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An Israeli soldier brings a hammer to the face of Christ in a Lebanese Christian village after spending long enough in a world where the sacred things of subjugated people are available for whatever use he finds amusing.
On April 19, 2026, an image circulated of an Israeli soldier standing before a statue of Jesus Christ in Debel, a Maronite Christian village in southern Lebanon, bringing a hammer down upon the sacred face while another soldier recorded him. The image spread within hours because it seemed to compress a moral education into one gesture.
Tucker Carlson was furious. So was a segment of the American right that has, for years, supplied the political and theological conditions that produced this soldier. That is the story the image tells, if you are willing to read it past the shock.
Since October 7, 2023, Israeli soldiers have assembled one of the most extensive self-incriminating records in the history of modern warfare. They posted thousands of videos to Instagram, TikTok, and Facebook under their own names—soldiers posing with Palestinian women's underwear in the ruins of their homes, filming the humiliation of detainees, torching food supplies, demolishing houses while comrades cheered. The Israel Defense Forces chief of staff eventually issued a communiqué instructing troops to stop filming what he called "revenge videos." That such an instruction had to be issued is the revelation.
A soldier films his contempt after the contempt has been sanctioned. He brings a hammer to the face of Christ in a Lebanese Christian village after spending long enough in a world where the sacred things of subjugated people are available for whatever use he finds amusing. The camera reveals how comfortable the contempt has already become.
Here is Islamophobia in one of its oldest disguises: Muslim injury must first pass through a Christian icon before Christian power agrees to see a wound.
That comfort has been built over decades, through laws and habits that operate below the threshold of outrage. Palestinian life under Israeli rule is managed through permits withheld without explanation, military courts where the accused often faces a sealed file in place of evidence, and detention orders renewed in six-month increments until time joins the punishment. At Sde Teiman, a desert detention facility established after October 7, five soldiers were charged in February 2025 with beating a Palestinian prisoner, breaking his ribs, puncturing a lung, and causing a perforated rectum. When the soldiers were arrested, far-right members of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition stormed military facilities in protest. The defense minister called the prosecution a blood libel. In March 2026, Israel's top military lawyer dropped all charges. Netanyahu declared that Israel must spare its "heroic fighters."
The United Nations special rapporteur found in March 2026 that torture had become a structural feature of the ongoing genocide, extending from prisons into bombardment, starvation, forced displacement, and the terror of soldiers and settlers. B'Tselem has described Israel's prison system as a network of torture camps for Palestinians.
The same contempt moves through sacred space. Gaza's only Catholic church was struck by Israeli fire in July 2025, killing three people. In February 2026, during Ramadan, Israeli settlers vandalized and set fire to a mosque near Nablus, spray-painting insults against the Prophet Muhammad. The Palestinian Ministry of Religious Affairs said settlers had attacked 45 mosques in the West Bank in the previous year. Israeli authorities condemned the incident and promised a search—which is how impunity often speaks when it wishes to sound like law.
The deeper scandal lies in the moral conditioning of recognition. A violated Muslim sanctity can be treated as a security matter, a disputed incident, another complication in a place supposedly fated to brutality. Then a soldier raises a hammer against Christ, and men who had tolerated the pulverizing of Gaza discover that their theology has been disturbed. Here is Islamophobia in one of its oldest disguises: Muslim injury must first pass through a Christian icon before Christian power agrees to see a wound.
Tucker Carlson weeps for the statue in a world his own political allies helped construct. Mike Huckabee, the United States ambassador to Israel, told a television audience in February 2026 that it would be "fine" if Israel took over the entire Middle East. He had already stated that there is "really no such thing as a Palestinian." He is a Christian who calls on the Bible. The president he serves stood beside Netanyahu in February 2025 and announced that the United States would "take over" Gaza and that its 2 million inhabitants should "go to other countries." The United Nations said this constituted ethnic cleansing.
The United States has been a co-author of this order—replenishing the arsenal, shielding Israel at the Security Council, resisting the jurisdiction of international courts, treating Palestinian death as a cost to be managed after the weapons have done their work. In March 2026, the administration bypassed congressional review to approve a $650 million bomb sale to Israel, invoking emergency authority while Palestinians were still living under ruins made by earlier emergencies.
Christian Zionist theology has blessed this map from the beginning: a map in which Palestinian land, Lebanese land, and Syrian land can be folded into sacred entitlement. That theology sanctifies the conditions, the army carries them out, and supremacist politics rewards the result. The soldier with the hammer grew inside that order. He filmed himself because he believed the record would survive as proof of victory.
What struck the statue was already striking everything else. The violence became visible to a new audience. A conscience that required the face of Christ as its activation point had been choosing all along.
"It's not hidden," said one Israeli soldier. "Everyone sees it and understands."
While media coverage of Israel's war on Lebanon mainly focuses on the slaughter of hundreds of Lebanese civilians and destruction of entire villages, Israel Defense Forces commanders are tacitly condoning widespread looting by their troops in Lebanon, according to reporting Thursday.
Haaretz, Israel's oldest daily newspaper, interviewed a number of IDF personnel who described routine theft of items including motorcycles, televisions, paintings, sofas, and rugs from the homes and businesses of some of the more than 1 million Lebanese forcibly displaced by Israel's assault on its northern neighbor.
Israel has seized control of more than 50 villages in southern Lebanon as part of its expanding so-called “Yellow Line,” with residents who cross it risking their lives. Their absence offers IDF troops the opportunity to loot with no Lebanese resistance.
The looting of civilian homes and businesses is formally known as "pillage" and is strictly prohibited under numerous Israeli and international laws and conventions. However, according to the IDF soldiers and officers interviewed by Haaretz, senior and junior commanders know about the pillaging but are not punishing offending soldiers.
"It's on a crazy scale," one soldier said. "Anyone who takes something—televisions, cigarettes, tools, whatever—immediately puts it in their vehicle or leaves it off to the side, not inside the army base, but it's not hidden. Everyone sees it and understands."
Soldiers interviewed said commanders' responses range from turning a blind eye to prohibiting looting but not punishing offenders.
"In our unit, they don't even comment or get angry," one soldier claimed. "The battalion and brigade commanders know everything."
Another said that "battalion and brigade commanders do speak up and get angry, but without action, those are empty words."
Some IDF soldiers have even posted videos of their looting on social media—usually with no consequences.
🇮🇱🇱🇧IDF soldiers reportedly filmed looting homes in southern Lebanon.
The video shows troops taking belongings from civilian houses during the ground operations.
Israel’s campaign has displaced over 1 million Lebanese in under three weeks…pic.twitter.com/RRgjX8T9Rb https://t.co/iGcjA9NbXt
— Mario Nawfal (@MarioNawfal) March 20, 2026
Responding to the Haartez report, the IDF claimed:
The military views any harm to civilian property and acts of looting with utmost severity and unequivocally prohibits them. Any allegation or suspicion of such acts is thoroughly examined and addressed with the full weight of the law. In cases where sufficient evidence is established, disciplinary and criminal measures are taken, including prosecution. The Military Police Corps conducts inspections at the northern border crossing as forces exit Lebanon.
However, some military police checkpoints along the border have been removed, and in some locations there have never been any checkpoints at all.
Widespread looting by IDF soldiers has previously been documented in Gaza and the illegally occupied West Bank, sometimes by the perpetrators themselves.
IDF looting has also been reported in Syria, where Israel has seized as many as 200 square miles of additional territory in 2024, including dozens of border villages, under cover of the Gaza genocide. Israel already conquered and occupied much of the Syrian Golan Heights in 1967.
Israeli forces also allegedly backed Palestinians who looted Gaza aid convoys in order to boost the narrative that it's Hamas, not Israel, thatof is preventing humanitarian aid from reaching starving Gazans.
Looting of Palestinian property was particularly rampant during the Nakba, or "catastrophe," when more than 750,000 Palestinian Arabs were ethnically cleansed to make way for the establishment of Israel.
The systematic theft of Palestinian land, homes, and property—which continued with the occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, and Golan Heights in 1967—is accelerating today, and can be witnessed in videos of settler pogroms in the West Bank and infamous footage of an American-born settler colonist telling a Palestinian family whose home he's trying to steal that "if I don't steal it, someone else is going to."
The ongoing apartheid in Jerusalem.
“Even if i get out of the house, it won’t be returned to u” pic.twitter.com/5sELdmClH5
— Abed 🕊️ (@tiredpali) May 1, 2021
Such unchecked usurpation emboldens further thievery. One soldier interviewed by Haaretz for Thursday's article said the pillage would effectively end if there were serious consequences for offenders, pointing to units in which commanders took a tough stance against looting, resulting in negligible levels of the crime.
"Lenient enforcement sends a clear message. If someone were dismissed or jailed, or if military police were stationed at the border, it would stop almost immediately," they said. "But when there is no punishment, the message is obvious."
"It does feel like if a group of Palestinians with machine guns broke into an Israeli school and shot a bunch of children, it would be breaking news in every outlet on Earth," said one reporter.
Israeli soldiers and settlers opened fire on a school in a West Bank village Tuesday, killing a Palestinian man and child and wounding at least four other people amid their escalating ethnic cleansing efforts in the illegally occupied territory.
The Palestinian Ministry of Health and Palestine Red Crescent Society (PRCS) said settlers attacked a school in the village of al-Mughayyir, east of Ramallah, on Tuesday morning.
Amin Abu Ulaya, head of the local council, told Reuters that settlers and Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldiers entered the village and then shot at students at the school and other Palestinians who rushed to the scene.
PRCS said that 14-year-old Aws Hamdi Al-Naasan and 32-year-old Marzouq Abu Naim were shot and killed by the attackers.
An IDF spokesperson claimed that troops were deployed to the area following reports of stones being thrown at a military vehicle, and that a reservist then opened fire at "suspects."
The IDF also said the reservist, who has not been identified, has been suspended pending an investigation. Most Israelis who harm Palestinians are never punished. Meanwhile, Israel last month passed legislation legalizing the hanging of terrorists convicted killing of Israelis—a law critics contend will not apply to Israelis who commit similar crimes against Palestinians.
Kathem Al-Haj-Ahmed, a 57-year-old al-Mughayyir resident, told Reuters on Tuesday that settlers arrived first and began attacking the school. Parents and others who came to pick up their children came under fire. Al-Haj-Ahmed said that's when the man and child were killed.
Drop Site News reported:
A paramedic at the scene said at least three settlers deliberately fired at children attempting to escape from classrooms from a position approximately 50 meters away, with a level of accuracy he described as close to sniping. An eyewitness said shooting was directed at classroom windows and balconies still full of children as residents attempted to evacuate the school by crawling.
Israeli forces arrived during the attack and, according to witnesses, provided protection to the settlers rather than stopping them. A 63-year-old man, Attallah Abu Aliya, said he was shot in the leg by an Israeli soldier without warning as he walked toward the school after hearing it was under attack.
IDF troops often protect, and sometimes join, settlers attacking Palestinians.
Another 14-year-old, Mohammed Naasan, was killed by IDF troops in al-Mughayyir in January. The slain boy's father was also killed by settlers in 2019.
Tuesday's shooting occurred about 15 miles from where a Palestinian family—a mother, father, and two young children—were massacred by Israeli troops while traveling in their car in Tammum in March. The two children, ages 7 and 5, were shot in the head; two of their siblings were wounded but survived.
Two other West Bank Palestinians died Tuesday as a result of encounters with Israelis. Sixteen-year-old Mohammad Majdi al-Jaabir of Hebron was struck and killed by a vehicle in a convoy sent to secure Israeli Settlement Minister Orit Strock, while a woman, 49-year-old Raja' Fadl Bitawi, succumbed to injuries sustained from Israeli army gunfire in Jenin nearly two years ago, according to local media reports.
"This is our reality in al-Mughayyir village; they aim to displace us, and both the army and the settlers are exchanging roles among them," Al-Haj-Ahmed said.
Both Israel’s occupation of Palestine and the colonization of Palestinian lands by Jewish settlers are illegal under international law. Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention states that an “occupying power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.”
In July 2024, the International Court of Justice—where Israel is currently facing a genocide case related to the Gaza war, which has left more than 250,000 Palestinians dead or wounded—found the occupation of Palestine to be an illegal form of apartheid that must be ended as soon as possible. The ICJ also ruled that Israeli settler colonization of the West Bank amounts to annexation, also a crime under international law.
As the world’s attention focused on Gaza after the October 7, 2023 Hamas-led attack and, later, the US-Israeli war on Iran and Israel's assault on Lebanon, Israeli soldiers and settlers have killed at least 1,079 Palestinians—at least 235 of them children—in the West Bank, according to the United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees.
Numerous US citizens—most but not all of them Palestinians—have been killed by Israeli soldiers and settlers in recent years.
Settler pogroms have been compared to the Nakba, during which more than 750,000 Palestinians were ethnically cleansed to make way for the modern state of Israel.
On Monday, the West Bank Protection Consortium—which is led by the Norwegian Refugee Council and funded by donors including 13 European nations—published a report detailing sexual violence committed by Israeli soldiers and settlers in the West Bank. Crimes including sexual assaults have facilitated Israel's ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestine.