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Today, despite the horrors of genocide in Gaza, we must never forget that we retain the capacity to make change.
Two seemingly unrelated events of the last week have caused me to reflect on the long journey we’ve taken to Arab American empowerment. The first was the March 27 death of former Senator Joseph Lieberman. This was followed by the 28th anniversary of the tragic death of former Secretary of Commerce Ronald Brown on April 3.
Arab Americans were provided the opportunity to enter U.S. politics as an organized community in the 1984 and 1988 presidential campaigns of Jesse Jackson. Because it was the first campaign to welcome Arab Americans by name, the community enthusiastically responded. We registered new voters, organized to elect a record number of delegates to the national convention (over 80, when in previous years there had never been more than a handful), with many hundreds more participating in state party conventions and passing Palestinian statehood resolutions in 10 states.
Despite our successes, or more likely due to them, the resistance by pro-Israel groups to our involvement increased dramatically. They smeared us and pressured candidates and elected officials to reject our support. In 1984, for example, the presidential campaign of Walter Mondale returned Arab American contributions and in 1998, the Michael Dukakis campaign rejected an endorsement from Arab American Democrats.
Change is never easy and never comes by itself, it requires hard work and allies.
After the 1988 campaign, as Ron Brown was set to begin his chairmanship of the Democratic Party, he pledged to end this exclusion. His first meeting as chair was with me, saying he wanted to send the message that Arab Americans had a home in the Democratic Party. As he introduced me to key staff, he announced to all that this was a new day for Arab Americans in the party. And it was.
A few months later he became the first party chair to address an Arab American convention. One of his staff told me that before coming into our meeting he had an “emergency coffee” with a major pro-Israel donor who told him, “if you even walk into that room, I’ll pull my donations and get others to join me.” I asked Brown what he was going to do. He said, “I’m going to speak to Arab Americans.”
The problems we faced didn’t end. Pressure was placed on other candidates and elected officials on the local levels to exclude Arab Americans—and many did. By the time we got to the 1992 Democratic Convention, we were frustrated by the block we encountered in trying to work with the Clinton campaign.
At the convention, I was approached by David Ifshin who served both as legal counsel to AIPAC and as an official in the Clinton campaign. He said to me, “I understand Arab Americans are trying to get into the campaign.” He then used an obscene expletive saying there was no place for us and we ought to go elsewhere.
I was angered and told Ron Brown what had just occurred. He told me he’d been working on it but that he too had difficulty breaking through, as there were other officials committed to blocking our entry. He suggested that I also try other routes.
As I had an upcoming meeting scheduled with Senator Lieberman to discuss another matter, I thought I’d also tell him about my encounter with Ifshin. I knew the Senator and I didn’t agree on much, but I had found him to be thoughtful and open to dialogue. I was right. He was so outraged by the Ifshin story that he promptly called the Clinton campaign headquarters and demanded that they meet with Arab Americans and invite them to play a role in the campaign. The next day we were invited to meet and find our place in the campaign. During the next few months, we demonstrated our capacity to work and were never again excluded from any Democratic presidential campaign.
When Bill Clinton entered the White House, he welcomed us in and gave us a seat at the table, providing Arab Americans with unprecedented access and opportunities to engage in policy discussions on a range of foreign and domestic policy concerns.
Along the way, at times I despaired of ever seeing Arab Americans overcome the objections of those who wanted to exclude us from participating in the political mainstream. At one point I told Jesse Jackson that I was ready to quit. He looked at me sternly and said, “Never do that, because it’s exactly what your enemies want you to do. What they’re most afraid of is that you’ll stick around and fight.” That’s exactly what we’ve done, and today, despite the horrors of genocide in Gaza, we must never forget that we retain the capacity to make change. Look at what’s been done: amazingly diverse mass mobilizations calling for a cease-fire and questioning U.S. arms for Israel; over 150 cities calling for an end to the Israeli war; a remarkable national movement demonstrating to President Joe Biden that there will be electoral consequences to his policies; and a growing drift of public opinion in an anti-Israel, pro-Palestinian direction.
Change is never easy and never comes by itself, it requires hard work and allies. That’s what it took to get to where we are today. And that’s what today’s Arab American activists are doing to challenge the U.S.’ failed policies toward the Palestinian people.
"Joe Lieberman's legacy will live on as your medical debt."
While current and former officials across the U.S. political spectrum shared praise for and fond memories of former Sen. Joe Lieberman in response to news of his death on Wednesday, critics highlighted how some of his key positions led to the deaths of many others.
Lieberman's family said the 82-year-old died at NewYork-Presbyterian Hospital after a fall at his home in the Bronx. He served in the Connecticut Senate, as the state's attorney general, and in the U.S. Senate—initially as a Democrat and eventually as an Independent. He was also Democratic former Vice President Al Gore's running mate in the 2000 presidential election.
"Up until the very end, Joe Lieberman enjoyed the high-quality, government-financed healthcare that he worked diligently to deny the rest of us. That's his legacy," said Melanie D'Arrigo, executive director of the Campaign for New York Health, which advocates for universal, single-payer healthcare.
As Warren Gunnels, majority staff director for Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee Chair Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.),
explained, "Joe Lieberman led the effort to ensure the Affordable Care Act did not include a public option or a reduction in the Medicare eligibility age to 55."
Noting that Lieberman also lied about the presence of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) in Iraq—which was used to justify the 2003 U.S. invasion—Gunnels asked, "How many people unnecessarily died as a result?"
He was far from alone in highlighting the two defining positions.
The Lever's David Sirota declared, "RIP Joe Lieberman, Iraq War cheerleader who led the fight to make sure Medicare was not extended to millions of Americans who desperately needed the kind of healthcare coverage he enjoyed in the Senate."
The Debt Collective said on social media that "Joe Lieberman killed so many people when he killed the public option. Not to mention all the people he killed by cheerleading every war and every lie that led to war. A truly horrible person with a shameful legacy."
Journalist Jon Schwarz pointed out that Lieberman continued to lie about the WMDs long after the claims were debunked.
Former MSNBC host Mehdi Hasan noted that Lieberman declined an opportunity to apologize for the disastrous war, sharing a clip from his on-camera interview with the ex-senator in 2021.
"We lost a giant today. I often disagreed with Joe Lieberman but he was always honorable in the way he called for American troops to murder people abroad so he could get his jollies," said Matt Stoller of the American Economic Liberties Project in a series of sarcastic social media posts.
"Joe Lieberman balanced his love of other people fighting in immoral wars with a commitment to preventing Americans from getting healthcare," Stoller added. "Even after his Senate career, he showed his strong democratic values by lobbying for Chinese telecom firms. We will miss this man."
As President Donald Trump spent the early days of 2020 instigating and then backing down from a potentially catastrophic confrontation with Iran, corporate media in the U.S. turned to the very same people who promoted the country's worst foreign policy disaster in a generation to advocate for repeating the mistakes of two decades ago.
The decision of networks and cable news outlets like CNN, MSNBC, and Fox News to bring on a stream of past advocates for and architects of the 2003 invasion of Iraq was panned by progressives who watched in horror and frustration as the same arguments were deployed in service of all-out war with Iran.
"It's War Inc. all over again," tweeted The Nation's Dave Zirin.
Trump's ordered assassination of Iranian military commander Qasem Soleimani on January 3 proved the catalyst for escalated tensions between the U.S. and Iran. It also opened the door for news outlets to welcome back some of the key Bush-era war cheerleaders.
"In a sane and just society, the architects of the nearly 17-year-old war in Iraq--which is still ongoing and has left an estimated half-million people dead--would face war crimes charges and those who cheered them on would be thoroughly discredited."
--Jessica Schulberg, HuffPost
The more things change, the more they stay the same, wrote Rolling Stone's Tim Dickinson.
"The Trump administration's sudden, violent confrontation with Iran stands in contrast to the methodical march to war with Iraq under George W. Bush and his neoconservative cabinet in 2003," Dickinson wrote. "But the rhetoric around the two conflicts has been strikingly similar--as has the reliance on 'razor thin' evidence of an imminent threat to establish a cause for war."
Soleimani's death by drone strike was celebrated in real time by former Bush press secretary Ari Fleischer, who spent the run-up to the Iraq War selling the public on the necessity of the conflict.
"I think it is entirely possible that this is going to be a catalyst inside Iran where the people celebrate this killing of Soleimani," Fleischer told Fox in the hours after Soleimani's killing, flanked by Bush administration advisor Karl Rove.
In contrast to Fleischer's prediction, Soleimani's funeral and remembrance ceremonies over the weekend turned out mourners enraged at the assassination across Iran in the millions. Former Vice President Dick Cheney's similar claim in 2002 that U.S. troops in Iraq would be "welcomed as liberators" was equally true.
Fleischer was nonetheless welcomed back to Fox on Tuesday and Wednesday to give his thoughts on the conflict and attack Democrats for questioning the rush to war.
"It's concerning, to say the least, to see some of the biggest backers of the Iraq War--an abject failure that, coupled with the ongoing war in Afghanistan, has cost the United States trillions of dollars and thousands of lives--are publicly (and in some instances, gleefully) opining about the potential impact of war with Iran, in some cases even using the same rhetorical stylings to do so," said Vox's Jane Coaston of the similarity in rhetoric.
On MSNBC, which bills itself as a liberal alternative to right-wing behemoth Fox, host Ari Melber on January 7 in the wake of Iranian retaliation for the assassination spoke to former General Barry McCaffrey, who called for a devastating response against Iran.
"Our only good response at this point is an overwhelming dominance of air and naval power that can be employed against the Iranian homeland," said McCaffrey.
Unmentioned in the segment was McCaffrey's position on the board of Raytheon, a major U.S. weapons suppplier.
The next day, Melber hosted former Sen. Joe Lieberman, a one-time Democrat whose embrace of the Bush administration's push for war across the Middle East led to an unofficial expulsion from the Democratic Party in 2006, though Lieberman was re-elected as an independent.
Not disclosed by Melber to his audience? The fact that Lieberman works for Israel Aerospace Industries, a defense company with $1 billion in sales in the U.S.
Melber did not respond to a request for comment at press time.
As Popular Information's Judd Legum reported Thursday morning, Lieberman and McCaffrey are hardly alone in advocating for war in the media without revealing their financial interests in the conflict. Legum lists nine former government officials with ties to the defense industry who are being presented to the American people as experts without noting their connections to the military industrial complex.
One of the people profiled by Legum is Michael Chertoff, the former Bush-era secretary of Homeland Security. On CNN, Chertoff claimed Trump has unilateral power to attack Iran and start a war.
But, Legum pointed out, there was some context for those remarks conveniently left out of the coverage:
Neither Chertoff nor CNN disclosed that Chertoff is chairman of the board of the American subsidiary of BAE Systems, the fourth largest weapons manufacturer in the world.
Print media was not immune to the lack of accountability shown by tv. On January 5, the Washington Post ran a piece by former Bush administration national security advisor Stephen Hadley saluting the assassination of Soleimani and calling for war if necessary.
That Hadley is on the board of Raytheon alongside MSNBC's McCaffrey did not receive a mention.
The onus for disclosure, wrote Eyes on the Ties reporter Rob Galbraith, is on the Post's editor Fred Hiatt:
Running another hawkish column by Hadley without noting his enormous financial incentive to stoke the engines of war shows that the Post in general, and Hiatt in particular, has failed to learn anything from Syria, Iraq, or any of the other times that war profiteers have used their pages to clamor for missile strikes and invasions. This is made all the more egregious since, however dismissively, Hiatt acknowledged Hadley's conflict of interest in 2013, and yet still went ahead and printed his op-ed today without disclosing this conflict--again.
"It's not 2003, but it sure feels like it," wrote HuffPost's Jessica Schulberg in a piece detailing a number of the Bush administration officials and varied Iraq War boosters brought on by the corporate media to discuss the push for war.
"In a sane and just society, the architects of the nearly 17-year-old war in Iraq--which is still ongoing and has left an estimated half-million people dead--would face war crimes charges and those who cheered them on would be thoroughly discredited," Schulberg continued. "Instead, they are the 'experts' praising President Donald Trump's decision to assassinate top Iranian military commander Gen. Qasem Soleimani and offering the public insight on the way forward with Iran."
The tweet seems harmless enough, on the surface. The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee's account slapped its logo atop a John Hickenlooper for Colorado ad and gave the presidential dropout a big thumbs up.
Hickenlooper, the DSCC wrote, "is running against Cory Gardner--the most vulnerable Republican up in 2020! If we want to end the gridlock, cut the costs of health care and prescription drugs, and act on climate -- we need to flip this #COSen seat."
The Democratic Party endorsing a former Democratic governor in a Senate race may not sound like a headline. Still, it's one of those "Why do they have to be such dicks?" moves that leads progressives to think the Party is thumbing the scale against them.
The tweet seems harmless enough, on the surface. The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee's account slapped its logo atop a John Hickenlooper for Colorado ad and gave the presidential dropout a big thumbs up.
Hickenlooper, the DSCC wrote, "is running against Cory Gardner--the most vulnerable Republican up in 2020! If we want to end the gridlock, cut the costs of health care and prescription drugs, and act on climate -- we need to flip this #COSen seat."
The Democratic Party endorsing a former Democratic governor in a Senate race may not sound like a headline. Still, it's one of those "Why do they have to be such dicks?" moves that leads progressives to think the Party is thumbing the scale against them.
Hickenlooper had people booing the words "public option." It was like watching the Unknown Comic address the Bundestag. There are Democrats who are uninspiring on the stump, but Hickenlooper is one of the party's few outright gong acts with liberal voters.
Still, why not run for Senate, in a race Democrats desperately need if they want to regain the chamber? One reason might be that as recently as February, Hickenlooper gave a speech in which he said, "I'm not cut out to be a Senator." Apparently, he has too much of an executive temperament for the job.
Despite this, and despite the fact that Hickenlooper's in-state approval rating has plunged eight points since his punchline presidential run, the party is backing him against a large field of primary contenders that includes former Colorado House Speaker Andrew Romanoff. Doing so sets up the Colorado Democratic primary to be a flashpoint contest similar to the Connecticut Senate primary of 2006, with Hickenlooper as the V-neck sweatered analog to Joe Lieberman.
Back then, Lieberman's bomb-happy advocacy for the War on Terror created an open party schism. Antiwar Democrats were forced to challenge Lieberman via the candidacy of Ned Lamont, winning a primary thanks largely to grassroots and Internet advocacy.
The party and much of the national punditocracy responded with horror to Lamont's 2006 primary win. David Brooks of the New York Times famously said it proved "Polarized primary voters shouldn't be allowed to define the choices in American politics."
Though Lieberman ultimately retained his seat by running as an independent, the 2006 Connecticut primary standoff showed support of the Iraq war was no longer a tenable position within the Democratic electorate. This began a change in party consensus on that issue (even if the Democrats remain divided on the issue of military intervention overall).
A similar situation is developing with regard to climate issues. While Green New Deal proposals and urgent climate action are popular with Democratic voters, neither the party itself nor much of the national press seem to have warmed up to the idea. The unspoken logic behind backing Hickenlooper is that name recognition and proven fundraising ability trump all in tossup races.
On the other hand, Colorado is now a solidly a blue state. The incumbent Senator Cory Gardner is its only statewide office-holding Republican. Polls suggest any Colorado Democrat would fare well against Gardner, among the more unpopular Senators. The state just elected a very liberal governor. If ever there were a time to observe the Prime Directive of non-interference, it would be in a Colorado Senate race.
Outright endorsements by the DSCC in primaries are not common, but when they have happened, the beneficiary tends to be the party's idea of an "electable" moderate. In 2016, the committee backed Katie McGinty over John Fetterman in Pennsylvania. She lost to Republican Patrick Toomey. This year it has backed several "moderates" already, including Nancy Pelosi acolyte Ben Ray Lujan in New Mexico against Maggie Oliver. (Both candidates back the Green New Deal and Medicare for All.)
The endorsement of Hickenlooper would have made sense under back when politicians who took gobs of industry money could believably market themselves as moderates or centrists. Today, voters see corporate donations as competition. They don't want to share political leaders with oil and gas companies, or health insurance companies, or weapons contractors.
By deciding to publicly back Hickenlooper, who has a history of lavish support from energy companies, the Democratic Party is making a statement about what side of the corporate donation argument it backs. It seems determined to sink or swim with its Hickenloopers and Joe Manchins, continuing to push the unconvincing line that hackery is synonymous with electability.
It took Joe Lieberman taking a primary L for the party to see the light about Iraq. Perhaps Colorado will be the scene for an epiphany on climate change.
Last week, the Supreme Court upheld a core provision of the Affordable Care Act, quashing the Republican Party's latest attempt to gut the law through the judicial system. At issue in the case, King v. Burwell, was the government's ability to provide subsidies to help millions of working Americans purchase health insurance through the federal exchange. Yet, as too many middle-class families know, health insurance is only one of the costs associated with getting sick. For more than 40 million workers who currently lack paid sick leave, another pressing concern is how to afford taking time off.
As the court was preparing to rule on the Affordable Care Act, in nearby Montgomery County, the county council was passing one of the strongest paid sick-leave laws in the nation. The measure, which passed last Tuesday by a 9-0 margin, requires most employers in the county to provide at least one hour of paid sick leave per 30 hours worked. When the legislation takes effect next year, it will benefit an estimated 90,000 private-sector workers who currently do not receive any paid time off. With the bill's passage, Montgomery County becomes the 23rd place in the nation to guarantee paid sick days and the fifth since 2015.
To appreciate the momentum for paid sick leave, however, it's necessary to understand how we got here. The recent passage of multiple laws in rapid succession belies a long struggle to get politicians to take up the cause, even within the ranks of the Democratic Party. Indeed, a closer examination reveals the anatomy of a legislative movement and demonstrates how grassroots pressure can turn what some considered a fringe issue into a political juggernaut.
A decade ago, there was not a single paid sick leave law anywhere in the United States. In 2006, San Francisco approved the country's first such measure by ballot initiative. That year, Democrats also regained control of Congress, fueling predictions that paid sick leave would become a hot topic of debate at the federal level. But legislation introduced by the late Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.) and Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.) didn't have sufficient support among Democrats to pass and never came to the floor for a vote. Since then, a hard-fought grassroots campaign has turned paid sick leave into a mainstream issue, and a national paid sick days law could easily be in the cards for the next Democratic Congress.
The fight began in earnest in 2007, when the Working Families Party, along with other progressive groups and labor organizations, began pushing for statewide legislation in Connecticut. For the next four legislative sessions, enough Democratic leaders sided with corporate interests to prevent a bill from reaching the governor's desk. The turning point didn't come until 2010, when paid sick leave became a contentious issue in the state's Democratic gubernatorial primary.
In that race, front-runner Ned Lamont, who had challenged Sen. Joe Lieberman from the left in 2006, argued that guaranteeing paid sick leave sent "the wrong signal out there at a time when we have a very high unemployment rate." His opponent, Dan Malloy, favored paid sick leave and made the issue central to his campaign. Because of his position, Malloy closed a double-digit polling deficit and won the support of the Working Families Party, which helped propel him to victory. Lamont's defeat sent a clear message that opposing paid sick leave came with a political cost, and Connecticut passed the first statewide law guaranteeing it the following year.
In 2013, a nearly identical situation occurred in New York, where then-city council speaker Christine Quinn was the prohibitive favorite to be the city's next mayor. For three years, Quinn blocked paid sick leave from getting a vote, despite supermajority support on the city council and an aggressive campaign led by the Working Families Party and prominent women leaders such as Gloria Steinem. As Quinn delayed, New York City Public Advocate Bill de Blasio spoke out, saying, "How on Earth has this bill not been brought to the floor? It's not acceptable. It's not democracy." Shortly before Quinn lost the primary to de Blasio, Ginia Bellafante wrote about Quinn's declining popularity in the New York Times, citing anger over "the incredibly long time it took her to support paid sick leave for privately employed workers."
Following the high-profile battle in New York, the political calculus shifted. Eleven places approved paid sick leave requirements in 2014, including California, Massachusetts, and several cities in New Jersey. Oregon and Philadelphia joined them in 2015. President Obama further elevated the issue in this year's State of the Union Address.
Today, the vast majority of Americans believe paid sick leave should be guaranteed, and Democratic presidential candidates Hillary Clinton, Sen. Bernie Sanders (Vt.), and former Maryland governor Martin O'Malley are lending their voices to the cause. But with more than 40 million Americans who still don't get any paid time off, the fight is far from over. In April 2013, before New York's paid sick leave bill passed, I wrote that America had "reached a tipping point." During the past two years, we've seen a lot of encouraging progress. Just as important, we've seen how a grassroots movement can force an issue into the mainstream. And while too many working families are still ailing, we may finally have seen the beginning of the cure.
UPDATE: (5:25 PM EST) Iran Nuclear Coverage Echoes Iraq War Media Frenzy
"Military strikes expected! Weapons inspectors called in! A murky al Qaeda connection! And Cheney says time's up for Ira...
"Wait. Haven't we seen this movie before?"
So begins Michael Calderone's piece on Huffington Post on Friday. His piece echoes much of what Glenn Greenwald (see below) and other keen observers have been saying in recent weeks and months as many mainstream US news outlets demonstrate few -- if any -- lessons learned after their disastrous pre-war reporting leading up to the US invasion of Iraq in 2003.
Calderone reports:
It's already been a decade since the media hyped bogus WMD claims prior to the U.S. invasion of Iraq. But it sure feels like 2002 for anyone who was around then and is now scanning newspaper headlines or watching TV talking-heads discuss a possible Israeli strike on Iran's nuclear facilities -- an act which could pull the U.S. into another thorny Middle East military conflict.
Some of the media's more overheated Iran coverage bears an eerie resemblance to Iraq coverage, but instead of former Vice President Dick Cheney we have his daughter Liz Cheney making the Sunday show rounds.
"A nuclear weapon in the hands of the world's worst sponsor of terror, one of them, is something we can't stand for," Cheney said Sunday on ABC's "This Week."
And, highlighting the glaring misinformation and poor reporting of Iran's nuclear status and their ambitions (emphasis added):
The idea that Iran is currently in pursuit of -- or even already has -- a nuclear bomb has become accepted wisdom in much of Washington and amplified by the media. But the reality is much more opaque. When James Clapper, the U.S. Director of National Intelligence, appeared before the Senate last month, he told lawmakers that "we don't believe they've actually made the decision to go ahead with a nuclear weapon." Clapper's statement reflected the conclusions of some in the intelligence community that Iran suspended its nuclear warhead program in 2003.
Both the latest U.S. assessments, and the most recent report of the International Atomic Energy Agency, which actively monitors the sites of Iran's nuclear energy program, buttress this viewpoint: While there is ample reason to fear Iran might acquire a nuclear weapon, and is capable of doing so, there is no definitive proof that they have yet decided to try.
The November IAEA report itself, initially touted as offering the first "credible" evidence of a nuclear weapons project, later turned out to be a far weaker document, offering allegations that The New York Times described as "not substantially new, and [which] have been discussed by experts for years." Arthur Brisbane, the Times' public editor, later took the paper to task for overstating the conclusiveness of the IAEA's findings.
***
Earlier:
32 US Senators Agree: Attacking Iran Acceptable
32 US Senators on Thursday signed a resolution that urges President Obama "to reaffirm the unacceptability of an Iran with nuclear-weapons capability" and affirms their opposition to "any policy that would rely on containment as an option in response to the Iranian nuclear threat." Though the resolution does not call for or recommend an attack on Iran, its tone and familiar tropes of a 'limited time-frame' on dealing with the 'Iranian threat,' speaks to the increasingly hawkish signals emanating from Washington's corridors of power.
"The lawmakers, led by Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.)," according to a report in The Hill, "said they weren't advocating an attack on Iran and wanted a diplomatic resolution to the Iranian nuclear issue. But the measure [...] said containment was not a viable strategy, continued to promote the prospect that a military conflict could be on the horizon."
The Senate resolution was officially adopted amid renewed assertions from US officials that there is no proof that Iran actually has a functioning nuclear weapons program. The Hill reports:
Defense Secretary Leon Panetta and Director of National Intelligence James Clapper said separately on Thursday that Iran has not yet made a decision to pursue nuclear weapons.
"The intelligence does not show that they've made the decision to proceed with developing a nuclear weapon," Panetta said at a House hearing.
Lt. Gen. Ronald Burgess, director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, told senators Thursday that Iran is prepared to retaliate against the United States and its allies in the Middle East if it is attacked, but is unlikely to attack if not provoked.
* * *
A report from Foreign Policy explains:
"The intelligence does not show that they've made the decision to proceed with developing a nuclear weapon."
- US Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta
The resolution itself currently has 16 Democratic sponsors and 16 Republican sponsors. Behind the scenes, there were intense negotiations over the language to create a resolution that was acceptable to the broadest range of senators.
Graham admitted that an earlier version had included a clause, later removed, that would have affirmed that the United States has the power and capability to prevent the government of Iran from acquiring a nuclear capability. That clause was removed in order to build a bipartisan consensus.
"This is not an authorization for military force... if military force is the option to be chosen, that is a debate for another day, that is another discussion," he said.
At the press conference, Graham showed poster-sized photos of an Iranian missile in a parade with the words "Israel must be uprooted and erased from history" written on it. He then showed another poster-sized photo of an Iranian banner saying, "Israel should be wiped out of the face of the world."
* * *
Members of the US Senate are not the only ones laying the groundwork for a possible attack on Iran. In some cases, as Salon's Glenn Greenwald has pointed out in numerous posts this week, the corporate media seem to have 'taken the lead' on beating the drums for a war against Iran.

Under the headline, US Media Takes the Lead on Iran, Greenwald wrote this week:
Many have compared the coordinated propaganda campaign now being disseminated about The Iranian Threat to that which preceded the Iraq War, but there is one notable difference. Whereas the American media in 2002 followed the lead of the U.S. government in beating the war drums against Saddam, they now seem even more eager for war against Iran than the U.S. government itself, which actually appears somewhat reluctant.
And continues:
It's just remarkable to watch the American media depict Iran as the threatening, aggressive party here. Literally on a daily basis, political and media figures in both the U.S. and Israel openly threaten to attack Iran and debate how the attack should happen with a casualness that most people use to contemplate what to have for lunch. The U.S. has orchestrated devastating and always-escalating sanctions which, by design, are wrecking the Iranian economy, collapsing its currency, and generating serious hardship for its 75 million citizens. The U.S. military has that country almost completely encircled. The U.S. military behemoth, and Israel's massive nuclear stockpile and sophisticated weaponry, make the Iranian military by comparison look almost as laughable as Saddam's. Iran's scientists have been serially murdered on its own soil, their facilities bombarded with sophisticated cyber attacks, and dissident groups devoted to the overthrow of their government (ones even the U.S. designates as Terrorists) have been armed, trained and funded by Israel while leading American politicians openly shill for them in exchange for substantial payments.
On Wednesday, Greenwald cited an ABC evening report by Diane Sawyer and Brian Ross, saying their reporting belongs in a "war-mongering museum." Here's the clip:
And Greenwald notes:
this entire story is based on pure fabrication -- not just by accepting as Truth the Israeli and American accusation that Iran is behind these attacks, but far worse, continuously warning about Iranian attacks on synagogues and other targets inside the U.S. There is literally zero evidence that any of that is happening. The text on the website of ABC News displaying the Sawyer/Ross story expressly says: "Federal officials told ABC News that there is so far no specific intelligence of any threat to Israeli interests in the U.S." (that didn't make it into the TV broadcast). Yet here we have multiple media outlets -- including ABC - issuing incredibly inflammatory "warnings" that Iran may launch Terrorist attacks on Jewish houses of worships and other targets on U.S. soil, all based on pure speculation and fabrication. To call that reckless is to understate the case: given Sawyer's continuous 2002-like fear-mongering, it seems much more concerted than mere recklessness.
And just when he thought it couldn't get any worse, Greenwald on Friday was forced to respond to a report by CNN's Erin Burnett which he called the "worst of the worst" when it came to fear-mongering on Iran, writing:
I barely know what to say about it [...] but it really just mocks itself. It's the sort of thing you would produce if you set out to create a mean-spirited parody of mindless, war-hungry, fear-mongering media stars, but you wouldn't dare go this far because you'd want the parody to have a feel of realism to it, and this would be way too extreme to be believable. She really hauled it all out: WMDs! Terrorist sleeper cells in the U.S. controlled by Tehran! Iran's long-range nuclear missiles reaching our homeland!!!! She almost made the anti-Muslim war-mongering fanatic she brought on to interview, Rep. Peter King, appear sober and reasonable by comparison.
In Isfahan, Iran, an 80 year old woman stood defiantly in her doorway. Twenty baton-wielding Basij men arrived on motorcycles and threatened to enter her house in pursuit of a group of young demonstrators. Instead of running with fear or turning her back on the demonstrators, this woman looked the pursuers straight in the eye and said "You will not get past me."
In Isfahan, Iran, an 80-year-old woman stood defiantly in her doorway. Twenty baton-wielding Basij men arrived on motorcycles and threatened to enter her house in pursuit of a group of young demonstrators. Instead of running with fear or turning her back on the demonstrators, this woman looked the pursuers straight in the eye and said "You will not get past me."
Stories of extraordinary bravery and nonviolent defiance to aggression and injustice have slowly but consistently found their way over the Alborz Mountains and across rivers and oceans. They have found their way into the hearts and minds of people across the globe who have been captivated for the past week by this most unlikely of uprisings.
Iranians in Tehran, Shiraz, Isfahan, and Tabriz have flooded the streets demanding their voices be heard. We see and are inspired by their movement. We have also witnessed the reality of violent suppression and carry a heavy sorrow for the tragically lost lives.
Yet, unfortunately, in the U.S. the loudest voices framing the discussion about Iran come from right-wing conservatives who historically have repeated attempts to demonize and dominate Iran. The voices of solidarity from progressives and social justice activists who support the right of self-determination for Iran have not been raised as forcefully, if at all.
It is right to support President Obama's position to let the Iranian people determine their own future, if that support is part of a larger and louder campaign for justice. This support does not minimize the need for international solidarity.
The Iranian regime must be held responsible for the severe violations of International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The ICCPR upholds the right of all people to self-determination, to freedom of expression, to received and impart information, to freedom of assembly, and to vote in elections which guarantee the free expression of the will of the voters. The Iranian regime has continually violated these rights since the election and must be held accountable.
The leadership of Iran, and by this we mean the people on the streets, have lived the last week consistent with the principles of non-violent resistance in response to a coup.
Where are the voices of social justice and human rights activists in the U.S.? Where are our civil rights leaders and the leaders of nonviolent resistance? As the Iranians have stood side by side, and continue to do so, many on the left have come up with excuse after excuse as to why they remain silent.
Social justice activists must stand with Iranian activists now in order to prevent an ideological and dangerous intervention. Social justice activists must insist that the international community call for an immediate cessation against all human rights violations in Iran. Our commitment to freedom and self-determination cannot wane. Otherwise, we may have to ask ourselves, when we look back on these weeks, what did our silence say?
Whether you believe the election was a fraud is beside the point. What is happening today is a popular movement that deserves the solidarity of all people of goodwill. The state apparatus in Iran continues to withhold information and refuses to carry any burden of proof. They intend to prevail by smothering the resistance.
What is needed now by all supporters of the rule of law, social justice and human rights in the United States is strong support for the Obama administration's current position. Otherwise, a dangerous void is created in the conversation about Iran in which the same people who sang, "Bomb, bomb Iran" are positioning themselves to be seen as the liberators of the very people they threatened to attack. We can support the administration's position at present while urging the international community to condemn the violence used against civilians in Iran.
Over the past few years many groups and organizations have led campaigns against US intervention and war on Iran. Yet, the people who lead, donated to and supported much of this work have been too quiet in the last week, allowing conservatives to beat the drums of invasion louder than ever.
A woman at a prayer service for a fallen child said to one of the few remaining journalists in Iran, "I'm scared that all the blood shed for this cause may be wasted."
The movement for rule of law in Iran deserves our solidarity. To those that continue to fight for their rights in the face of the perpetrators of these crimes against humanity, "We stand with you!"
Those of us that live over the mountains and across the oceans from Iran cannot show the bravery of the 80-year-old woman in Isfahan, refusing to allow the Basij to beat innocent protesters. But, like the brave, Iranian woman we can scream from the top of our lungs to those who are trying to usurp this movement for conservative causes "You are not getting past us!"
Bitta Mostofi is an Iranian-American immigration and civil rights attorney who can be reached at bittamostofi@gmail.com.
In the Sherlock Holmes mystery, Silver Blade, it was the dog that didn't bark that fingered the killer. As Holmes explained to Watson, the reason for the silence, even as the victim was being murdered, was that the dog must have known the killer - its own master. Viola! Mystery solved.
In the Sherlock Holmes mystery, Silver Blade, it was the dog that didn't bark that fingered the killer. As Holmes explained to Watson, the reason for the silence, even as the victim was being murdered, was that the dog must have known the killer - its own master. Viola! Mystery solved.
In a similar fashion, amidst the most catastrophic presidency in the history of the country, it is the donkey that doesn't bray that identifies the culprit. And the culprit, of course, is the donkey's master. It is a who-dunnit of Olympian proportions, for the fate of the country hangs on its solution.
The extent of the disaster of the Bush presidency is almost beyond cataloguing. But it is worth trying in order to comprehend the stunning impotence of the Democrats in offering any meaningful opposition.
Through a torrent of naked lies, psychotic delusion, and calamitous incompetence, George Bush has mired the U.S. into what General William Odom (hardly a pacifist or leftist) has called, "the greatest strategic disaster in the history of the country."
The Iraq war has grievously, perhaps irreparably, damaged America's moral standing in the world. It was illegal in inception and has been savagely brutal in execution. It has caused thousands of American and hundreds of thousands of Iraqi deaths. It has consumed almost half a trillion dollars with the end nowhere in sight. It has undermined the reputation, if not, indeed, the capability of the U.S. military. It has done more to hasten the decline of American power in the world than anything in the past 100 years.
Besides the damage inflicted on America alone, Bush's war has dangerously destabilized the most incendiary region in the world, the Middle East, and has created the world's most fertile breeding ground for terror. His three "Axis of Evil" countries-Iraq, Iran, and North Korea-are immeasurably more threatening today than when Bush took office. North Korea, in particular, has acquired nuclear weapons in direct response to Bush's invasion of Iraq.
The wreckage on the economic front is almost as vast. Bush inherited massive budget surpluses but turned those immediately into massive deficits. While it took the nation 204 years to rack up its first $1 trillion of debt, Bush has added $3 trillion in only five years. The spiral of debt, driven by tax cuts for the rich, is out of control, even as the nation stands on the threshold of its 77 million Baby Boomers retiring, needing fiscal solvency more than ever.
Poverty is up 43% since Bush took office. More than five million people have lost their health insurance under Bush. Real median income has declined five years in a row, the first time since the Great Depression. Income inequality is the highest since the 1920s. More than a quarter of all manufacturing jobs have been lost since 2000. Oil costs more than twice what it did when Bush took office. These are the symptoms, not of economic might, but of decay, even collapse.
The trade deficit has exploded to over $800 billion per year requiring the sale each year of an equal amount of American assets to settle it. The U.S. must borrow more than $2 billion every day to pay for this breathtaking profligacy. It is China - our greatest strategic adversary - that loans us much of those sums. If China stops lending, the U.S. economy will utterly collapse. Never in our worst nightmares would we give our most threatening competitor such direct control over the nation's economic destiny. And, yet, that is where Bush's runaway debts have left us today.
On the environmental front, the world faces a potential catastrophe in global warming that is literally without precedent. Yet, far from taking even the most modest of precautionary steps, Bush denies even the existence of the problem and blunders on in his self- righteous arrogance, engorging his polluting friends and benefactors with the planet's environmental commons and making the problem perhaps irretrievably worse.
On the terror front, Bush was at best asleep at the switch on 9/11, an utter failure in defending the country against its greatest attack since the War of 1812. And this, despite being warned more than a dozen times of the approaching danger. He followed it up with the Patriot Act, the most dramatic rescission of civil liberties in the history of the nation.
Corruption is rampant, a de facto synonym for Bush governance. Lewis "Scooter" Libby is under indictment for lying to federal prosecutors. Tom DeLay is under indictment for laundering campaign contributions. Bill Frist is under investigation for insider trading. Randy Cunningham has been convicted in the biggest Congressional bribery case in the history of the country. Tens of billions of dollars have "disappeared" in Iraq, doubtless to find their way into future political black bag jobs. The windfalls to Bush's cronies in the weapons, logistics, and oil industries run to the tens of billions of dollars.
Bush's brazen and continuing campaign of illegal wiretapping poses a profound threat to the constitutional principle of checks and balances, the essence of the American form of government. It poses an equally grave threat to the right of the people to be free from harassment and unwarranted searches by the government, another fundament of the nation's founding ethos. Bush refers contemptuously to the Constitution as "a scrap of paper." It shows.
His other assaults on the America system of government began with the Republican theft of the election in 2000. Bush's brother had some 50,000 blacks removed from the voting rolls in the months before the election. While Florida blacks voted 90% for Al Gore, Bush "won" Florida by 534 votes. Only after the Republican-packed Supreme Court ordered a stop to the ballot counting was Bush declared the "winner." Still, had the full count continued, even with the removal of all the black voters, Al Gore would have won.
The Florida theft was followed up in Ohio in 2004, this time abetted by voting machines without audit trails, machines that were easily hacked by the private corporations that sold them and then used them to privately count the votes. Prior to the election, officials of the company operating the machines publicly declared they would "deliver Ohio" for Bush. And did they ever. A professional statistician from the University of Pennsylvania calculated the odds of an honest vote count at 250,000,000 to 1. No, we're not talking Zimbabwe or Uzbekistan. We're talking American presidential elections.
For this horrific - and still only partial - record of full-spectrum destruction, and despite the unremitting slavish adulation by the corporate media, the American people have decided Bush is callow, shallow, arrogant, bullying, dull, selfish, incompetent, and untrustworthy. By a margin of 2-to-1 they believe that the Iraq war was ill-advised and that it has failed. While Bush talks of tossing the turd to "future presidents" (note the plural), more than 60% of Americans want a plan for withdrawal.
Significant majorities believe Bush is not a competent steward in the war on terror, that his economic management has done more harm than good, that his illegal wiretapping must be held to account, that he is not a trustworthy person, and again, by almost 2-to-1, that he has taken the country down the "wrong track." It is impossible to find a president, Nixon included, who has inflicted more damage on his country and who is more deeply, viscerally despised by his own people.
Yet, despite all of these egregious failings of policy, this dripping smell-of-blood vulnerability in the polls, for all of this incomparable - indeed, unimaginable - legacy of devastation, there is not a single voice from the Democratic party that plausibly challenges Bush, his policy record, or Republican doctrine. How can that be?
The silence is beyond eerie. It is far beyond strange. It is almost surreal, as if we were living in a black and white movie without sound, trains of state plunging silently off of bridges of law into bottomless abysses of war, helpless damsels of the people tied writhing on the rails of justice awaiting ritualistic dismemberment by runaway locomotives of greed while the anxiously awaited hero-on-horseback somehow, inexplicably, fatally, never arrives.
Yes, yes, there are sporadic bleats of protest on one issue here, another there. They have to say something when the mikes are thrust into their faces, don't they? But the Democratic "leadership" are masters of media artifice, photogenic gurus of phony gravitas. There is the mock confrontation and the Kabuki theater play at challenging Bush - witness the staged challenge to Samuel Alito, humiliatingly transparent for being mounted only after it was numerically assured it could not actually succeed.
But where is the thundering anger at the destruction of the nation? Where is the outrage as our financial solvency is being destroyed, our moral standing defiled, our military broken, our sacramental precepts of governance strangled to death before our very eyes? Where is the righteous fury that must surely -surely!- attend such brazen plunder, such naked arrogation of power, such shameless, mocking deceit? Where is the leadership that will stand against such palpable treason? Where, in other words, are the Democrats?
They are nowhere to be found.
It is almost a parlor game to name a single national-stature Democrat to which the average American can attach ANY coherent stand on ANY major national issue. Hillary Clinton? A caricature of climbing, cautious calculation who would be wholly unknown and even more unknowable were it not for the serendipitous fact of her husband's celebrity. Hillary's line on Iraq is not that it was illegal, not that it shames everything America supposedly stands for, surely not that it must be ended, but literally, that it hasn't been done well enough. And now she's proving her national security bonafides once again by out hawking the manifestly failed, lunatic neo-con hawks on the invasion of Iran.
Joe Lieberman? A career consigliore for the pharmaceutical, insurance, and weapons industries, a Republican in drag, pathetically carrying water for Dick Cheney in the hope he might catch a few crumbs of power that fall from the Republican banquet table. Lieberman's take on Bill Clinton being serviced in the White House by a stalking intern? "The president's transgressions are too consequential for us to walk away and leave the impression that his behavior is acceptable for our nation's leader. On the contrary, they should be followed by some measure of public rebuke." His response to Russ Feingold's call for censuring Bush for his blatantly illegal, wholesale wiretapping of the American people? "I don't want to scold the president."
While there are a few courageous individuals willing to speak truth to power, they are exceptions that prove the larger rule. For every John Murtha calling for an end to the War in Iraq, there are a dozen Joe Bidens declaring, "I'm rooting for [Bush's] success." For every Russ Feingold calling for censure, there are hoards of fellow Democrats such as his neighboring state's Mark Dayton claiming such calls are "overreaching, grandstanding." For every Paul Hackett, true heroes of the War willing to challenge its morality at its core, there are phalanxes of Rahm Emanuels ready to stab him in the back and bring in "team players" who will robotically recite vapid, self-emasculating party catechisms.
In truth, Democratic party leaders will not, because they cannot, lead. Not a single one of them has the character, the courage, or the conviction to state simply what so many of the American people already know so well in their hearts: We are being ruthlessly lied to. We are less safe, not more so, as a result of our ill-conceived and botched military adventurism. Our economy is being stripped of its assets, given away piecemeal to wealthy insiders. In the place of past wealth, we are being shackled with unbearable debts for the purpose of binding us into servitude for generations to come. Our democracy and its hallowed Constitutional system of checks and balances are being dismantled before our eyes. The nation is dying.
The sad, apocalyptic truth is that the Democratic leadership has given up on America. Rather than reject the idea of empire, they embrace it. They might disdain inept execution by arrogant neo-cons but they do not begin to renounce the essential enterprise itself. They prattle on - Hillary-like - about how to do it better, more efficiently. They have resigned themselves and the country that we cannot compete in the world on the basis of hard work, discipline, industry, and ingenuity - the traditional paths to respect in the world, whether by persons or by nations. Instead, we are left to make our way in the world by raping, by plunder, by stealing the wealth of nations and people that are weaker than we are, not because it is right, not because there is any dignity or justice in it, but because we can.
The Democratic leadership has sold itself to the highest corporate and military bidders, offering its furtive political support to facilitate the looting of any assets, American or otherwise, that can be had for the taking. It is Democrats who make possible the retailing of "globalization" which is nothing so much as a blank check for corporate capital to arbitrage one country against another in its relentless pursuit of the cheapest labor and the weakest environmental laws. It was the Democrats who championed and pushed through NAFTA and the WTO.
It is the Democrats who similarly caved on Medicare, Roberts, Alito, bankruptcy, torture gulags, wiretapping, the immigration wall, tax cuts, and so much more. It is the Democratic leadership that speaks exultantly, rapturously, of "the magic of the market," and of "liberating the competitive spirit," all the while knowing that it means abandoning the American worker to the ravages of a bottomless spiral of downward mobility and inevitable immiserization. But rather than cast their traitorous acts as the regrettable betrayal they are, they spin their perfidy into yarns of opportunity, bolts of inspiration. Far from a broken nation, a bankrupt people, a lurking Stalinist regime, theirs is the more effective empire, the more efficient global economy, the kinder, gentler police state.
They are Potempkin "leaders", hired and sired from the same bank accounts as their Republican "adversaries," empty suits propped up by their corporate masters for the sole purpose of sustaining the illusion of opposition, but without any real intent to actually exercise it. They are political entrepreneurs, hawking their ability to round up the constituents and deliver the votes that will cheerily sell their own people down the drain. Their function in the political food chain is to occlude the fact of the corporate takeover of government, to pacify a restive public into quiescence that their democracy remains vital, that their interests are being looked out for, that their country remains their own.
In the waning years of the Roman Republic, as the nation was wracked by civil war within and by attack from without, Cicero wrote, "Anything more corrupt than the men and times of today cannot be conceived." Perhaps he was too peremptory. He then wrote to Julius Caesar, "The fate of the Republic hangs on the honor and steadfastness of a single man." There is no such man of honor, no such party of steadfastness in America today. Certainly not among the Democrats. The dogs are not barking. The donkeys are not braying. They know their masters. They know their place. We must look elsewhere for saviors.