justified his continued detention "despite the diminishing rationale, by insisting that they knew he was 'bad.'"
The document also confirms that former CIA Director George Tenet "was informed about the ... January 2004 ... rendition shortly after it happened and then again in late April 2004." Yet El-Masri was not freed and allowed to return to his family in Germany until May of that year after former National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice ordered it. The CIA didn't inform Congress of the mistaken rendition until after his repatriation and after it learned that he had retained an attorney.
The report confirms the grueling psychological torture that El-Masri was subjected to, along with the CIA's blatant disregard for his physical and mental health while in custody. In protest of his wrongful detention, El-Masri went on a hunger strike and lost 50 pounds. A CIA psychologist described him as "openly tearful and speechless" and suffering from "feelings of helplessness, hopeless ... [and] wishing he was dead." Another psychologist confirmed the intensity of his "depression, loneliness, hopelessness, and anger."
The source of his deteriorating mental health, the psychologists believed, was "the unknown status of his case and the uncertain length of his detention, complicated by lack of interaction with Agency personnel." The psychologists recommended releasing him. Their reason was not his innocence or his mental health, but the need to avoid "potential long-term issues for HQs."
The CIA's inspector general report confirms that El-Masri's prolonged arbitrary detention and cruel, inhumane, and degrading treatment included solitary confinement in a "small cell with just a bucket for his waste." The report concludes:
"[T]here was an insufficient basis to render and detain al-Masri and the Agency's prolonged detention of al-Masri was unjustified. His rendition and long detention resulted from a series of breakdowns in tradecraft, process, management, and oversight. CTC and [redacted] failed to take responsible steps to verify al-Masri's identity. ALEC Station exaggerated the nature of the data it possessed linking al-Masri to terrorism. After the decision had been made to repatriate al-Masri, implementation was marked by delay and bureaucratic infighting."
Yet after it was decided that El-Masri should be freed, he languished in the CIA prison for more than two months because of "bureaucratic infighting" and "bureaucratic differences." At one point, the CIA considered transferring El-Masri to the custody of the U.S. military. This option was ultimately ruled out because "such a move could complicate matters"; "the U.S. military would register al-Masri and notify the Red Cross of his detention"; and, without grounds to suspect he had a role within al-Qaida, "the US military would have no grounds on which to detain him" and "he could be a free man within hours."
After it was decided that El-Masri should be freed, he languished in the CIA prison for more than two months because of "bureaucratic infighting" and "bureaucratic differences."
Despite recognizing a terrible mistake, the Bush administration pressed the Supreme Court to refuse to hear El-Masri's (brought by the ACLU) case against Tenet. The court acquiesced, deciding not to review the case—which had been dismissed by the lower courts on "state secrets" grounds—the very same month the inspector general report was submitted to the administration.
Beyond an "oral admonition" given to three CIA attorneys, no one has been held accountable for El-Masri's ordeal. The CIA's inspector general referred El-Masri's case to the Department of Justice for prosecution -- but in May 2007, the Office of the U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia declined to pursue the case.
This report confirms what the ACLU has said for years: At the height of the so-called "War on Terror," the CIA made grave mistakes and committed outrageous violations of domestic and international law. Yet, no one responsible for these acts has been held accountable. Despite the CIA's best efforts to keep this and so many other stories secret -,- the CIA told El-Masri that a condition for his release was "that he would not reveal his experiences to the media or local authorities" -- the truth is steadily coming out. And still, El-Masri and other victims of CIA torture continue to wait for what they deserve -- a full criminal investigation into those responsible for overseeing and implementing the program, an acknowledgment of what they went through, an official apology, and compensation to help them rebuild their lives. This is the very least President Obama can do for them before leaving office.