August, 03 2011, 02:03pm EDT

Common Cause Examines Money, Power of Corporate-Legislative Alliance
Report documents ALEC's investment of nearly $400 million in state elections
WASHINGTON
Some of the nation's largest and richest companies have joined forces to invest millions of dollars each year in state elections, promoting the careers of thousands of state legislators and securing passage of legislation that puts corporate interests ahead of the interests of ordinary Americans, Common Cause said in a new report released today.
Led by such firms as Wal-Mart, Coca-Cola, Koch Industries, AT&T, Altria and ExxonMobil, the American Legislative Exchange Council has quietly made itself a force in all 50 state capitols. The 22 companies that make up ALEC's "private enterprise board," their executives and affiliated political action committees, put more than $38 million into state elections in the 2009-10 election cycle and have invested more than $370 million in state politics since 2001, according to the report, "Money, Power and the American Legislative Exchange Council."
" ALEC is a stunning example of how deeply corporate influence penetrates our democracy and undermines the public interest," said Common Cause President Bob Edgar. "Its corporate sponsors underwrite annual meetings, often at lavish resorts, where their executives sit side-by-side with state legislators - in meetings closed to the public and press -- to draft 'model' bills designed to enhance the companies' profits, often at a cost to the public interest.
"Then the companies put their muscle behind that legislation at state capitols and invest millions of dollars to elect and re-elect lawmakers who support it."
ALEC's agenda includes support of public subsidies for private schools, the development of privately-owned prisons, restrictions on voting rights and unlimited, secret corporate spending on behalf of political candidates and parties. ALEC opposes federal and state environmental regulations, the new federal health care reform law, state minimum wage laws, and trade and public employee unions.
ALEC's leaders claim that about 180 of the group's bills are enacted each year in various states. Common Cause asked the Internal Revenue Service last month to examine whether the group is engaged in lobbying that goes outside the bounds of its tax-exempt status.
ALEC convenes its 2011 annual meeting this week in New Orleans.
For the report released today, Common Cause examined campaign finance reports collected by the National Institute on Money in State Politics. The study included political spending linked to the 22 firms represented on ALEC's "private enterprise board," the organization's corporate governing body.
Those companies and their affiliates have donated more than $141 million since 2001 to state candidates and political parties and another $229 million in support of or opposition to state ballot issues.
The report was limited to those 22 firms because ALEC does not release its full list of corporate members. The National Institute on Money in State Politics, which drew on published reports to compile a partial list of additional ALEC-affiliated companies, reported last month that those firms have put more than $500 million into state elections since 1990.
The 22 firms are: Altria, American Bail Coalition, AT&T, Bayer, centerpoint360, Coca-Cola, DIAGEO, Energy Future Holdings, ExxonMobil, GlaxoSmithKline, Intuit, Johnson & Johnson, Koch Industries, Kraft Foods, Peabody Energy, Pfizer, PhRMA, Reynolds American, Salt River Project. State Farm Insurance, UPS, and Wal-Mart. Because Kraft Foods is an Altria subsidiary, data for those firms was combined in the text and charts in the report. One firm represented on the board, centerpoint360 , reported no political spending and so it was not included in the charts; centerpoint is a lobbying firm headed by W. Preston Baldwin, a former tobacco company executive who during 2010 served as chairman of ALEC's private enterprise board.
Below is a state-by-state breakdown of the ALEC board's political spending for 2001-10.
Alabama | $1,392,278.48 |
Alaska | $550,454.87 |
Arizona | $16,567,361.37 |
Arkansas | $2,455,535.07 |
California | $204,050,828.67 |
Colorado | $2,350,626.40 |
Connecticut | $236,720.89 |
Delaware | $369,684.45 |
Florida | $10,876,784.38 |
Georgia | $8,234,767.35 |
Hawaii | $578,942.63 |
Idaho | $363,937.39 |
Illinois | $11,826,773.11 |
Indiana | $2,583,241.01 |
Iowa | $631,559.27 |
Kansas | $2,108,203.94 |
Kentucky | $726,623.82 |
Louisiana | $3,094,350.71 |
Maine | $1,812,943.70 |
Maryland | $740,583.45 |
Massachusetts | $244,864.41 |
Michigan | $1,621,412.74 |
Minnesota | $156,372.65 |
Mississippi | $1,332,174.50 |
Missouri | $9,816,134.35 |
Montana | $165,996.77 |
Nebraska | $491,625.10 |
Nevada | $2,361,929.38 |
New Hampshire | $359,870.00 |
New Jersey | $3,729,052.17 |
New Mexico | $991,314.84 |
New York | $8,079,668.68 |
North Carolina | $2,356,929.42 |
North Dakota | $155,525.00 |
Ohio | $9,356,246.15 |
Oklahoma | $3,152,931.60 |
Oregon | $16,128,698.35 |
Pennsylvania | $3,050,549.45 |
Rhode Island | $57,920.00 |
South Carolina | $2,408,151.57 |
South Dakota | $231,692.72 |
Tennessee | $1,254,434.15 |
Texas | $16,229,613.95 |
Utah | $840,453.17 |
Vermont | $163,450.00 |
Virginia | $5,308,509.25 |
Washington | $6,519,173.39 |
West Virginia | $812,973.14 |
Wisconsin | $1,327,118.86 |
Wyoming | $127,175.00 |
Common Cause is a nonpartisan, grassroots organization dedicated to upholding the core values of American democracy. We work to create open, honest, and accountable government that serves the public interest; promote equal rights, opportunity, and representation for all; and empower all people to make their voices heard in the political process.
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A Secretive Program Has Let Cops Spend Hundreds of Millions on Weapons of War, Report Shows
“Our tax dollars are being weaponized against us,” said the head of the Center for International Policy.
Oct 31, 2025
State and local governments have spent hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars helping cops wage “war” against their own residents under a secretive and opaque program that allows the police to purchase discounted military-style equipment from the federal government.
Over the past three decades, the obscure 1122 Program has let states and cities equip local cops with everything from armored vehicles to military grade rifles to video surveillance tech, according to a report published Thursday by Women for Weapons Trade Transparency, part of the Center for International Policy.
Using open records requests, which were necessary due to the lack of any standardized auditing or record-keeping system for the program, the group obtained over $126 million worth of purchasing data across 13 states, four cities, and two counties since the program's creation in 1994. Based on these figures, they projected the total spending across all 50 states was likely in the "upper hundreds of millions of dollars."
“The 1122 Program diverts public money from essential community needs and public goods into military-style equipment for local police,” said Rosie Khan, the co-founder of Women for Weapons Trade Transparency. “The $126.87 million spent on militarized police equipment and surveillance technology could have instead provided housing support for 10,000+ people for a year, supplied 43 million school meals, or repaired roads and bridges in dozens of communities.”
Congress created the 1122 Program at the height of the War on Drugs, authorizing it under the 1994 National Defense Authorization Act to provide police departments with equipment to carry out counter-drug operations. It was not the first program of its kind, but followed in the footsteps of the more widely known 1033 Program, which has funneled over $7 billion of excess military equipment to police departments.
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The program's scope ballooned dramatically in 2009 after another NDAA added "homeland security" and "emergency response" missions to its purview. As the report explains, "no regulatory mechanisms are ensuring that equipment is used for counter-drug, homeland security, or emergency response purposes. In fact, the scope of these missions was never defined."
Increasingly, it has been used to provide police with equipment that has often been deployed against protesters, including $6.2 million for weapons, weapons training, and riot gear. Among the equipment purchased in this category was pepper spray, batons, gas masks, and riot shields.
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As recently as October 3, 2025, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers were documented aboard a Bearcat in full military garb and menacing protesters with sniper rifles outside the notorious immigrant detention facility in Broadview, Illinois.
In July, Los Angeles ICE agents were filmed using a vehicle to run over multiple protesters who attempted to block their path.
Another $9.6 million was spent on surveillance equipment, including license plate readers, video and audio recording devices, and subscriptions to spying software that uses sophisticated facial recognition and social media monitoring technology to track people's movements and associations.
The report highlights the increasing use of this technology by college police departments, like Northern Virginia Community College, which spent over $2.7 million on surveillance tech through 1122. College police departments have used this sort of technology to go after student protesters and activists, especially amid last year's nationwide explosion of pro-Palestine demonstrations across campuses.
At Yale, which has made "surveillance cameras, drones, and social media tracking... standard tools in the police department's arsenal," one student was apprehended last year and charged with a felony for removing an American flag from its pole using the school's surveillance system.
The report's authors call for Congress to sunset the 1122 Program and direct its funding toward "a version of public safety that prioritizes care, accountability, and community well-being rather than militarized force."
“Lawmakers, including federal and state legislators and city council representatives," it says, "must act with the urgency that this moment requires to prevent a catastrophically violent takeover of civil society by police, federal agents, and corporations profiting from exponentially increasing surveillance, criminalization, and brute force.”
They note the increasing urgency to end the program under President Donald Trump, who—on the first day of his second term—reversed an executive order from former President Joe Biden that restricted the sale of some of the most aggressive weaponry to local police forces.
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Nancy Okail, president and CEO of the Center for International Policy said: "Our tax dollars are being weaponized against us under the guise of ‘domestic terrorism.'”
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President Donald Trump's economic policies have put a damper on this year's Halloween festivities, as his tariffs on imported chocolate in particular have helped jack up the price of candy.
CNBC reported on Friday that data from research firm Circana and the US Bureau of Labor Statistics show that chocolate prices in the US have jumped by 30% over the last year since Trump began slapping hefty tariffs on foreign goods, including staple products such as cocoa, coffee, and bananas that cannot be grown at sufficient scale in the US.
The increased cost of chocolate has now been passed on to consumers in the form of higher candy prices, according to a joint study released this week by The Century Foundation and Groundwork Collaborative.
According to the organizations' analysis, candy prices as a whole have gone up by just under 11% over the last year, which is more than triple the current overall rate of inflation.
Unsurprisingly, the analysis showed that these increases were particularly severe in candies that had significant chocolate inputs, as it found that "variety packs from Hershey’s (maker of KitKats, Twizzlers, Reeses, and Heath bars) are up 22%, while variety packs from Mars (maker of Milky Way, M&Ms, Three Musketeers, and Skittles) are up 12%."
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Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) used the organizations' study to rip the president for raising the price of Halloween candy in a video posted on social media.
"Do you remember when Donald Trump told American families to cut back on buying kids' dolls?" she asked, in reference to Trump earlier this year suggesting parents buy fewer toys for their children after his tariffs on imports raised their costs. "Well now he's making candy more expensive too, just in time for Halloween."
Donald Trump's jacked up candy prices — just in time for Halloween. pic.twitter.com/f3glomQbUK
— Elizabeth Warren (@SenWarren) October 31, 2025
The American Federation of Teachers, whose members have likely experienced the increased cost candy first hand, also took a shot at Trump's economic policies while posting a graph illustrating The Century Foundation and Groundwork Collaborative's study.
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On Thursday, a classified report by the US State Department detailed for the first time the federal government's own acknowledgment of the scale of alleged human rights abuses that the IDF has committed in Gaza since it began bombarding the exclave in October 2023.
The Office of the Inspector General's document, reported on by the Washington Post, which spoke to US officials about it, also detailed how allegations of human rights abuses against the Israeli military are made harder to prove by a vetting process that is only afforded to Israel—not other countries accused of violations.
The US officials said the long backlog of "many hundreds" of possible violations of the Leahy Laws, which bar US military assistance from going to units credibly accused of human rights abuses, would likely take years to review—calling into question whether the IDF will ever be held accountable for them.
"The lesson here is that if you commit genocide and war crimes, do as much as possible because then it becomes difficult to investigate everything," said journalist and Northwestern University professor Marc Owen Jones grimly in response to the Post's report.
The government report was described by the Post days after the State Department dismantled a website used to report human rights violations by foreign militaries that receive US aid, which was established in 2022 to ensure the US was in compliance with the Leahy Laws.
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“To date, the US has not withheld any assistance to any Israeli unit despite clear evidence."
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