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palestinian state
Gaza Has a Ceasefire, Now Palestine Needs Self-Determination
Whether it’s the Israeli government, an international peacekeeping force, or a post-conflict reconstruction authority for Gaza chaired (grotesquely) by Donald Trump, the fate of Palestine still rests in the hands of outsiders.
Oct 16, 2025
All the living hostages held by Hamas returned to Israel this week. The 20 men have been reunited with their ecstatic families. It’s extraordinary that they are still alive, more than two years after Hamas and its allies seized them along with around 230 others after the attacks of October 7. They survived two years of captivity, of war, of privation. They survived when other hostages died during Israeli raids. They survived when the Israel Defense Forces killed at least 67,000 Palestinians—more than 80% of them civilians, according to leaked Israeli sources—during two years of aerial and ground assaults.
The survival of these 20 Israelis is a testament to their resilience, yes, but more so to their value. The hostages were the only asset that Hamas could trade for the release of Palestinian prisoners, a ceasefire to end the war, and a deal to guarantee a Palestinian state.
Israel released 2,000 Palestinian prisoners in exchange for these 20 men and more than 20 dead hostages. It has stopped bombing Gaza (though it is still killing people on the ground for alleged ceasefire violations). The IDF has withdrawn from some of the land it has occupied in Gaza. Israel is still restricting aid to the region to punish Gazans because Hamas has not returned all the bodies of the dead hostages (which may be held by other factions or lie inaccessible under the rubble).
Hamas is left with almost nothing. True, it too has survived, even though Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had promised not to end the war without extinguishing Hamas. But without the hostages as collateral, the organization has no leverage to force the IDF to relinquish further territory or to guarantee that the Israeli government won’t resume bombing Gaza. As for Palestinian statehood, it remains as elusive after this hostage exchange as it has been for years.
Palestinians are no closer to determining their own future. Gaza lies in ruins. The West Bank is being gobbled up by Israeli settlers. Whether it’s the Israeli government, an international peacekeeping force, or a post-conflict reconstruction authority for Gaza chaired (grotesquely) by Donald Trump, the fate of Palestine still rests in the hands of outsiders.
Immediate Future
Although Trump, in his triumphalist address to the Israeli Knesset, took the peace deal for granted—and spoke grandly of a peace deal for the entire region—Israeli and Palestinian negotiators have not agreed on the next steps for Gaza. Hamas, not surprisingly, wants to continue being politically relevant. To that end, it has refused to give up its weapons, which is all that’s left of its much-diminished power. Israel wants complete disarmament and no political future for Hamas, which would reduce it to the status of a Boy Scout troop. Trump has threatened to disarm Hamas by force, which sounds a lot like the return of armed conflict.
But then who will administer Gaza? Trump’s plan calls for “a technocratic, apolitical Palestinian committee, responsible for delivering the day-to-day running of public services and municipalities for the people in Gaza.” In other words, Trump wants to install a group of functionaries who don’t aspire to do anything other than take out the trash and keep the hospitals running. Israel doesn’t want anything that looks like an actual state that could unite with Palestinians in the West Bank, develop a truly sustainable economy, or (god forbid) develop a foreign policy.
With Tony Blair running the reconstruction authority, it will all start to look like the aftermath of the Iraq war—and that didn’t work out so well for Iraqis.
The Palestinian Authority (PA) is maneuvering to play a role in the new Gaza administration even though Israel wants it sidelined. The Trump administration has such contempt for the PA and the associated Palestinian Liberation Organization that it revoked the visas of their representatives to attend the United Nations General Assembly last month in New York. Marwan Barghouti, a dynamic figure who could take the reins of the PA and unify Palestinians, remains in Israeli prison. According to the peace deal, the PA is expected to “complete its reform program,” which basically means that it must become even more subservient to Israeli and American interests before it will be invited back to the table. Behind the scenes, however, a compromise is emerging whereby the PA will likely play a role in choosing the functionaries in charge in Gaza and supplying guards for the border crossing to Egypt.
In any case, the real power in Gaza will be held by an international authority, the “Board of Peace,” chaired by Donald Trump and run (probably) by the UK’s Tony Blair. This authority will preside over the economic reconstruction of Gaza. Trump’s plan speaks of “convening a panel of experts who have helped birth some of the thriving modern miracle cities in the Middle East.” He probably has the cities of the Gulf States in mind—Dubai, Doha—but they of course had oil wealth to spend. Meanwhile, it’s impossible to forget Trump’s preferred strategy of turning Gaza into a huge resort where rich Emiratis and Americans enjoy a Club Med experience while the Palestinians who remain serve them drinks and clean their hotel rooms.
To make sure that Hamas doesn’t stage a comeback with a hidden cache of weapons, an Arab-led peacekeeping force is supposed to take over from the IDF as it withdraws from occupied territory. Of course, any peacekeeping body would be an improvement over the IDF, and an Arab force has been part of many proposals for Gaza over the years. On the positive side, such a force would more than likely prevent the expulsion of Palestinians from their land—because the Arab countries in the region don’t want an influx of Palestinian refugees. On the negative side, Arab countries would likely go along with the implementation of a plan that makes Palestinians second-class citizens—because that’s often how they are treated elsewhere in the region.
Also, the US military will be involved in the initial stages of this peacekeeping plan. With Tony Blair running the reconstruction authority, it will all start to look like the aftermath of the Iraq war—and that didn’t work out so well for Iraqis.
Near Future?
Where does that leave a Palestinian state?
The more support other countries give to Palestinians by recognizing their state—in the absence of an actual state—the more Israel seems to push back against the international consensus. Before the peace deal, the country’s minister in charge of national security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, talked of Israel’s “complete crushing” of the Palestinian Authority by annexing the West Bank. In supporting a push for more settlements that effectively divide the West Bank in two, Netanyahu declared that “there will never be a Palestinian state.”
Even though 11 more countries recognized a Palestinian state last month at the UN General Assembly, the Trump administration has held firm in its refusal to go along. During Trump’s speech to the Knesset, two Israeli politicians were kicked out of the assembly for calling on the United States to follow the lead of Canada, the UK, and 155 other countries.
Yes, Trump’s peace plan talks about creating conditions for “a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood.” But it is pushed into a hypothetical future, much like Barack Obama once supported nuclear disarmament, though not in his generation or even his children’s generation but at some vague point in the future. There’s kicking the can down the road, and then there’s kicking the can into the Van Allen belt.
In the meantime, Israel will continue to reduce the material basis of a Palestinian state by creating new settlements in the Occupied Territories, preventing the rise of credible political actors in the Palestinian community, and keeping all the important levers of power in the hands of the IDF or external actors.
Eyes on the Prize
Benjamin Netanyahu has been in charge of Israel for much of the last 30 years (with a break in the early 2000s). He has presided over a shift in Israeli politics to the far-right. The left has practically disappeared. One of the few credible challengers to Netanyahu, Naftali Bennett, is even further to the right of the prime minister.
The 2026 elections may change all that. Even with the Gaza deal in place, Netanyahu faces the very real possibility that he won’t be able to put together a governing coalition. The far-right parties that have kept his current government afloat are losing ground. According to the latest polling, Otzma Yehudit would maintain its six seats if elections were held today. But Religious Zionism, which currently has seven seats, wouldn’t even make it into the Knesset.
But whoever emerges from the next elections, they won’t accept a Palestinian state unless they are pressured to do so.
Going into the elections, Israeli voters won’t soon forget (or forgive) Netanyahu for the security lapses that led to the October 7 attacks, his refusal to take advantage of earlier diplomatic opportunities to negotiate hostage returns, and his ongoing corruption charges. They won’t likely forget the hostility of the far-right to any ceasefire and the fact that Netanyahu had to have his arm twisted by Trump to negotiate (finally) the hostage release.
Of course, Netanyahu is a survivor. He has been held hostage by parties even further to the right, and yet he has proven resilient. He still might jettison those far-right parties and find a new governing majority. Perhaps in yet another term he would reverse the worst anti-Palestinian policies (doubtful). Perhaps voters will send him into retirement (and, with luck, into prison).
But whoever emerges from the next elections, they won’t accept a Palestinian state unless they are pressured to do so. Conjuring such a state out of the broken pieces of the Palestinian community will be much more difficult than the negotiation of a prisoner exchange or even a ceasefire. Let’s first see if the next stage of the Gaza deal can be achieved—the further withdrawal of the IDF, a compromise over the future of Hamas, the delivery of sufficient humanitarian aid, the introduction of a peacekeeping force, and the start of economic reconstruction.
But let’s also be clear: Those steps would only bring Gaza back to where it was, more or less, before October 7. The world must keep its eyes on the prize. Palestinians need a viable state that can coexist with Israel and ensure that the genocide that Israel attempted over the last two years will never happen again.
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The Hard Work for Palestinian Liberation and Peace Begins Now
Far from being “one of the great days in human history,” the Trump plan is just a start.
Oct 06, 2025
If US President Donald Trump really wants to earn a Nobel Peace Prize, he’s going to need to do better than his 20-point “Comprehensive Plan to End Gaza’s Conflict.” While in his characteristic style of exaggeration, Mr. Trump called the release of his plan “one of the greatest days in human history,” poring over Arab, Israeli, and US press reveals that most analysts are not inclined to see it that way.
After reading commentaries by writers across the board what is most striking is how widely divergent their views are toward Mr. Trump’s effort. While a few in all three regions express hope that the plan represents a pathway to peace, there’s a significant group of Israelis, Arabs, and Americans who see it as flawed and dangerous, albeit for different reasons.
Israeli hardliners, for example, suggest that if Mr. Trump’s 20-point plan were implemented, it will inevitably lead to the creation of a Palestinian state that will pose a mortal threat to Israel’s security. Meanwhile, a sizable body of Arabs express the concern that, if followed, Trump’s plan will make Israel’s occupation permanent, resulting in the dissolution of the Palestinian cause. In fact, the only issues on which there is agreement are that the plan would stop the further devastation in Gaza and allow for the return of Israeli hostages and some Palestinian prisoners.
The reasons behind this wide range of interpretations about the plan’s intentions are many: the Arabs’ well-earned lack of trust in both Trump and Netanyahu; the belief of hardline ideological Israelis that Netanyahu will do whatever it takes to remain prime minister; the deliberate vagueness of most of the plan’s key points; and, especially galling for Palestinians, the fact that they were handed the plan as a fait accompli without having been asked to provide input and told to accept it or, as Mr. Trump put it, “all HELL, like no one has ever seen before, will break out against Hamas.”
Of all of these factors, it’s the vagueness that is problematic for all sides. Israeli hardliners, for example, fret over the mention of an Israeli withdrawal, the presence of Arab peacekeepers, Palestinian police, and the possible return of the PA (which, in their minds, means a link between the West Bank and Gaza leading to a Palestinian state).
Palestinians, on the other hand, reading the document closely, see that none of these provisions are guaranteed. And while there is mention of a phased Israeli withdrawal, the plan provides for Israeli forces to remain in a security perimeter inside Gaza. For Palestinians this means a continuation of the two-decades-long stranglehold Israel has had over all access into and egress from Gaza. They see this plan as too focused on Israeli security, with little regard for justice and Palestinian security.
Another glaring problem is the lack of definition of terms and an enforcement mechanism that will ensure that the terms of the plan are implemented. What, for example, is the definition of the “technocratic apolitical Palestinian committee” that is to be created to run day-to-day operations in Gaza? Will its members be vetted by the Trump-led board? Will the Israelis be able to veto members? And, without any clarity on these points, will this committee be viewed as having legitimacy by Palestinians? And finally, without a defined neutral mechanism for enforcement, will the US allow Israel to act in Gaza as they have with regard to the ceasefires in Lebanon and Syria—where they act as the sole arbiter and enforcer of the agreements? (Their interpretation of ceasefire is apparently “you cease, while we continue to fire.”)
The plan mentions an economic development plan to attract foreign investment that is to be designed by experts who have helped “birth some of the thriving modern miracle cities in the Middle East” and a special economic zone with preferred tariffs. But one is hard pressed to understand the relevance of all of this to the plight and immediate needs of Palestinians, which must take precedence over fantasy cities of the future.
There is some detail provided with regard to Hamas members’ decommissioning their weapons, pledging to commit to peaceful coexistence, and the formation of an International Stabilization Force in Gaza. But what’s not clear is how this will be administered. And while our polls make clear that Palestinians in Gaza have had enough of this war and Hamas, they also express the desire to be governed by a national unity coalition of Palestinians, and want accountability for the crimes committed by the Israeli forces.
The bottom line is that far from being “one of the great days in human history,” the Trump plan is just a start. It may end the bombing and return those held captive, but in order to lead to peace, there must be a great deal more discussion that adds flesh to the bones of the plan. That will require openness and trust on all sides. That said, the following are essential.
First, Hamas should accept the Trump Plan, even while stating their concerns and objections. Continuing the conflict is (and has long been) a dead end. Hamas cannot and should not be the arbiter of the Palestinian future. Too many lives have been lost and many more shattered. The fighting must end. Second, Arabs and other nations must insist that Israelis be held accountable for the crimes they have committed. They can’t be brushed aside. Third, with a ceasefire agreed to by all sides, the massive influx of aid and support that Palestinians will require should commence. Fourth, working from the outline provided by the Trump plan, negotiations should begin, with serious Palestinian input at all levels to flesh out the details that can resolve unanswered questions. Fifth, if the president wants to earn his place in history, he must be willing to crack the whip requiring Israel to adhere to whatever terms are established. And finally, for this to be prize-worthy, the whip-cracking must also be applied to the West Bank and East Jerusalem—and not only with regard to annexation. If peace is to be achieved, settlement expansion, land confiscation, home demolitions, raids, and rampages by settlers must end. These behaviors have weakened the credibility of the PA, won greater support for Hamas, and prepared the ground for even greater conflict.
The Trump plan, with its focus on Israel’s security and vague assurances to Palestinians, succeeded in getting Netanyahu and Hamas on board, each side with their own reservations. If it is to lead to peace, there is hard work ahead.
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Sailing to Stop a Genocide: When People Act After Governments Fail
All the governments of the world seem to be waiting for a completed arson investigation before they put out the fire, so the Global Sumud Flotilla is rushing to the blaze.
Sep 25, 2025
The Global Sumud Flotilla is the rather grand name of a ragtag bunch of boats that are now sailing near Crete. They will soon be joined by ships from the navies of Italy and Spain after coming under attack by Israel or their proxies. They are trying to bring relief supplies to Gaza, to break the 17-year Israeli siege of Gaza, and open a humanitarian corridor to end the famine, and what a United Nations commission recently confirmed is a genocide. They are not quite up to the task. Most of them know it, but they’re going anyway.
The Flotilla’s last major stop was in Bizerte, Tunisia, most boats tied to a sea wall at the far end of the harbor. Several times a day local Tunisian people would bring small donations of food and water to the end of the dirt road and Flotilla volunteers would meet them and carry the supplies across a rocky field to the boats.
From one of those small trucks an old woman, somebody’s grandmother, handed me a box she had filled with baby formula. The cans were different brands, some shopworn. She had collected them, and when she pressed her precious box into my hands she said to me, “For the babies. For the babies.”
Down at the boats there was chaos: beautiful, inspiring, all too human madness. People swarmed everywhere making hasty repairs and makeshift alterations, while others stripped anything useful from boats too damaged during the sail from Barcelona to ever leave port again. It seemed half the people had a sort of field commission, suddenly in charge of procurement, estimating food and water, and fuel requirements for undetermined days of travel, doing electrical repairs and installations or servicing engines. I had vetoed a dangerously jerry-rigged propane connection to a galley stove and was sent to the open-air market to find a camp stove. My companion was the medic on the boat—she has a doctorate in journalism. She is an amazing woman—she’d led a group to Everest base camp—and with her Arabic and local savvy we actually found the camp stove.
They were all desperate for a spot on some of the most decrepit boats in the Mediterranean, vying to cross a pitiless sea to most likely end up in Israeli prisons.
Everyone was pushed beyond their competency, past all their own red lines, by their commitment and the needs of the mission. They were getting the job done that their governments refuse to do. Because a thousand miles across the sea the people of Gaza are dying.
All nations are obligated to take steps to stop genocide when it is occurring. That duty does not require perfect evidence. It does not require the final ruling of a court that says events constitute genocide. Such rulings only occur years later, after the monstrous deed is already done, and of course the perpetrators will deny it to the end, as Israel has. Yet all the governments of the world seem to be waiting for a completed arson investigation before they put out the fire.
The UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry has released an 80-page report detailing their finding of genocide in Gaza. On a smaller scale, more human than the legalese, doctors who volunteer in Gaza report that when Israel found out that they were bringing infant formula in their bags, Israel started searching their bags and seizing the infant formula. There is no way to spin that fact. These were doctors who would be giving that formula to babies. You can’t make a bomb out of infant formula. It constitutes no conceivable threat, yet Israel is intentionally preventing small amounts of food to get to starving babies.
We’ve all seen their skeletal little bodies, the pleading looks in their eyes, their traumatized mothers. Israel recently incarcerated an 82-year-old woman with Alzheimer’s in a camp for “terrorists,” so perhaps these babies are “terrorists.” Perhaps the frozen embryos, eggs, and sperm in Gaza’s only IVF clinic destroyed by Israel were also “terrorists.” Or, more likely, killing the future and hope of the Palestinian people is the clearest, most heartbreaking evidence of Israel’s intent to commit genocide.
Every day we see video of the bombing and aerial images of the wasteland. Israel has long since destroyed the hospitals, the schools and universities, the farmland and the infrastructure that makes life possible. Not satisfied with the Cold War cliché of bouncing the rubble, Israel has threatened to reduce Gaza to dust, unless a peace deal is negotiated. Then they bombed the negotiators in Doha.
And still the United States, Germany, and Great Britain send arms—our tax dollars paying for every bomb.
Hundreds of former ambassadors to the European Union have urged that organization to sanction Israel, but the EU dithers while they enrich and support Israel with 35% of Israel’s foreign trade. A few nations, with all due solemnity, have recognized the Palestinian state, but as yet do nothing to protect the people of that state.
And so the volunteers of the Global Sumud Flotilla flung themselves upon the sea. They are doctors, lawyers, journalists, and very ordinary people, all with worried families back home. Almost none have experience on the sea, but all have a deep knowledge of the tragic history of Palestine.
Do they sail under a banner that is always at the edge of splintering into catastrophe? Absolutely. It couldn’t be otherwise. Imagine your local PTA suddenly expanded to hundreds of passionate, contentious members. Imagine all meetings conducted in three languages. Imagine that PTA isn’t organizing a silent auction, but a thousand-mile voyage into a war zone. Of course it’s nuts.
But hundreds of people went to Tunisia anyway. They were all desperate for a spot on some of the most decrepit boats in the Mediterranean, vying to cross a pitiless sea to most likely end up in Israeli prisons.
They came because their governments refuse to act.
They sail to stop a genocide.
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