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It's time for America to dramatically improve relations with Venezuela and Iran, not as a concession to their leaders, but as a pragmatic strategy grounded in diplomacy instead of war.
While President Donald Trump and many of America's top corporate CEOs were bowing down in Washington to Saudi absolute monarch Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the Trump administration was busy escalating (unauthorized and illegal) military actions against Venezuela with the apparent goal of regime change. Last summer, it bombed Iran, killing over 1,000 civilians, in a failed attempt to destroy Iran's nuclear weapons potential.
The US insists Venezuela and Iran are enemies in part because of authoritarian governments and human rights violations. But Saudi Arabia is one of the most authoritarian states in the world, marked by an absolute monarchy, tight control over political expression, and severe penalties for dissent. The US Director of National Intelligence concluded that the Crown Prince, also known as MbS, approved the torture, murder, and dismemberment of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018.
So it's the height of hypocrisy for Washington to treat Saudi Arabia as a close friend and Iran and Venezuela as enemies. It has nothing to do with democratic values and human rights but is all about failed and out-of-date Cold War policies and the Saudi's alignment with US corporate interests.
US policy towards Venezuela and Iran is simultaneously cruel and self-defeating. Diplomacy, rather than military threats, would be more effective and in the interests of the U.S. and the world.
Iran
From 1941 to 1953, Iran was a parliamentary democracy with competitive elections, political parties, and a free press. In 1951, the democratic parliament chose Mohammad Mossadegh as Prime Minister. Mossadegh stood for the rule of law, national sovereignty, and social justice. Most of Iran's vast oil reserves were owned or controlled by foreign corporations, particularly the predecessor to British Petroleum (BP), which kept most of the profits. Most significantly, he believed that Iran should remain neutral in the Cold War.
In 1953, the CIA and MI6 staged a coup to overthrow the democratic government, jailing Mossadegh, restoring the Shah to dictatorial rule, and restoring the oil industry to foreign control.
Under the Shah's authoritarian rule, the only effective resistance came from Islamic extremists who hated America for its role in the coup. Ayatollah Khomeini, exiled in 1964 for opposing the Shah, became the spiritual leader of the anti-Shah movement. When, following mass demonstrations in 1979, the Shah's government was overthrown, only Islamists based in Mosques (which could not be closed by the Shah in this religious country) had the organizational discipline and charismatic leadership to outmaneuver rivals. Returning from exile, Khomeini declared “Today is the first day of God’s government.” Khomeini signed a new Constitution declaring a "theocratic state," imposing Sharia law, and giving himself veto power.
When the US admitted the exiled Shah, a group calling itself the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam’s Line, strongly loyal to Khomeini, organized the occupation of the American embassy in Tehran and the hostage-taking of 52 Americans, which lasted 444 days and cemented the hostility between the US and Iran. The US broke diplomatic relations with Iran, which have still not been restored.
Nevertheless, diplomacy has sometimes been successful. In 2015, Iran, the US, and five other world powers signed a treaty, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), limiting Iran's nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief. The deal was hailed as a major diplomatic breakthrough. In 2018, the first Trump administration tore up the Treaty and instituted punishing economic sanctions.
Iran's political system is a hybrid of somewhat democratic elections combined with a 12-member Council of Guardians, controlled by Khomeini's successor, Ayatollah Khamenei, with the power to disqualify candidates from running. Nevertheless, Iran's hybrid system is more democratic than the absolute monarchy in Saudi Arabia.
This summer, the Trump administration bombed Iran, killing an estimated 1,000 people, in an unsuccessful attempt to destroy Iran's nuclear capacity to potentially build a nuclear bomb, something Iran has repeatedly and consistently said it does not want to do. But according to The Wall Street Journal, "Some analysts are concerned the attacks by Israel and the US may have convinced hard-liners in Tehran that the only way to preserve the regime is to make a run at developing nuclear weapons. 'If Iran decides to weaponize, it will take more time than it would have otherwise,' said Alan Eyre, a former State Department official and member of the U.S. negotiating team under the Obama administration that worked on the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran. But, paradoxically, we might have strengthened their resolve to seek a nuclear weapon now.'”
All the more reason why diplomacy, rather than further military action, may be the best course.
Saudi Arabia
The Saudi theocratic absolute monarchy has been a key US ally for over 80 years. The core bargain is that the Saudis provide oil, the US provides security, and during the Cold War, Saudi Arabia allied with the US against the Soviet Union.
Abdulaziz Ibn Saud (the grandfather of current Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman) declared the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in early 1931. It was, and still is, an absolute monarchy, with all authority vested in the King, no representative institutions, and the Wahhabi clerics bestowing divine authority on the King.
In 1933, Saudi Arabia granted oil exploration rights to Standard Oil of California. Concerned about post-war US access to oil and to establishing a Middle East buffer against Soviet influence, FDR met with King Saud in February of 1945 and negotiated a secret agreement known as the Quincy Pact under which the Saudis ensured a steady oil supply and the US provided security and protection to Saudi Arabia and the ruling royal Al Saud family. Ever since, the US has looked the other way at the Saudi's gross abuse of human rights.
In 1951, the US and Saudi Arabia entered into a Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement under which the US would provide arms and military training to the Saudi regime, and the US military would have access to the Dhahran Airfield as a base in the Middle East. The Agreement was aimed at countering Soviet influence in the region.
The alliance somewhat weakened under Presidents Obama and Biden, who spoke more openly about Saudi human rights abuses. Biden called MbS a "pariah" after US intelligence services determined that the Crown Prince authorized the brutal killing and dismemberment of Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi.
Under Trump, the relationship has been even closer and has become more transactional. Trump has downplayed the Khashoggi murder, denying, despite US intelligence reports to the contrary, that the Crown Prince knew anything about the murder and dismemberment of Khashoggi. Trump said of MbBS, “I like him a lot. I like him too much.”
The Trump family has made lucrative business deals with Saudi Arabia. Trump's son-in-law, Jared Kushner, raised $2 billion in investment from the Saudi Sovereign Wealth Fund led by MbS. The Trump organization has raised hundreds of millions of dollars from the Saudis for real estate, hotel, and golf clubs in the nation, including a Trump Tower in Saudi capital Riyadh.
Trump's recent lavish White House dinner in honor of MbS was attended by 50 of America's top corporate leaders. Corporate America seeks to benefit economically from Trump's renewed warm relationship with the Saudis and is unconcerned with the country's authoritarian monarchy and human rights abuses which are much worse than in Iran or Venezuela. David Ellison, the son of Larry Ellison (the second richest man in the world), is hoping for Saudi's Sovereign Wealth Fund to invest 10% of the purchase price for Paramount (which he just bought and owns CBS news) to also merge with Warners (which owns CNN) giving Trump and the Islamist MbS regime substantial influence over two of America's leading sources of news.
Venezuela
Contemporary Venezuela could be described as an "electoral autocracy "or "competitive authoritarianism." Elections are held, but many government opponents are disqualified from running, the vote tally can be corrupt, and the media is heavily censored. In that respect, Venezuela is somewhat comparable to American ally Hungary, where regular elections are still held but the playing field is heavily skewed to ensure that Prime Minister Victor Orban and his allies cannot lose power. In Hungary, there are laws that can ban opposition leaders from running, partisan gerrymandering is extensive, and Orban's government has a near monopoly on media.
Despite (or perhaps because of) Orban's authoritariansm, after Trump welcomed him to the White House, Trump called him a "great leader" and proclaimed "I like and respect him." Despite the similarities between the Maduro and Orban regimes, Trump has declared that "Venezuela is being run by a dictator" and administration sources say: “Maduro is a narcoterrorist—always lead with that word if you want to represent the president’s thinking.”
Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) is the leading actor in shaping Trump's increasingly aggressive stance towards Venezuela. Trump probably can't spell Venezuela or find it on a map. But Rubio has advocated regime change in Venezuela for years, in large part driven by his hope that it would also lead to regime change in Venezuelan ally Cuba, which the US has unsuccessfully tried to overthrow since Fidel Castro first took power in 1959, replacing the corrupt Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista.
Rubio is to Trump's Venezuela policy what Stephen Miller is to Trump's immigration policy. Soon after Trump's 2024 election victory, Rubio tried to convince Trump to implement Venezuelan regime change, allegedly because of Maduro's human rights violations and arguably undemocratic election victory. That argument failed to sway Trump to take military action. Rubio then switched arguments, calling Maduro a "narcoterrorist" drug trafficker, this despite the fact that US security analysts have found that Venezuela does not produce or export a significant amount of Fentanyl.
Dropsite News reports that "Trump's personal distaste for drugs and a campaign pledge to use the US military against Mexican drug cartels is an important impetus for Trump greenlighting recent strikes [on Venezuela]. With Trump unable so far to carry out attacks on Mexican cartels, strikes seen as politically untenable, Rubio effectively steered his gaze to Maduro. The potential of access to Venezuela's vast oil resources made the argument that much easier." John Feely, a former U.S. ambassador to Panama, concludes that "Rubio and the more ideological anti-communists in his inner circle have painted Trump into a corner with a paper-thin counter-narcotics pretext."
So Trump has now ordered missile strikes on small fishing boats allegedly carrying Fentanyl from Venezuela to America, so far killing at least 83 people (including the blatant war crime of a second strike to kill two unarmed survivors clinging to the side of the boat). The strikes are illegal under both international and US law. Congress has not authorized them, but Trump claims the right to act alone. He is threatening possible air strikes and even ground offensives against the Venezuelan mainland.
A military offensive is unlikely to remove Maduro. During the first Trump administration, the US sponsored a failed military offensive against Maduro called Operation Gideon. According to the BBC, Operation Gideon has been dubbed the "Bay of Piglets" as it made the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, backed by the CIA, "look like D-Day."
The Need for Diplomacy, Not War, With Venezuela and Iran
In a November 17 essay in Foreign Affairs, Francisco Rodríguez, a senior research fellow at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and a faculty affiliate at the University of Denver’s Josef Korbel School of Global and Public Affairs, concludes that "If Trump does attack Venezuela, it is unlikely to end well...A show of force will probably not be enough to bring down Maduro's regime... Even if US efforts somehow succeeded here, Venezuela's military would almost certainly replace Maduro with an insider. And even if, against all odds, Venezuela's opposition seized control of the country, there is no guaranteed that its ascendance would lead to a durable, democratic transition."
Instead of violent overthrow, Rodríguez proposes a long-term diplomatic strategy to bring about a "grand bargain" between the Maduro regime and the opposition.
The United States, argues Rodríguez in his piece,
[should] use its leverage to get both sides to the negotiating table. Done right, a coexistence deal would have good odds of democratizing Venezuela, at least relative to the alternatives. Decades of politicalscience research show that these kinds of so-called pacted transitions offer one of the most stable avenues for ending authoritarian rule. Latin America alone has multiple states—Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay—in which reforms initiated by an authoritarian government created a level political playing field that has lasted across multiple governments. It is, by contrast, rare to find cases in which an external intervention has led to a durable process of democratization, in the absence of a prolonged military occupation.
For too long, American foreign policy has clung to a rigid framework that divides the world into "good" and "bad" regimes, usually defined not by democratic values and human rights but by their willingness to align with US geopolitical and corporate interests. Nowhere is this more apparent than in America's relationship with three major oil-producing authoritarian or semi-authoritarian states of Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Venezuela.
But at a moment of global transition, climate change, shifting alliances, and growing multipolarity, this framework is outdated and dangerous. It undermines global stability and squanders diplomatic opportunities that could reduce conflict, strengthen security, and improve the living conditions for ordinary people.
It's time for America to dramatically improve relations with Venezuela and Iran, not as a concession to their leaders, but as a pragmatic strategy grounded in negotiations instead of war, peacebuilding, and the long-term interests of the American and global public.
Rep. Eugene Vindman—who was a White House national security lawyer at the time of the 2019 call—said it “would shock people if they knew what was said.”
The widow of Jamal Khashoggi on Friday joined Democratic members of Congress in urging President Donald Trump to release the transcript of a phone conversation between the US leader and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman following the journalist's 2018 kidnapping and gruesome murder by Saudi operatives.
Speaking outside the US Capitol in Washington, DC flanked by Democratic members of Congress including Reps. Eugene Vindman of Virginia and Jamie Raskin of Maryland, Hanan Elatr Khashoggi said she is seeking the lawmakers' help "to get the contents of the conversation between President Trump and MBS to get the truth."
“Try as much as you can to save the democratic freedom of America," Khashoggi implored the audience at the gathering. "Do not be a copy of the Middle East dictator countries. We look to America as our role model of modern civilization. Please maintain it.”
Jamal Khashoggi's widow, Hanan Elatr Khashoggi: "I'm seeking the help of Congressmen Vindman and Jamie Raskin, to get the transcript of the conversation between President Trump and Crown Prince MBS to understand the truth."
[image or embed]
— The Bulwark (@thebulwark.com) November 21, 2025 at 8:44 AM
Vindman urged the declassification and release of what he called a "highly disturbing" 2019 call between Trump and MBS—who US intelligence agencies say ordered Khashoggi's murder—the contents of which the congressman claimed “would shock people if they knew what was said.”
At the time of the call, Vindman was serving as a lawyer on Trump's National Security Council, where his duties included reviewing presidential communications with foreign leaders.
"All week, I’ve urged the president to release this transcript," Vindman said during his remarks at Friday's press conference. "Yesterday, I sent him a letter with 37 of my colleagues demanding its release. We will continue pressing until the American people get the truth.”
"Given President Trump’s disturbing and counterfactual defense of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman this week, I felt compelled to speak up on behalf of the Khashoggi family and the country I serve," he added.
On Tuesday, Trump warmly welcomed the crown prince to the White House, calling him a "respected man," designating Saudi Arabia a major non-NATO ally, and announcing the planned sale of F-35 fighter jets to the kingdom.
Trump also threatened an ABC News reporter who attempted to ask MBS about his role in Khashoggi's murder, calling the victim "somebody that was extremely controversial" and whom "a lot of people didn’t like."
“Whether you like him or didn’t like him, things happen," Trump said as MBS smugly looked on, dubiously adding that the crown prince "knew nothing about it."
Responding to Trump's comments, Khashoggi's widow said during Friday's press conference that “there is no justification to kidnap [Khashoggi], torture him, to kill him, and to cut him to pieces."
"This is a terrorist act," she added.
Khashoggi—a Washington Post columnist and permanent US resident—vanished in October 2018 while visiting the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. Turkish officials said he was attacked, suffocated to death, and dismembered with a bone saw inside the consular compound. One Turkish investigator said Khashoggi was tortured in front the Saudi consul-general and dismembered while he was still alive.
Saudi officials initially denied that Khashoggi died in the consulate but later confirmed his death, claiming it resulted from a “fistfight” gone wrong. In 2019, a Saudi court sentenced five people to death and three others to prison terms in connection with Khashoggi’s murder. However, the death sentences were later commuted.
The Central Intelligence Agency concluded that MBS ordered Khashoggi's murder. Saudi officials refuted the CIA's findings. Trump also expressed skepticism at his own intelligence agency's conclusion, which came as the US was selling or seeking to sell billions of dollars worth of arms to Saudi Arabia despite its rampant war crimes in Yemen.
Hopes that former President Joe Biden would take a different approach to Saudi Arabia over war crimes and Khashoggi's murder were dashed as his administration continued selling arms to the kingdom and argued in federal court that MBS should be granted sovereign immunity in a civil case filed by the slain journalist's widow.
Trump has sought closer ties to Saudi Arabia during his second term as he courts up to $1 trillion in investments from the kingdom and works to broker diplomatic normalization between Riyadh and Israel.
The New York Times reported Monday that the Trump Organization—which is run by the president’s two eldest sons—is “in talks that could bring a Trump-branded property" to Saudi Arabia, raising concerns about possible corruption and conflicts of interest.
A fire that broke out at the Belém climate talks showed that negotiators do know how to respond to an emergency, just not the planetary one they are in Brazil to address.
I have been to a great many of the annual global climate talks—in Poland, in Mexico, in Denmark, in France, in Scotland, in Egypt, in… so many places. They’re all kind of the same: Once you’re inside the vast convention hall, there’s a constant babble of speeches, seminars, symposiums. Various countries and trade groups and environmental organizations hold endlessly overlapping sessions, each focused on their particular pet series of topics; meanwhile, the “work” of the conference proceeds largely behind closed doors, as delegates from the powerful countries hash out the text of the proposals, quibbling over a “must” versus a “shall.”
It’s hard to remember, amidst the banality, that it’s all about the most real thing ever: the ongoing alteration of the planet’s atmosphere, and with it the planet’s temperature, and with it the future of everything we know and love.
But occasionally reality breaks through, Thursday afternoon in Belém, Brazil in the form of a very literal fire that apparently began in the Africa pavilion. The video was truly terrifying—this could have been truly awful.
Luckily, everyone reacted the way people should in an emergency. People warned each other, and evacuated. Firefighters arrived and used their tools to put out the blaze. Apparently 11 people are being treated for smoke inhalation, but all are expected to survive.
In other words, everyone behaved in precisely the opposite way they’ve reacted to the fire that’s begun to consume the Earth.
I’m not going to belabor this analogy—it’s painfully obvious. But sometimes the obvious is worth pointing out, because it doesn’t seem to have sunk in.
When I say the planet is on fire, I mean in many cases literally. We’ve already managed to mostly memory-hole the fact that large sections of America’s second-largest city burned to the ground earlier this year (though it has inspired forensic anthropologists to come up with new ways of identifying people burned to death; a special training with 10 donated cadavers is happening this week). Across the world blazes rage—somehow NASA’s new minders haven’t gotten around to taking down this page which points out the science in admirably straightforward terms:
Many different factors influence wildfire behavior, such as forest health, weather, topography, and forest management practices. A warming climate is increasing some types of fire activity, leading to larger and more destructive fires, more intensive firefighting efforts, and widespread smoke.
But of course it’s more than just fires. A heating planet has thousands of ways to do damage, from rain and flood to drought and storm. A new study, detailed here by ProPublica, counts the excess deaths simply from President Donald Trump’s about face on climate policy at 1.3 million souls:
Our calculations use modeled estimates of the additional emissions that will be released as a result of Trump’s policies as well as a peer-reviewed metric for what is known as the mortality cost of carbon. That metric, which builds on Nobel Prize-winning science that has informed federal policy for more than a decade, predicts the number of temperature-related deaths from additional emissions. The estimate reflects deaths from heat-related causes, such as heat stroke and the exacerbation of existing illnesses, minus lives saved by reduced exposure to cold. It does not include the massive number of deaths expected from the broader effects of climate change, such as droughts, floods, wars, vector-borne diseases, hurricanes, wildfires, and reduced crop yields.
The numbers, while large, are just a fraction of the estimated 83 million temperature-related deaths that could result from all human-caused emissions over the same period if climate-warming pollution is not curtailed. But they speak to the human cost of prioritizing US corporate interests over the lives of people around the globe.
“The sheer numbers are horrifying,” said Ife Kilimanjaro, executive director of the nonprofit U.S. Climate Action Network, which works with groups around the world to combat climate change.
“But for us they’re more than numbers,” she added. “These are people with lives, with families, with hopes and dreams. They are people like us, even if they happen to live in a different part of the world.”
Indeed, another new study now allows one to calculate how many deaths any new fossil fuel project can be expected to produce. As Patrick Canning writes:
In 2021 R. Daniel Bressler published a paper called “The Mortality cost of carbon,” proposing a method to estimate the number of deaths caused by the emissions of one additional metric ton of CO2. This opened the door to assessing the number of deaths per project, or per nation, industry, etc. But no one did it right away, it took some time to percolate.
After that I started advising my clients to insist of regulators that this calculation be made.
Then in July of this year a team based at University New South Wales, Sydney, Australia, did it. For the first time, they calculated the number of deaths which are likely to be caused by a particular project—Woodside’s Scarborough gas project.
The number for that one western Australian gas project? 484 people dead, and 16 million corals along the Great Barrier Reef.
Meanwhile, great reporting from Anupreeta Das highlights the toll from unrelenting heat on women in particular, making the point that it’s daily higher temperatures as much as extreme heatwaves that do the damage:
Every summer morning, Kantaben Kishen Parmar, a 45-year-old vegetable seller in the Indian city of Ahmedabad, settles onto a patch of ground the size of a large rug, sandwiched between the warming asphalt and a simmering sky, to sell peppers and tomatoes. She doesn’t get back home until 10:00 pm.
Over the decades, summers have gotten longer and hotter—average temperatures can hover around 105°F, or 40°C, between March and June—but Ms. Parmar’s hours have remained the same. The toll on her health is growing.
Three years ago, she collapsed during an especially scorching April day and was rushed to a hospital, where she was treated for severe dehydration. Ms. Parmar, who is diabetic, has suffered from urinary tract infections, dizzy spells, and heavy bleeding during her period, conditions that medical experts often attribute to heat stress.
“It’s hot from above, it’s hot from the pavement,” said Ms. Parmar as she deftly tossed green peppers onto a weighing scale with her right hand, which bears the tattoo of a heart pierced by an arrow encasing the letters “KK.” The other “K” stands for Kishen, her husband and partner in the business.
If dead people and dead coral and sick women don’t motivate leaders, perhaps money might? A fascinating new study found that the risk of fire and storms is driving up insurance costs, and hence driving down the value of homes, and by truly eye-watering amounts. As Claire Brown and Mira Rojanasakul explain:
The study, which analyzed tens of millions of housing payments through 2024 to understand where insurance costs have risen most, offers first-of-its-kind insight into the way rising insurance rates are affecting home values.
Since 2018, a financial shock in the home insurance market has meant that homes in the ZIP codes most exposed to hurricanes and wildfires would sell for an average of $43,900 less than they would otherwise, the research found. They include coastal towns in Louisiana and low-lying areas in Florida.
Changes in an under-the-radar part of the insurance market, known as reinsurance, have helped to drive this trend. Insurance companies purchase reinsurance to help limit their exposure when a catastrophe hits. Over the past several years, global reinsurance companies have had what the researchers call a “climate epiphany” and have roughly doubled the rates they charge home insurance providers.
In the end, all this derives from the fundamental damage being done to the Earth’s fundamental systems. One of the scarier reports I’ve read in a long time passed almost unnoticed earlier this month in the journal Nature. It documented exactly how fast the world’s forests and oceans are losing their ability to sequester carbon. As Zeke Hausfather and Pierre Friedlingstein explain:
Climate change has caused a long-term decline in land and ocean carbon sinks, with sinks being about 15% weaker over the past decade than they would have been without climate impacts.
The study, published in Nature, finds that the decline of carbon sinks has contributed about 8% to the rise in atmospheric CO2 concentration since 1960…
The combined effects of climate change and deforestation have turned tropical forests in south-east Asia and in large parts of South America from CO2 sinks to sources.
And these sinks will likely continue to weaken as long as atmospheric CO2 concentrations continue to rise and the world continues to warm. There are a wide range of estimates of carbon cycle feedbacks among climate models, but a large carbon cycle feedback could result in a few tenths of a degree of future warming.
There are a few people responding to the emergency in the fashion one might hope: Last week, for instance, the European Center for Human and Constitutional Rights filed a criminal complaint against TotalEnergies for its complicity in war crimes and torture associated with African gas projects. They are the equivalent of neighbors seeing a fire and getting on the phone to the authorities.
And there are some people reacting the way you’d expect arsonists to respond. With America absent from the Belém talks, Saudi Arabia has taken over the function of blocking action. As Damian Carrington points out in the Guardian, the kingdom gets $170,000 in oil revenues a minute, so no wonder they fight any effort to do anything:
More than a dozen obstruction tactics have been deployed, from disputing the agendas to claiming that strands of the talks have no mandate to discuss issues it dislikes such as phasing out fossil fuels—to insisting action to help vulnerable countries adapt to global heating is linked to compensating oil-rich nations for lost sales. Delay is a key aim and, for example, Saudi Arabia strongly opposed any virtual negotiations when Covid shut down the world in 2020. “They are really good at it, absolutely masterful,” says Dr Joanna Depledge at the University of Cambridge.
Mostly, though, the world just kind of stands by and watches. As the Belém talks staggered toward their end, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva returned to help spur negotiators on, but he sounded oddly equivocal:
“We haven’t found another place to live,” Lula, flanked by Brazilian negotiators and his wife, said.
Lula and several other leaders are pushing to create a road map toward transition to renewable energies. But in his remarks Wednesday, he was careful to say there’s no intention to “impose anything on anybody,” that countries could transition at their own pace and count on financial help to do so.
Indeed, Bloomberg reports that the latest draft of the proposed text omits language about phasing out fossil fuels. Which—well, that’s the whole damned point.
And so, perhaps, we should leave the last word to Greta Thunberg, who near the beginning of her remarkable campaign said something that should resonate with the delegates currently standing outside the convention hall watching firefighters mop up
