SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
january 6 insurrection
By Calling More Than Half the Country ‘Scum,’ Trump Is Raising a Bright Red Flag
When political leaders use dehumanizing language to vilify their opponents, they’re in actuality laying the groundwork for authoritarianism, repression, and violence.
May 27, 2025
U.S. President Donald Trump opened Memorial Day in the most disgusting way possible, not by praising our fallen heroes but by attacking Democrats. He wrote on his Nazi-infested social media site on Monday morning:
Happy Memorial Day to all, including the scum that spent the last four years trying to destroy our country through warped radical left minds…
When the President of the United States calls members of the oldest political party in the world and a former president “scum,” it’s not just another ugly outburst that embarrasses America before the rest of the world: It’s a warning sign. A bright red flag.
It tells us that something far more sinister than partisan posturing is afoot. Something our media has already decided to overlook in their perpetual effort to normalize the abominable.
This kind of rhetoric isn’t new, and it’s not harmless. History has shown us—again and again—that when political leaders use dehumanizing language to vilify their opponents, they’re in actuality laying the groundwork for authoritarianism, repression, and violence.
Words matter. In every fascist movement of the 20th century, it started with the words. Before the arrests, before the beatings, before the camps, there were the words.
In a healthy democracy, political disagreements are expected. Even fierce debates over policy and direction are part of the process. But a functioning democracy depends on a shared understanding that both sides, no matter how much they disagree, are legitimate participants in the system.
The moment that idea is tossed aside—when one side starts branding the other not as the loyal opposition but as enemies, traitors, or “scum”—democracy starts to fail.
When a president engages in this kind of language, he’s not just lashing out at critics. He’s explicitly trying to erase the legitimacy of any voice but his own.
This tactic is not original. It’s ripped from the playbooks of authoritarians throughout history.
- Hitler routinely referred to Jews, communists, and democratic socialists as “vermin” and “filth,” conditioning the German public to accept ever-increasing acts of brutality and repression.
- In Rwanda, Hutu leaders called Tutsis “cockroaches” on the radio for months before the genocide began.
- In Serbia, Slobodan Milošević labeled political opponents and ethnic minorities as “parasites” and “traitors” before launching ethnic cleansing campaigns.
Language like this isn’t about winning arguments. It’s about destroying opposition.
Donald Trump has flirted with this disgusting sort of rhetoric for years, calling the press “the enemy of the people,” mocking disabled journalists, referring to immigrants as “animals,” and branding his political opponents as “radicals” or “traitors.”
But labeling Democrats—over 45 million American citizens—as “scum” is a different level of escalation. It’s not just name-calling. It’s a signal. A test balloon. A way of seeing how far he can go. And if there’s no consequence, he’ll go further.
What happens when a leader no longer sees himself as the president of all Americans, but only of those who worship him? What happens when one party becomes synonymous with the state, and all others are demonized?
You get systems like Vladimir Putin’s Russia, where opposition leaders are jailed, poisoned, or pushed out of windows. You get Viktor Orbán’s Hungary, where the ruling party rewrites the constitution to lock in power and crush dissent. You get a country where elections still happen, but they no longer mean anything.
Trump’s use of the word “scum” may seem like just another day in MAGA world, but it is, in fact, part of a much larger and more deliberate strategy. It’s designed to radicalize his base, to cast Democrats not as fellow Americans with different ideas but as dangerous enemies who must be defeated at all costs. It’s designed to terrify Trump’s opponents and paralyze the media.
When you convince people that the opposition is not just wrong but evil, the next logical step is to justify extraordinary actions to stop them, whether that’s purging them from government, throwing them in jail, or inciting paramilitary violence against them.
We’ve already seen where this leads.
January 6, for example, wasn’t some spontaneous tantrum. It was the inevitable result of years of delegitimization and demonization of Democrats. The people who stormed the Capitol sincerely believed they were saving America from “scum” who had stolen the presidency. They were acting on the poisonous lie that only one side has the right to rule and that any electoral outcome that contradicts their will is illegitimate. A lie that came straight from Trump and his morbidly rich neofascist enablers.
This is how democracies die; not all at once, but in a slow, deliberate campaign of character assassination against political rivals, institutions, and the rule of law. It happens when a strongman convinces just enough people that he alone is the embodiment of the nation, and that anyone who opposes him is a threat to the country itself.
And once that belief takes root, atrocities become not just possible, but justified. And, in most cases, inevitable. We’re already seen this in the case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia and the Venezuelans who Trump deported to El Salvador and the Asians he deported to Africa, in both cases in defiance of court orders.
From Pinochet throwing small-d democrats he called “subversivos” and “terroristas” out of helicopters over the ocean, to Stalin using the phrase “enemy of the people” (враг народа) to describe democracy advocates, to Mao calling educated people monsters and demons” (牛鬼蛇神) as he killed an estimated 35 million of them, this is an old, old story.
It’s the same type of language that the Klan used for centuries here in America as they embarked on campaigns of terror and murder. And that the paramilitary groups that have largely replaced them in the 21st century continue to use.
It’s also important to note that when Trump calls people who didn’t vote for him “scum,” he’s not just talking about elected officials. He’s talking about more than half the country.
He’s talking about your neighbors, your coworkers, maybe your family members. He’s talking about teachers, nurses, scientists, union workers, veterans; millions of Americans who simply don’t buy into his brand of neofascist grievance politics. He’s trying to turn Americans against each other so he can seize even more power out of the chaos he creates.
This kind of dehumanization also serves a more practical political purpose: It undermines accountability. If Democrats are “scum,” then their investigations into Trump’s corruption are not legitimate. If the media is “fake news,” then any critical reporting is a hoax. If the courts rule against him, they’re “rigged.” It’s a classic authoritarian tactic: Delegitimize all checks on your power and paint yourself as the sole source of truth.
In doing so, Trump is also poisoning the well for any future attempt at national unity or reconciliation.
Once you’ve labeled your opponents as subhuman, how do you work with them? How do you compromise to do what’s best for the country? You don’t.
And that’s exactly the point. He doesn’t want compromise. He wants domination. He wants a political system like in Russia or Hungary, where the only choice is himself.
We can’t afford to normalize this. We can’t laugh it off as Trump being Trump. We can’t wait and hope that someone, somewhere, will step in and draw a line. We have to be that line. We have to call this what it is: a deliberate, dangerous assault on the core of American democracy.
Words matter. In every fascist movement of the 20th century, it started with the words. Before the arrests, before the beatings, before the camps, there were the words. And in every case, those words went unchallenged until it was too late.
It’s not too late now. But we are closer than we’ve ever been. We must push back hard against this dehumanizing rhetoric, demand better from our leaders, and defend the democratic principle that every citizen, no matter their party, is entitled to dignity, voice, and full participation in the political process.
Because once a president gets away with calling fellow Americans “scum,” it’s only a matter of time before he treats them that way.
Keep ReadingShow Less
Why the History of the Wilmington Coup Can Help Make Sense of Our American Present
If people knew about the Wilmington Coup, they would understand that white supremacist violence has long been a feature—not a glitch—of the American political system.
Apr 18, 2025
In the wake of the 2020 uprising for racial justice, many Americans began learning the history of racial violence left out of their textbooks, as widespread protests of the murder of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and so many others demanded a reckoning with the country’s legacy of white supremacy. Black communities were finally able to force a discussion into the mainstream media about white supremacist violence and historical events like the Tulsa Massacre of 1921, in which a white mob attacked the prosperous Black community of Greenwood (known as Black Wall Street), burning homes and businesses, killing hundreds, and displacing thousands.
Yet, even as some long-buried histories came to light, others—such as the 1898 Wilmington Coup, when white supremacists violently overthrew a democratically elected, Reconstruction-era multiracial government in North Carolina—remain largely unknown. For a brief period, because of the unprecedented numbers of people marching in the streets, the nation began to confront its past with honesty. However, when the protests receded, so did the media’s focus on Black history. Many critical chapters in the struggle for racial justice remain buried beneath layers of denial and deliberate erasure.
That willful denial was on display in the narrative that emerged surrounding the events of January 6, 2021, when a mob violently stormed the U.S. Capitol building, waving Confederate flags, wearing clothing with fascist slogans like “Camp Auschwitz,” and carrying nooses and other symbols of racial violence. In the attack’s aftermath, many politicians condemned the violence and sought to reassure the nation. Then-President-elect Joe Biden stated, “The scenes of chaos at the Capitol do not reflect a true America, do not represent who we are.” Even Republican Rep. Mike Waltz of Florida, a staunch supporter of President Donald Trump, condemned the violence, writing, “This is not who we are as a people or as a country. This is wrong and condemnable.”
When we understand Wilmington, we see that January 6 was not an aberration; it was a continuation of a historical pattern where white supremacy reacts violently to challenges against its dominance.
But these statements ignore the long history of white supremacist assaults on democracy in the United States—a history so deeply embedded that during Reconstruction, amid mass Black political organizing and grassroots pressure, Congress was forced to act. In 1871, Congress passed the Klan Enforcement Act to give the federal government the power to protect constitutional rights from groups like the Ku Klux Klan that used “force, intimidation, or threat” to undermine Black political participation and overthrow democratic institutions. In fact, parts of this very law were cited in lawsuits and criminal prosecutions following the January 6 insurrection. If, as many claimed, “this is not who we are,” then why was a law to stop this kind of violence passed over 150 years ago?
Among the most significant examples of white supremacist political violence in the United States is the 1898 Wilmington Coup. It stands as one of the worst racist attacks in U.S. history, yet is absent from the lessons most students learn in school. The fact that the federal government didn’t invoke the Klan Act to prosecute the perpetrators of the Wilmington Coup demonstrates their complicity in using violence to maintain systemic racism. If people knew the history of the Wilmington Coup, they would understand that white supremacist violence has long been a feature—not a glitch—of the American political system.
Wilmington’s Democracy
In the late 19th century, Wilmington was a thriving majority-Black city where Black men held office, ran businesses, and participated in civic life. This progress was not an anomaly—it reflected the important gains that Black people fought for and won during Reconstruction. In the years following the Civil War, Black communities helped build a new vision for democracy in the South. They established public schools; elected Black representatives to local, state, and federal office; advocated for civil rights; and created thriving economic institutions such as mutual aid societies, churches, and newspapers. Wilmington’s multiracial government and Black political power were forged in this Reconstruction-era struggle.
But this progress was intolerable to those in the Democratic Party, which positioned itself as the party of white dominance in the South. In the years leading up to 1898, a political coalition known as “fusion” emerged, threatening the Democratic Party’s grip on power. As historian LeRae Umfleet explains, “Fusion took disaffected Democrats, which were the Populist Party, and Republican voters, who were the voters of Abraham Lincoln’s party—Black men and progressive white men—and it fused the voting power of those two blocks of voters.” This coalition successfully elected a Republican governor in 1896, marking a dramatic shift in political power that white Democrats sought to reverse at all costs.
Central to their plan was the use of propaganda. As Yoruba Richen, filmmaker of a documentary on the Wilmington Coup, points out, “Josephus Daniels, the publisher of Raleigh’s News and Observer, was one of the architects of the coup. He had the very smart idea—since so many white people were also illiterate—to use cartoons to gin up this myth, this racist trope of the Black man raping white women and taking over government.”
At the same time, Alex Manly, editor of Wilmington’s Daily Record, was running one of the country’s only Black-owned daily newspapers. The Daily Record was a vital resource for Wilmington’s Black community, reporting on their achievements and providing a platform for challenging the era’s pervasive racism. Manly became a target of white supremacists after responding to a racist speech by Rebecca Felton, the wife of a Georgia senator, who claimed that Black men were raping white women and called for lynchings to stop this so-called epidemic.
As Richen explains, “Manly wrote a response saying this is basically BS. He pointed out that, as a man of mixed race himself, unions between Black men and white women often occurred freely because white women were attracted to Black men. He also emphasized that Black women had historically been the ones raped, and no one said anything about that.” This editorial enraged white supremacists and was used by Josephus Daniels and others to justify the coup.
On November 10, 1898, when the violence began, the mob first targeted the Daily Record. White men and boys burned the building to the ground, ensuring the destruction of a powerful voice for Wilmington’s Black community. Manly and his brother narrowly escaped, using their light skin to pass as white. Richen describes the chilling aftermath: “One of the few pictures that we have from the coup is of the Record being burned, with white men and boys surrounding it. It’s very reminiscent of the lynching photos we saw at the time and thereafter.”
The attack on the Daily Record was not only an act of physical violence, but also a deliberate effort to silence Black voices and destroy attempts at multiracial democracy.
The Erasure of the Wilmington Coup
The erasure of the Wilmington Coup from U.S. history textbooks was the result of a deliberate campaign to suppress the truth. White supremacist organizations like the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) played a central role in shaping the way history was taught in schools. UDC President Mrs. James A. Rounsaville, at their annual convening in 1909, made their goals plain: “It has ever been the cherished purpose of the Daughters of the Confederacy to secure greater educational opportunities for Confederate children, and by thorough training of their powers of mind, heart, and hand, render it possible for these representatives of our Southern race to retain for that race its supremacy in its own land.” As the PBS article “How to Cover up a Coup” explains, “For millions of students passing through North Carolina’s public schools, learning from textbooks that never mentioned the deadly 1898 coup d’etat in their state, it was as though that event never happened.”
Dr. Crystal Sanders, now a history professor at Emory University, reflected on this erasure: “I took several courses on North Carolina history throughout my middle school and high school career, and I never recall hearing about the Wilmington Insurrection.” This erasure continues today. I recently reviewed the History Alive! textbook, which makes no mention of the Wilmington Coup—deadening students’ understanding of Reconstruction and the white supremacist backlash that followed.
This lack of education is not an isolated issue. As the Zinn Education Project’s report Erasing the Black Freedom Struggle: How State Standards Fail to Teach the Truth About Reconstruction shows, “[I]n more than a dozen states, the Dunning School of false and distorted framing still influences standards and curricula.” The report goes on to explain, “Most state standards focus on government bodies and other elites as primary actors of Reconstruction, rather than the achievements and perspectives of ordinary Black people, whose unprecedented grassroots work in governing, education, labor, health, and more lies at the heart of the era. Most standards also fail to note white supremacy’s role in defeating Reconstruction or connections between that historic period and today.”
Why We Must Remember Wilmington
The Wilmington Coup reveals that white supremacist attacks on democracy are deeply embedded in U.S. history. Erasing this history allows the myth of American exceptionalism to persist, leaving us ill-equipped to recognize—and confront—the recurrence of such violence. When we understand Wilmington, we see that January 6 was not an aberration; it was a continuation of a historical pattern where white supremacy reacts violently to challenges against its dominance.
Learning these truths empowers us to create change. We can choose to struggle for a true multiracial democracy, one where history is taught honestly. When we teach students the truth, we equip them to dismantle the systems of injustice that have persisted for generations—and to build a future where democracy is not just an ideal, but a reality.
Keep ReadingShow Less
When Fascism Comes to America
The list of common characteristics in the study of 20th-century fascist dictators and their regimes includes 14 categories in all, and Trump and his MAGA disciples have already exhibited characteristics in most of these categories.
Apr 03, 2025
There's a relatively obscure quotation, sometimes attributed to the 20th-century American author Sinclair Lewis, that reads, "When fascism comes to America, it will be wrapped in the flag and carrying a cross."
Although no one’s actually sure that Sinclair Lewis ever wrote or said this, his 1935 novel, It Can't Happen Here, centers around a flag-hugging, Bible-thumping politician named Berzelius (”Buzz”) Windrip. Despite having no particular leadership skills other than the ability to mesmerize large audiences by appealing to their baser instincts (and to bully those people who aren’t so easily mesmerized), Windrip is elected President of the United States. Shortly after Windrip takes office, through a flurry of executive orders, appointments of unqualified cronies to key governmental positions, and then a declaration of martial law, Windrip quickly makes the transition from a democratically elected president to a brutal, fascist dictator. The novel’s title, It Can’t Happen Here, refers to the mindset of key characters in the novel who fail to recognize Windrip’s fascist agenda before it’s too late.
The question now is whether the people of the United States have the necessary critical thinking skills, moral compass, and political courage to reverse the rise of fascism in our country before further harm is done.
Written almost a century ago during the rise of fascism in Europe prior to World War II, It Can’t Happen Here is disturbingly prescient today. Buzz Windrip’s personal traits, his rhetoric, and the path through which he initially becomes the democratically elected U.S. president, and soon afterward, the country’s first full-fledged fascist dictator, bear an uncanny resemblance to the personality traits and rhetoric of Donald Trump and the path through which he has come thus far to be the 47th President of the United States, and through which he appears to be on course to become our country’s first full-fledged…. But no! It can’t happen here! Or can it?
Trump’s uncanny resemblance to the fictional dictator in Sinclair Lewis’s 1935 novel is disconcerting. The far more important concern, though, is the degree to which Trump resembles real-life fascist dictators, past and present. A study of notorious 20th- century fascist dictators, including Hitler and Mussolini, concluded that they and their regimes all had several characteristics in common. (The current regimes of Vladimir Putin in Russia, Xi Jinping in China, and Kim Jong Un in North Korea also share these characteristics.)
Fascist Dictators Encourage and Condone Violence Against Their Political Enemies
After losing the 2020 presidential election, Trump urged a large crowd of supporters on the morning of January 6, 2021 to march to the Capitol and “fight like hell.” After the violent assault on the Capitol had been going on for more than three hours, when Trump finally posted a video message urging the rioters to go home, he told them, “We love you, you’re very special.” On his first day back in office in 2025, he granted clemency to the more than 1,500 rioters who were charged with crimes related to the attack on the Capitol, including rioters convicted of assaulting police officers and rioters with past convictions for other violent crimes, including sexual assault.
Fascist Dictators Blur the Distinction Between Private Business Interests and the Public Good and Put Wealthy Business Leaders in High Governmental Positions
At the beginning of his second term, Trump appointed Elon Musk, reportedly the world’s richest man and the CEO of companies that have received tens of billions of dollars in federal funding, to head the ad hoc “Department of Government Efficiency,” with the power to summarily fire vast numbers of federal employees without cause and to potentially steer federal funding away from other companies and toward his own.
Fascist Dictators Promote Bold-Faced Lies and Other Propaganda
Some of Trump’s most notorious lies include his claims that he won the 2020 presidential election; that the January 6, 2021 insurrectionist attack on the Capitol was a “day of love;” and that the Ukrainians themselves, not the Russian invaders, are responsible for starting the war in Ukraine. The Washington Post catalogued more than 30,000 other demonstrably false or misleading statements that Trump made during his first term as president. Currently, a special team within the Trump administration is spewing out pro-Trump propaganda at a prodigious rate on social media, including a portrait of Trump wearing a golden crown with the caption, “Long Live the King,” via Elon Musk’s “X” platform.
Fascist Dictators Promote the Myth That Their Citizens Are Being Threatened by Scapegoats
Trump’s favorite scapegoats are undocumented immigrants whom he frequently refers to as “criminals,” “gang members,” and “killers,”and who he claims are stealing jobs and benefits from U.S. citizens. In fact, undocumented immigrants do the work that most U.S. citizens are unwilling to do; they pay far more in federal taxes than they receive in federal benefits; and, unlike Trump himself, they are convicted of committing serious crimes at a lower rate than the U.S. population as a whole.
Fascist Dictators Put Grossly Unqualified Sycophants in Key Governmental Positions
The many grossly unqualified sycophants who Trump has nominated or appointed to key government positions in his second administration include Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, a favorite Fox News interviewee who has himself been accused of alcohol abuse, sexual misconduct, and mismanagement of nonprofit financial funds, and who has spoken in defense of U.S. soldiers charged with war crimes; Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr. who seeds doubt concerning vaccine effectiveness and promotes other medical quackery; and FBI Director Kash Patel who endorses the “deep state” theory and who has previously described jailed January 6 insurrectionists as “political prisoners.”
Fascist Dictators Exhibit Flagrant Sexism
Trump boasted in a 2005 video recording about not only groping women and kissing them without their consent, but about an incident involving a married woman in which, in his own words, “I moved on her like a bitch.” He added, “I failed, I admit it, I did try and “f—k her.” Trump called Hillary Clinton a “nasty woman” during their final 2016 presidential debate; he has repeatedly referred to Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) as “Pocahontas;” and he entertained a joke during a 2024 campaign rally implying that past Vice President Kamala Harris once worked as a prostitute.
The list of common characteristics in the study of 20th-century fascist dictators and their regimes includes 14 categories in all, and Trump and his MAGA disciples have already exhibited characteristics in most of these categories. One common characteristic not mentioned in the study is the fact that all the 20th-century fascist dictators met ignominious ends—but not before they had caused enormous damage, including the deaths of millions of innocent people.
Questions about what fascism might look like when it comes to the United States of America and whether it can or cannot happen here are no longer merely hypothetical. Fascism has come to the USA. It is happening here. The question now is whether the people of the United States have the necessary critical thinking skills, moral compass, and political courage to reverse the rise of fascism in our country before further harm is done, or will we be like the characters in Sinclair Lewis’ 1935 novel; the people in Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini’s Italy; and the people in current day Russia, China, and North Korea and allow our system of government to devolve into a full-fledged fascist dictatorship.
Keep ReadingShow Less
Most Popular