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Turkey, once a pillar of Mideast stability, looks increasingly like a slow-motion truck crash. What makes this crisis so tragic is that not very long ago Turkey was entering a new age of social harmony and economic development.
Once a pillar of Mideast stability, Turkey is increasingly looking like a slow-motion truck crash. This crisis is so tragic that not very long ago, Turkey was entering a new age of social harmony and economic development.
Today, both are up in smoke, as this week's bloody bombing in Ankara that killed 99 people showed. America's ham-handed policies in the Mideast have set the entire region ablaze, from Syria to South Sudan and Libya. Turkey sits right on top of the huge mess, licked by the flames of nationalist and political conflagrations and now beset by 2 million Syrian refugees.
As Saddam Hussein predicted, George W. Bush's invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq opened the gates of hell. Attempts by Washington to overthrow Syria's Alawite regime - a natural US ally - have destroyed large parts of that once lovely nation and produced the worst human disaster since the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in the late 1940s and 1967.
Washington's bull-in-a-China-shop behavior in the fragile Mideast came just as the Turkish government of Recep Erdogan had presided over a decade of stunning economic growth for Turkey, pushed the intrusive armed forces back to their barracks, and achieved friendly relations with neighbors. No Turkish leader in modern history has achieved so much.
Equally important, the Erdogan government was on the verge of making a final accommodation with Turkey's always restive Kurds - up to 20% of the population of 75 million - that would have recognized many new rights of the "people of the mountains."
This was a huge achievement. I covered the bloody guerilla war in eastern Anatolia between Turkey's police and armed forces and tough Kurdish guerillas of the Marxist-Stalinist PKK movement. By 1990, some 40,000 had died in the fighting that showed no hope of resolution.
Thanks to patient diplomacy and difficult concessions, PM Erdogan's Islamist -Lite AK Party managed to reach tentative peace accords with the PKK and its jailed leader, Abdullah Ocalan, despite fierce resistance from Turkey's generals, violent semi-fascist nationalist groups and equally dangerous leftist revolutionaries.
Peace with the Kurds went down the drain when the US intensified the war in Syria and began openly arming and financing Syria's and Iraq's Kurds. Various Kurdish groups became involved in Syria, fighting against the Assad regime in Damascus and against the Islamic State - which Saudi Arabia and the CIA had created to attack Shia regimes. Turkey struck back, and the war with the Kurds resumed—a decade of patient work kaput.
Turkey's prime minister - and now president - Erdogan had led his nation since 2003 with hardly a misstep. Then came two disastrous decisions. First, Erdogan dared criticize Israel for its brutal treatment of Palestinians and the killing of nine Turks on a naval rescue mission to Gaza. America's media, led by the pro-Israel Wall Street Journal, New York Times, and Fox News, have made Erdogan a prime target for savage criticism.
Second, for murky reasons, Erdogan developed a hatred for Syria's leader, Bashar Assad, and allowed Turkey to serve as a conduit and primary supply base for all sorts of anti-Assad rebels, most notably the so-called Islamic State. Most Turks were opposed to getting involved in the Syrian quagmire. Doing so unleashed the Kurdish genii and alienated neighbor Russia.
Turkey's blunder in the Syrian War has enraged the restive military, which has long sought to oust Erdogan and return the nation to Ataturkism, the far-right political creed of Turkey's anti-Muslim oligarchs, urban and academic elite. Now, Turkey's long-repressed violent leftists are stirring trouble in the cities. Fear is growing that Turkey might return to its pre-Erdogan days of bombings, street violence, and assassinations - all against a background of hyperinflation, soaring unemployment, and hostile relations with its neighbors.
One hears rumbles of a Turkish conflict with Armenia over its conflict with Turkish ally, Azerbaijan. Greece is nervous and moving closer to Israel. Oil and gas finds in the eastern Mediterranean are heightening tensions.
With the biggest and best-armed forces in the region save Israel, Turkey may yet intervene in Syria - which used, before 1918, to be part of the Ottoman Empire.
The US often accuses Erdogan of wanting to be an Ottoman Sultan, yet is pushing him to use his army in Syria.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Once a pillar of Mideast stability, Turkey is increasingly looking like a slow-motion truck crash. This crisis is so tragic that not very long ago, Turkey was entering a new age of social harmony and economic development.
Today, both are up in smoke, as this week's bloody bombing in Ankara that killed 99 people showed. America's ham-handed policies in the Mideast have set the entire region ablaze, from Syria to South Sudan and Libya. Turkey sits right on top of the huge mess, licked by the flames of nationalist and political conflagrations and now beset by 2 million Syrian refugees.
As Saddam Hussein predicted, George W. Bush's invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq opened the gates of hell. Attempts by Washington to overthrow Syria's Alawite regime - a natural US ally - have destroyed large parts of that once lovely nation and produced the worst human disaster since the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in the late 1940s and 1967.
Washington's bull-in-a-China-shop behavior in the fragile Mideast came just as the Turkish government of Recep Erdogan had presided over a decade of stunning economic growth for Turkey, pushed the intrusive armed forces back to their barracks, and achieved friendly relations with neighbors. No Turkish leader in modern history has achieved so much.
Equally important, the Erdogan government was on the verge of making a final accommodation with Turkey's always restive Kurds - up to 20% of the population of 75 million - that would have recognized many new rights of the "people of the mountains."
This was a huge achievement. I covered the bloody guerilla war in eastern Anatolia between Turkey's police and armed forces and tough Kurdish guerillas of the Marxist-Stalinist PKK movement. By 1990, some 40,000 had died in the fighting that showed no hope of resolution.
Thanks to patient diplomacy and difficult concessions, PM Erdogan's Islamist -Lite AK Party managed to reach tentative peace accords with the PKK and its jailed leader, Abdullah Ocalan, despite fierce resistance from Turkey's generals, violent semi-fascist nationalist groups and equally dangerous leftist revolutionaries.
Peace with the Kurds went down the drain when the US intensified the war in Syria and began openly arming and financing Syria's and Iraq's Kurds. Various Kurdish groups became involved in Syria, fighting against the Assad regime in Damascus and against the Islamic State - which Saudi Arabia and the CIA had created to attack Shia regimes. Turkey struck back, and the war with the Kurds resumed—a decade of patient work kaput.
Turkey's prime minister - and now president - Erdogan had led his nation since 2003 with hardly a misstep. Then came two disastrous decisions. First, Erdogan dared criticize Israel for its brutal treatment of Palestinians and the killing of nine Turks on a naval rescue mission to Gaza. America's media, led by the pro-Israel Wall Street Journal, New York Times, and Fox News, have made Erdogan a prime target for savage criticism.
Second, for murky reasons, Erdogan developed a hatred for Syria's leader, Bashar Assad, and allowed Turkey to serve as a conduit and primary supply base for all sorts of anti-Assad rebels, most notably the so-called Islamic State. Most Turks were opposed to getting involved in the Syrian quagmire. Doing so unleashed the Kurdish genii and alienated neighbor Russia.
Turkey's blunder in the Syrian War has enraged the restive military, which has long sought to oust Erdogan and return the nation to Ataturkism, the far-right political creed of Turkey's anti-Muslim oligarchs, urban and academic elite. Now, Turkey's long-repressed violent leftists are stirring trouble in the cities. Fear is growing that Turkey might return to its pre-Erdogan days of bombings, street violence, and assassinations - all against a background of hyperinflation, soaring unemployment, and hostile relations with its neighbors.
One hears rumbles of a Turkish conflict with Armenia over its conflict with Turkish ally, Azerbaijan. Greece is nervous and moving closer to Israel. Oil and gas finds in the eastern Mediterranean are heightening tensions.
With the biggest and best-armed forces in the region save Israel, Turkey may yet intervene in Syria - which used, before 1918, to be part of the Ottoman Empire.
The US often accuses Erdogan of wanting to be an Ottoman Sultan, yet is pushing him to use his army in Syria.
Once a pillar of Mideast stability, Turkey is increasingly looking like a slow-motion truck crash. This crisis is so tragic that not very long ago, Turkey was entering a new age of social harmony and economic development.
Today, both are up in smoke, as this week's bloody bombing in Ankara that killed 99 people showed. America's ham-handed policies in the Mideast have set the entire region ablaze, from Syria to South Sudan and Libya. Turkey sits right on top of the huge mess, licked by the flames of nationalist and political conflagrations and now beset by 2 million Syrian refugees.
As Saddam Hussein predicted, George W. Bush's invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq opened the gates of hell. Attempts by Washington to overthrow Syria's Alawite regime - a natural US ally - have destroyed large parts of that once lovely nation and produced the worst human disaster since the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in the late 1940s and 1967.
Washington's bull-in-a-China-shop behavior in the fragile Mideast came just as the Turkish government of Recep Erdogan had presided over a decade of stunning economic growth for Turkey, pushed the intrusive armed forces back to their barracks, and achieved friendly relations with neighbors. No Turkish leader in modern history has achieved so much.
Equally important, the Erdogan government was on the verge of making a final accommodation with Turkey's always restive Kurds - up to 20% of the population of 75 million - that would have recognized many new rights of the "people of the mountains."
This was a huge achievement. I covered the bloody guerilla war in eastern Anatolia between Turkey's police and armed forces and tough Kurdish guerillas of the Marxist-Stalinist PKK movement. By 1990, some 40,000 had died in the fighting that showed no hope of resolution.
Thanks to patient diplomacy and difficult concessions, PM Erdogan's Islamist -Lite AK Party managed to reach tentative peace accords with the PKK and its jailed leader, Abdullah Ocalan, despite fierce resistance from Turkey's generals, violent semi-fascist nationalist groups and equally dangerous leftist revolutionaries.
Peace with the Kurds went down the drain when the US intensified the war in Syria and began openly arming and financing Syria's and Iraq's Kurds. Various Kurdish groups became involved in Syria, fighting against the Assad regime in Damascus and against the Islamic State - which Saudi Arabia and the CIA had created to attack Shia regimes. Turkey struck back, and the war with the Kurds resumed—a decade of patient work kaput.
Turkey's prime minister - and now president - Erdogan had led his nation since 2003 with hardly a misstep. Then came two disastrous decisions. First, Erdogan dared criticize Israel for its brutal treatment of Palestinians and the killing of nine Turks on a naval rescue mission to Gaza. America's media, led by the pro-Israel Wall Street Journal, New York Times, and Fox News, have made Erdogan a prime target for savage criticism.
Second, for murky reasons, Erdogan developed a hatred for Syria's leader, Bashar Assad, and allowed Turkey to serve as a conduit and primary supply base for all sorts of anti-Assad rebels, most notably the so-called Islamic State. Most Turks were opposed to getting involved in the Syrian quagmire. Doing so unleashed the Kurdish genii and alienated neighbor Russia.
Turkey's blunder in the Syrian War has enraged the restive military, which has long sought to oust Erdogan and return the nation to Ataturkism, the far-right political creed of Turkey's anti-Muslim oligarchs, urban and academic elite. Now, Turkey's long-repressed violent leftists are stirring trouble in the cities. Fear is growing that Turkey might return to its pre-Erdogan days of bombings, street violence, and assassinations - all against a background of hyperinflation, soaring unemployment, and hostile relations with its neighbors.
One hears rumbles of a Turkish conflict with Armenia over its conflict with Turkish ally, Azerbaijan. Greece is nervous and moving closer to Israel. Oil and gas finds in the eastern Mediterranean are heightening tensions.
With the biggest and best-armed forces in the region save Israel, Turkey may yet intervene in Syria - which used, before 1918, to be part of the Ottoman Empire.
The US often accuses Erdogan of wanting to be an Ottoman Sultan, yet is pushing him to use his army in Syria.