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On Sept. 10, 2012, I joined thousands of my fellow public school teachers in Chicago and walked off the job.
As a result of the success by teacher unions in advancing social justice in their bargaining, unions outside of education have also begun to embrace the strategy.
After facing 30 years of corporate education "reform" that demonized teachers and led to massive privatization of public schools across the United States, teachers everywhere were ready to fight back. For many of us in Chicago, ahead of the 2012 strike, political developments had shown a range of possibilities for what that fighting back could look like. We had watched intently as protesters took over plazas in Tahrir Square to demand the overthrow of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, as well as the crowds occupying the Wisconsin statehouse to oppose Republican Gov. Scott Walker's anti-union Act 10.
In Chicago, resistance to the attacks on teachers required us to defeat one of the most powerful Democratic politicians in the country (then-Mayor Rahm Emanuel), endure the largest closing of Black schools in U.S. history, and roar back from the brink of an effort to dismantle public education as we know it. But today, ten years after the historic 2012 strike, we have seen the educational justice movement mature and become stronger through a decade of struggle.
The 2012 Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) strike is often referenced as inspiration for an approach to contract negotiations called Bargaining for the Common Good (BCG), where unions make demands that would benefit not just members but the larger communities that they engage with. For example, that year, teachers called for an end to privatization and austerity policies affecting working people, despite being legally restricted on what issues they could bargain over. And during contract negotiations in 2015, the CTU made proposals to pay $15 an hour to all school district employees, even those outside their own membership. Stephen Lerner, a senior fellow at the BCG Network and an architect of SEIU's Justice for Janitors campaign, has pointed to the CTU's 2019 demand for affordable housing for all of Chicago's 20,000 homeless students as emblematic of how the labor movement needs to call for what was previously considered outside the domain of traditional models of collective bargaining.
According to labor historian Joseph McCartin and former President of the Massachusetts Teachers Association, Merrie Najimy, the new approach to bargaining has been adopted by teacher union locals who "understood that there was no way to confront the dynamics of austerity--and especially its devastating impacts on our most vulnerable communities--unless workers and those communities joined together around a shared analysis to advance common goals."
As a result of the success by teacher unions in advancing social justice in their bargaining, unions outside of education have also begun to embrace the strategy. In 2020, around 4,000 Minnesota janitors from SEIU Local 26 led a strike that focused in large part on environmental justice demands. As reported in The Forge, "The demands included the creation of an Owner and Community Green Table; closure of the HERC incinerator, a major source of both greenhouse gasses and air pollution that harms nearby communities of color; and adoption of the union's proposed Green Cleaning Training Program."
A large part of the advance of social justice unionism over the last 10 years has been the use of internal organizing tools to cohere member sentiment around non-traditional demands. For example, in the years leading up to their 2019 strike, organizers with United Teachers Los Angeles (UTLA) held thousands of conversations--in person, on the phone, at rallies, in groups, and one on one--with members, allies and parents. Through a coordinated contract campaign across its 40,000-plus membership, the union built broad consensus around demands that would have an impact outside the classrooms, as well as inside. And, on many fronts, UTLA saw major victories.
No fewer than 20 teacher strikes in the past ten years have injected hope and momentum into the labor movement's landscape, and virtually all of them have adopted a social justice framework. From Arizona to West Virginia, teachers have waged strikes that have led to unprecedented victories in school investment, class sizes, staffing formulas, and common good demands after decades of underfunding, privatization, and demonization of public school teachers and staff. In most of these efforts, teachers have won because they've run strong contract campaigns focused on what organizer and author Jane McAlevey has referred to as "structure tests"--clear-eyed assessments of what it will take to win. Organizers engaged members to take part in escalating actions that advanced a clear set of public good demands.
In many respects, our 2012 CTU strike was a defensive one. We fought off a full scale privatization of the district and an effort to greatly diminish victories won by over 70 years of bargaining history. In the intervening years, our union has gone on an additional nine strikes. Many of these have been the result of the first charter school strikes waged in the country, a process that involved the 2018 merger between the Chicago charter school local, 4343 and the CTU.
The last big strike that the CTU waged was in 2019, and in many respects it was the most transformational. We won a nurse and social worker in every school for the first time in the history of the union. We also saw additional social justice wins that established first-time contract provisions: services and staffing for homeless students, the first "triggers" to limit class sizes in 25 years, the first moratorium on new charter schools, as well as advances in bilingual education and the creation of "sanctuary schools" to protect undocumented students from ICE. What's more, in 2021, the CTU also won a major legislative fight by enacting an elected school board in the city, and eliminated restrictions on bargaining rights that prevented us from reducing class-sizes or addressing the privatization of educational services.
The next "structure test" facing Chicago teachers will be to challenge an unpopular incumbent in Mayor Lori Lightfoot in next year's municipal elections. The next mayor will have the ability to appoint more than half of the school board in 2024 and determine whether or not CTU can win social justice demands in our next contract, including affordable housing for homeless students. Empowering the working class and nurturing vibrant public schools will largely depend on having a progressive city government in Chicago. If 2012 was a fight for the soul of public education, 2023 and beyond will be a fight to determine whether or not union power--locally and nationally--can truly translate into political power.
Labor advocates on Thursday hailed employees at a Chipotle in Michigan who voted to unionize, becoming the first of the company's 3,000 locations to do so and adding momentum to a nationwide wave of worker organizing.
"With this historic victory, the grassroots trade union movement continues to spread like wildfire."
"Today's victory is an amazing moment for our team that has worked so hard and spent many months organizing," Samantha Smith, an 18-year-old crew member at the West Saginaw Highway Chipotle in Lansing, said in a statement following employees' 11-3 vote to join the International Brotherhood of Teamsters Local 243.
"We set out to show that our generation can make substantial change in this world and improve our working conditions by taking action collectively," she added. "What this vote shows is that workers are going to keep taking the fight to big corporations like Chipotle and demand the working conditions we deserve."
Harper McNamara, 19, who also works at the West Saginaw Highway Chipotle, said that "we could not be more proud to be the first Chipotle restaurant in the United States to organize."
"Forming a union will allow us to have a true voice on the job and force Chipotle to address our concerns," she asserted. "I am so proud of all those who were involved in this effort, and showed the courage needed to take on a huge corporation."
\u201cChipotle has waged war against its unionizing stores.\n\nExecutives shut down an Augusta, ME, location that was the first store to file to form a union.\n\nWorkers in Lansing overcame this egregious union-busting to form the first-ever Chipotle union.\nhttps://t.co/90qeGL96bo\u201d— More Perfect Union (@More Perfect Union) 1661465573
Teamsters Local 243 president Scott Quenneville noted that "Chipotle pulled in revenue of $7.5 billion last year, and just as we're seeing workers of all ages and backgrounds across the country take on these corporate giants, it's so inspiring to see Chipotle workers stand up and demand more from a company that can clearly afford it."
"The Teamsters have these workers' backs," he added. "They're going to have a union they can be proud of, that knows how to get things done."
While the Michigan Chipotle was the first to successfully unionize, it was not the first to try. As workers at a Chiptole in Augusta, Maine moved to form a union earlier this year, the company permanently closed that location, drawing accusations of union-busting and a call by U.S. Rep. Chellie Pingree (D-Maine) for the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to investigate.
According to the Lansing State Journal, workers at 13 other U.S. Chipotle locations have moved to join unions.
Labor and progressive groups and leaders applauded the Lansing Chiptole workers' vote, with U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) tweeting that "with this historic victory, the grassroots trade union movement continues to spread like wildfire."
Thursday's vote in Lansing came amid a surge in labor organizing across the United States. Workers at more than 200 U.S. Starbucks locations, as well as employees of companies including Amazon, Amy's, Apple, Hello Fresh, and Trader Joe's have moved to unionize. Workers attempting to form or join unions at some of these and other companies accuse corporate management of engaging in union-busting activities.
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On Thursday, workers at an REI in Berkeley, California voted 56-38 to join United Food and Commercial Workers Local 5, becoming just the second location of the outdoor recreation consumers' cooperative to unionize.
Responding to a Bloomberg Law report noting that unions prevailed in 639 NLRB elections in the first six months of 2022, AFL-CIO strategic communications adviser Steve Smith tweeted Wednesday that "the story here is the union organizing wave is broad and it's strengthening by the day. And we're just getting started."
Our country may be divided on the issue of abortion. But when it comes down to it, most Americans believe that it's a pregnant person's right to decide for themselves whether to continue a pregnancy.
Voters are scared about the horrific, real-world human consequences we've seen with our own eyes since states started banning abortion.
That's not only a blue-state attitude--it's just as true in conservative states like Kansas.
By a margin of nearly 20 percentage points in an election with record turnout, Kansas voters just overwhelmingly rejected Republican efforts to cancel the state's constitutional right to personal bodily autonomy, even after the U.S. Supreme Court deleted that right at the federal level.
Abortion rights loom front and center as a major political issue this fall. But anti-abortion forces are trying to deflect responsibility for the reversal of Roe v. Wade by claiming that Democrats are using "scare tactics" about abortion bans.
Scare tactics?
Yes, voters are scared--and they should be. Voters are scared about the horrific, real-world human consequences we've seen with our own eyes since states started banning abortion.
Forcing teenagers to drop out of college so they can care for a baby they don't wish to have is scary. Forcing married women to bear a second child when they don't have the resources to raise the child they already have is scary. Forcing children who are rape or incest victims to continue a pregnancy is scary.
Forcing women to continue a pregnancy they very much wanted after they learn that their fetus has a heartbeat--but a fatal brain ailment--is scary.
Endangering the lives of women by forcing doctors to delay treatment until serious pregnancy complications worsen and they're approaching death is scary. Making doctors fear that they will be prosecuted for providing appropriate medical care during a miscarriage is scary.
Thanks to tireless organizers and plain old common sense, Kansas voters staved off these scary prospects for now. But no matter where you live, voters have our work cut out for us. Many states are rushing bans through, and Republican politicians have openly floated passing a federal abortion ban for the whole country if they take control of Congress.
Voters of both parties need to think hard about the possibility that they or someone they love might need medical care that will be seriously compromised if this happens.
Voters of both parties need to think hard about the possibility that they or someone they love might want to make their own decision about how their life will unfold--whether they go to college, whether they pursue a career, whether they have the child they want on their own time table. Few voters want extremist politicians or religious leaders they don't follow to make these choices for them.
Republican leaders spent decades manipulating the selection of Supreme Court justices so extremist judges could strip Americans of a right they've had for half a century. So they can't claim it's a "scare tactic" to warn that other fundamental rights, like the right to use contraception or marry a partner of their choice, could fall. Especially not when far-right Justice Clarence Thomas has promised to attack those very rights, too.
Many of the political issues being debated in this election season may seem abstract to voters. But nothing can be less abstract than control over one's own body. This fall's election will be as personal as it gets.