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Edwin C. Yohnka, ACLU of Illinois
Phone: 312.201.9740, ext. 305
Laura Saponara, ACLU of Northern California
Phone: 415.621.2493, ext. 326
Gordon Smith, ACLU of Southern California
Phone: 213.977.9500, ext. 247
Rebecca Rauber, ACLU of San Diego and Imperial Counties
Phone: 619.232.2121 ext. 26
Congress and the Bush White House overstepped their constitutional authority and violated the rights of millions of customers when they passed and approved legislation granting sweeping immunity to telecoms that collaborated in illegal spying. That assertion is contained in a court filing today by three California affiliates and the Illinois affiliate of the American Civil Liberties Union and the Electronic Frontier Foundation, along with other interested parties in cases consolidated in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California. The ACLU lawsuits filed on behalf of dozens of plaintiffs - including renowned Chicago journalist Studs Terkel, former California Congressman Tom Campbell, journalist Robert Scheer and actor Richard Belzer -- challenge the unlawful collaboration of major telecommunications' companies - including AT&T - with the Bush Administration's warrantless dragnet surveillance of electronic communications and records.
"Under our constitutional system, Congress and the Executive Branch do not determine whether actions taken by the Executive violate basic constitutional rights," said Harvey Grossman, legal director for the American Civil Liberties Union of Illinois and co-lead counsel for the cases combined in the San Francisco court. "Since Marbury v. Madison, we have recognized that only a court can determine the meaning of the Constitution - it is simply not a power granted to the Congress and the President."
This filing is in response to passage of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act Amendments of 2008 which mandate that courts dismiss any cases against AT&T or other telecommunications' companies if the Attorney General chooses to file a secret certification attesting that the executive branch told the phone companies that the surveillance was lawful. Under the immunity provisions, the federal court does not determine whether the spying was in fact legal, but only that the representation of legality was made by the executive branch. The Attorney General has filed such a certification in these cases. This certification, according to the ACLU is not surprising, since the Attorney General argued for immunizing the telecoms in public statements and in testimony before the law was passed in public statements and in testimony before Congress.
"It strains credulity to believe that the same Attorney General who argued that immunity must be granted has fairly and completely weighed the interests of our clients in making his decision to ask the court to dismiss their case without determining whether any constitutional rights were violated," said Ann Brick, staff attorney for the ACLU of Northern California.
The brief filed today argues in its 1972 "Keith" decision, the Supreme Court ruled that domestic security surveillance requires prior judicial approval in the form of a warrant. The effect of the new immunity law is to overturn Keith and to dispense with this judicial gate keeping and instead to substitute the opinion of the executive branch that the spying is lawful. Thus, the Congress and the White House has unconstitutionally encroached on the well-recognized authority of the courts to determine when a constitutional violation has occurred.
"Instead of changing the law as is its prerogative, Congress simply attempted to substitute a Bush Administration interpretation of the Constitution for established law," said David Blair-Loy, legal director of the ACLU of San Diego and Imperial Counties. "This creates a clear and unquestionable violation of our fundamental principle of separation of powers."
Another area of grave constitutional concern for the ACLU is the FISA Amendments overly-broad grant of authority to the Attorney General to censor what materials drawn from the government's certification can be released in a public decision. The ACLU brief notes that under the First Amendment - and separation of powers required by our Constitution - only a court, not the Attorney General or Congress, can determine what information can be presented in a decision related to a civil proceeding.
"There is a critical First Amendment right to ensure that the public can access materials filed with our courts," said Peter Eliasberg, managing attorney of the ACLU of Southern California. "Courts must decide what materials can be kept from the public, not a political appointee like the Attorney General, who may be more interested in protecting a particular Administration than the public's right to know."
A copy of the brief filed in the Northern District of California in this matter can be found at:
https://www.eff.org/files/filenode/att/opposition101608.pdf
The American Civil Liberties Union was founded in 1920 and is our nation's guardian of liberty. The ACLU works in the courts, legislatures and communities to defend and preserve the individual rights and liberties guaranteed to all people in this country by the Constitution and laws of the United States.
(212) 549-2666"We cannot take those protections for granted," said Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel, who helped to legalize same-sex marriage nationwide a decade ago.
In one of vanishingly few US Supreme Court rulings protecting equal rights, the majority-conservative court on Monday rejected efforts to overturn the decade-old precedent of marriage equality.
Without issuing a comment, the court denied an appeal from Kim Davis, the former Kentucky county clerk who was ordered to pay $360,000 in compensation after she refused to issue a marriage license to a same-sex couple in defiance of the precedent set by the 2015 Obergefell v. Hodges decision.
Amid a flurry of rulings that have rolled back sexual and reproductive freedom in other realms—including for the LGBTQ+ community—the court's refusal to hear Davis' appeal was considered a small but still invigorating victory.
“The bar is in hell,” wrote Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz on social media. “But this is a win for decency and compassion.”
The ruling came as a relief to advocates for equal rights, who long feared that marriage equality might soon become the next target as the conservative movement grows increasingly hostile to the LGBTQ+ community.
In 2022, as the court's right-wing majority overturned the right to an abortion in the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization case, the archconservative Justice Clarence Thomas signaled in a concurring opinion that it should be the start of efforts to fully revise the court's recognition of "substantive due process," that is, the recognition of rights not explicitly granted by the US Constitution.
He questioned not just the right of same-sex couples to marry, but the court’s entire recognition of the right to privacy established by the 1965 Griswold v. Connecticut ruling, which has been the basis for rulings against bans on homosexual relationships and the right to contraception.
Thomas was one of the four conservative justices who dissented from the majority's ruling in Obergefell. Two others—Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito—also still serve on the court. The other three conservative justices who have been appointed since, all by President Donald Trump during his first term—Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett—have remained relatively coy on how they’d rule if marriage equality were to come back up, though they have sided with conservatives in cases that pitted religious liberty against discrimination protections for LGBTQ+ people.
In 2023, the six conservatives ruled that a Christian web designer was allowed to decline services to same-sex weddings, overturning a Colorado law that banned discrimination against gay people. Notably, the designer who brought the case had not actually been asked to design a website for any gay couple, but the court's right-wing majority accepted her case regardless.
This apparent zealousness to intervene in favor of discrimination appeared to be a red flag, but as Harvard University law professor Noah Feldman wrote for Bloomberg, Monday's ruling "is best read as a signal that the conservative majority has little interest in revisiting gay marriage," even as "the conservative constitutional revolution at the Supreme Court remains underway."
He notes that just four justices are required for a case to be heard by the court. And while it has aggressively rolled back the rights of transgender people, ended affirmative action, and recognized unprecedented executive authority for President Donald Trump, when it comes to same-sex marriage, "their silence is noteworthy."
Public support for marriage equality has grown considerably in the decade since Obergefell. In July 2015, a month after the court legalized same-sex marriage nationwide, 58% of Americans said in a Gallup poll that they agreed that same- sex couples should have the same rights as opposite-sex pairs. That number ballooned to a high of 71% in 2023, and even as attacks on LGBTQ+ people have ratcheted up intensely within the conservative movement, support for marriage equality remains stubbornly steady—68% of Americans still say gay marriages should be valid.
Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel, who represented two of the plaintiffs in the 2015 case, said that while she welcomes the court's decision Monday not to erode the hard-won rights of gay people further, advocates should not become complacent.
"I am relieved for today’s decision reaffirming same-sex couples’ continued right to dignity and protection under the law, but we cannot take those protections for granted," Nessel said in a news release. “Members of this Supreme Court have already told us they are willing to overturn Obergefell. It’s only a matter of time before they do.”
Her state of Michigan is one of more than two dozen in which same-sex marriage would become illegal or face restrictions if Obergefell is overturned. She said that Monday's decision "allows us a reprieve, an opportunity to bring our state Constitution into alignment with the protections our residents are entitled to and have enjoyed for more than a decade. Now is the time to act."
The GOP "should evaluate whether Trump’s push to ignite a redistricting arms race may have made it easier for a blue wave to wipe out more Republicans than if they had left their maps alone," wrote one analyst.
President Donald Trump's push for mid-decade redistricting to prevent Republicans from losing control of the US House of Representatives appears to be on the verge of backfiring.
The latest blow to Trump's nationwide redistricting efforts came in Utah, where District Court Judge Dianna Gibson shot down a proposed map drawn by Utah Republicans because it failed to abide by a 2018 ballot measure that restricted partisan gerrymandering in the state.
As reported by NBC News, Gibson instead approved a map that created "a solidly Democratic seat ahead of next year's midterm elections," thus giving Democrats a likely net gain of one seat in the US House.
Democratic National Committee Chairman Ken Martin hailed Gibson's ruling and vowed that Democrats weren't finished fighting Trump's efforts to rig next year's elections in his favor.
"Utah Republicans gerrymandered the maps because they knew they were losing power in the state," he said. "Republicans doubled down when they chose to submit another gerrymandered map, but today, they were once again thwarted by impartial Courts. Democrats will continue to fight for fair maps in Utah, regardless of what Donald Trump and Utah Republicans try next. Every seat counts, and Democrats everywhere are fired up and ready to take back the House in the midterms in 2026."
Dave Wasserman, a senior elections analyst at Cook Political Report, wrote in a post on X that the Democrats' Utah victory, along with California voters' approval of newly gerrymandered maps and reported plans to redraw maps in Virginia, have "pushed the mid-decade redistricting war closer to a draw."
In a lengthy analysis published in Bloomberg on Tuesday, columnist Mary Ellen Klas argued that Republicans should take a deep breath before going all-in on Trump's unprecedented mid-decade redistricting crusade, which began in Texas and subsequently spread to Missouri and North Carolina.
The issue, Klas explained, is that Republicans in those states have carved out more GOP-friendly districts based on assumptions that Republican gains among Latino voters and young men would hold in 2026. As last week's sweeping Democratic victories showed, however, the GOP now appears to be hemorrhaging support among these two demographics.
"In New Jersey, 68% of Latino voters broke for Democrat Mikie Sherrill," wrote Klas. "So did 56% of men under the age of 30. In Virginia, 67% of Latino voters went for Democrat Abigail Spanberger. So did 57% of men under 30. Many of these voters had voted for Trump last year. The exit polls show that both Sherrill and Spanberger won 7% of Trump’s 2024 voters, with Sherrill getting a whopping 18% of Trump’s Hispanic support in the state."
If those trends hold over the next year, it could wipe out advantages the GOP had hoped to gain with its Texas gerrymander, which assumed that Latino voters who swung to Trump in the state would remain loyal partisan soldiers.
"Republicans are hardly going to admit it, but they should evaluate whether Trump’s push to ignite a redistricting arms race may have made it easier for a blue wave to wipe out more Republicans than if they had left their maps alone," argued Klass.
In fact, some Republican strategists are already fretting about Trump's gerrymandering plan, as one anonymous GOP insider told NBC News that if the endgame of the plan was "to net one seat across the country, then it will not have been worth it."
A second anonymous GOP insider told NBC that there was "some concern" about whether Texas Republicans may have made themselves more vulnerable to a blue wave next year.
"In Texas, I do think there is some sense those seats will be ours, but nothing is guaranteed, so some concern there," they said.
"Tragically, eight Democrats caved," said Sen. Bernie Sanders. "But the struggle continues. Short term, we must not allow health care premiums to double for more than 20 million Americans."
Millions of Americans hoping for legislative action to prevent their health insurance premiums from skyrocketing will find no reprieve in the all-but-finalized deal to end the federal government shutdown.
The agreement, supported by eight Democratic senators with the tacit approval of Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY), includes nothing concrete regarding the enhanced Affordable Care Act tax credits that help more than 20 million Americans afford health insurance.
Rather, Democrats secured a pledge from the Senate Republican leadership to hold a vote on the tax credits next month—a vote that's almost certain to fail amid GOP opposition. Even if a tax credit extension passed the Senate, House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) has refused to commit to a vote.
That leaves millions of people across the United States facing massive premium increases; in some congressional districts, monthly costs could surge more than 600%.
"The fact is that if Republicans and the president refuse to extend the premium tax credit enhancements, millions of people will face astronomical premium increases, including small business owners, young adults, and workers without affordable employer coverage," said Sharon Parrott, president of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP).
"Many will decide that they can't afford to sign up for coverage at all; that's why the Congressional Budget Office projects that nearly 4 million people will become uninsured," Parrott added.
In an analysis released last week, CBPP emphasized that "people with lower incomes will tend to face the largest percentage increases in premium costs" if the ACA tax credits are allowed to lapse at the end of the year.
A family of four with an annual income of $66,000, according to CBPP, will see monthly insurance premiums rise from $121 to $373 in 2026. That amounts to $3,204 extra for next year—a price many will be unable to afford.
“I have to face the reality that I am probably going to become a late-stage cancer patient who’s uninsured,” Sunni Montgomery, a 63-year-old battling lung cancer, told CNN, noting her premium is set to rise to $1,758 per month.
"I have fought this so hard," Montgomery added. "I want to live."
Politico reported Tuesday "fractured conversations among Republicans are promising to bog down negotiations" on the ACA subsidies "as Obamacare beneficiaries begin to lock in their rates for the year ahead."
"Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle are starting to privately admit it’s likely too late to avert a major premium hike for millions of Americans in 2026," the outlet added.
Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), the most prominent proponent of Medicare for All in Congress, said Monday that while eight Democrats "tragically" caved to Republicans, "the struggle continues."
"Short term, we must not allow health care premiums to double for more than 20 million Americans," said Sanders. "Long term, we must provide health care to all as a human right."