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Their fortunes are the result of poisoning you, me, our children and grandchildren, every other living thing on Earth, and destroying the temperature stability of our atmosphere. This week it's horrifying to look out and see the world they are creating for the rest of us.
Public Citizen would like you to know that there are killers among us.
They wear $2,000 suits and travel in private jets, unbothered by the TSA or the teeming masses. Their children attend the finest universities in the world, and they vacation on private islands and yachts. Many “earn” more in a day than most Americans take home in a year; their positions ensure their heirs will never have to work a day in their lives.
Their fortunes are the result of poisoning you, me, our children and grandchildren, every other living thing on Earth, and destroying the temperature stability of our atmosphere. This week they’re arguably responsible, in part, for billions of dollars in losses, numerous deaths, and thousands of shattered lives in Southern California.
Illegitimate president-elect Trump is trying his best to cover for them, claiming that the fires ripping through the Los Angeles area are the fault of California’s Democratic governor, calling Gavin Newsome by a childish name to draw more attention to Trump’s efforts on behalf of the Republican Party’s most generous donors.
Oil industry executives and fossil fuel billionaires are the hands holding the smoking gun of climate change that have directly or indirectly caused tens of thousands of deaths and millions of people displaced worldwide over the past two decades. And now the fires in southern California.
Mainstream media is largely going along with Trump’s charade, choosing not to even mention — in the vast majority of their reports on the crisis — the role of climate change in the fires. And never, G-d forbid, mentioning the role of the fossil fuel industry in the climate change that has turned these fires from an annual nuisance into a hellscape.
It’s as frankly absurd as a TV news person reporting on a plane crash and, instead of asking aviation experts what caused it, simply lifting their collective shoulders with a helpless “shit happens” shrug.
But these fires — and the droughts and changing weather patterns that made them so severe — aren’t something that just happens by random happenstance, any more than an airliner crash.
And the oil industry has known for decades this day was coming.
In November, 1959, the famous scientist Edward Teller — the “Father of the H-Bomb” — was the keynote speaker at a conference on “The Energy of the Future” in New York, organized by the American Petroleum Institute and the Columbia Graduate School of Business. The news he conveyed to the assembled oil industry executives was stark:
“Whenever you burn conventional fuel, you create carbon dioxide. ... The carbon dioxide is invisible, it is transparent, you can’t smell it, it is not dangerous to health, so why should one worry about it? Carbon dioxide has a strange property. It transmits visible light but it absorbs the infrared radiation which is emitted from the earth. Its presence in the atmosphere causes a greenhouse effect ...
“It has been calculated that a temperature rise corresponding to a 10 per cent increase in carbon dioxide will be sufficient to melt the icecap and submerge New York. All the coastal cities would be covered, and since a considerable percentage of the human race lives in coastal regions, I think that this chemical contamination is more serious than most people tend to believe.”
This shocking news apparently provoked a scramble in the oil industry, probably similar to when the asbestos industry learned in the 1930s that their product caused lung cancer (the mesothelioma that killed my father), or in 1939 when the tobacco industry learned that smoking also killed people.
They set out to determine if Teller’s prediction was true. He’d predicted that CO2 levels would reach the point where they’d begin to seriously melt the polar and Greenland ice caps and alter weather patterns within a few decades, telling the oil executives at that 1959 meeting:
“At present the carbon dioxide in the atmosphere has risen by 2 per cent over normal. By 1970, it will be perhaps 4 per cent, by 1980, 8 per cent, by 1990, 16 per cent [about 360 parts per million, by Teller’s accounting], if we keep on with our exponential rise in the use of purely conventional fuels. By that time, there will be a serious additional impediment for the [heat] radiation leaving the earth.”
For the next decade, industry scientists went to work along with studies commissioned by major universities. One of the most well-known was a 1968 report the American Petroleum Institute hired the Stanford Research Institute to conduct. Its findings corroborated Teller’s prediction:
“Significant temperature changes are almost certain to occur by the year 2000, and these could bring about climatic changes. ... there seems to be no doubt that the potential damage to our environment could be severe. ... pollutants which we generally ignore because they have little local effect, CO2 and submicron particles, may be the cause of serious world-wide environmental changes.”
It was the first of dozens of studies the industry paid for or knew about, all predicting pretty much exactly what’s happening right now in Los Angeles, including major reports in 1979, 1982, and 1991.
And then the “climate denial” began.
Fossil fuel billionaires and their oil companies funded think tanks to promote skepticism, pushed frontmen onto radio and TV to claim that climate scientists and people like Al Gore were “in it for the money,” and began funding the campaigns of politicians willing to exchange the future habitability of the planet for a few decades of power and wealth.
In 2015, the Union of Concerned Scientists documented decades of internal industry memos and strategy sessions that were organizing, funding, and detailing roughly three decades of lies foisted on the American Public. The industry and its executives’ efforts were all, apparently, in the service of preserving their income stream and avoiding any liability for the deaths they knew would one day come as a result of their product poisoning our atmosphere.
And now that day is here. Oil industry executives and fossil fuel billionaires are the hands holding the smoking gun of climate change that have directly or indirectly caused tens of thousands of deaths and millions of people displaced worldwide over the past two decades. And now the fires in southern California.
Two-thirds of voters, according to a 2024 poll, believe the fossil fuel industry and its pampered executives should be held civilly responsible for the damage climate change is causing, and a plurality want them to face criminal charges.
Public Citizen published a 2023 report titled “Charging Big Oil with Climate Homicide,” including legal rationales and possible strategies for holding the killers in suits accountable by state and local prosecutors.
Will Los Angeles District Attorney Nathan Hochman or California Attorney General Rob Bonta have the courage to hold these companies and/or their executives accountable for the lies and deceptions they’ve funded that this week are killing Angelinos?
Will enough people call their members of Congress at 202-224-3121 to provoke investigations that could lead to congressional action?
Will our media ever begin to call out Trump and the alleged climate lies and deceptions of the industry that owns him?
And Doug Burgum proves it. Backing false climate solutions is hardly less corrosive than outright climate denial when it comes to the goal of mitigating climate change.
Trump has spent the month since the election firing off a rapid torrent of Cabinet picks. His nominees generally fall into two types: obviously whacko (see Pete Hegseth, Tulsi Gabbard, Kash Patel, RFK Jr.) and superficially normal (think Marco Rubio, Doug Burgum, Pam Bondi). While the headline-grabbing scandals and general trumpery of the first group easily draw scorn, it’s important that we not grade the second group on a credulous curve, overlooking the economic interests behind their soothingly conventional manner.
That’s a lesson we should remember from the last Trump administration, when scandal-plagued appointees like Scott Pruitt at EPA and Ryan Zinke at Interior were replaced by more circumspect villains like Andrew Wheeler at EPA and David Bernhardt at Interior. Wheeler and Bernhardt wreaked havoc on environmental, public health, and public lands protection while evading the mockery invited by their predecessors.
Even a wannabe-authoritarian like Trump wants his administration to have a veneer of power and legitimacy, and the scandals of Pruitt and Zinke compromised that illusion. As I recapped for our series of Trump retrospectives, Pruitt “misspent millions in public funds on 24/7 private security, first-class plane tickets, chartered jets, and renovations, while misusing EPA staffers to find his wife a job and do his personal errands,” while Zinke “resigned amid over a dozen ongoing ethics investigations.” Mockery can be politically useful, insofar as it deflates authoritarian egos. But corruption doesn’t have to be sensational to be consequential—and those are the harder stories to tell.
Trump’s pick for Interior Secretary and energy czar, the billionaire former software executive and North Dakota governor Doug Burgum, appears to be more in the mold of Bernhardt than Zinke: staunchly anti-regulation, pro-corporate, pro-oil.
Backing false climate solutions is hardly less corrosive than outright climate denial when it comes to the goal of mitigating climate change. It just makes Burgum a more slippery villain.
Bernhardt, a former oil lobbyist, had so many potential conflicts of interest at Interior that he walked around with a card listing them all. Burgum leases his family land for oil and gas drilling to Continental Resources, which is owned by his billionaire friend and collaborator Harold Hamm. Hamm’s name might be familiar to you, as he is the billionaire with whom Burgum is orchestrating Trump’s energy policies. Burgum also leases land to oil company Hess, whose billionaire CEO John Hess gave Burgum $25,000 for his 2016 gubernatorial campaign. Burgum’s spouse also owns over $100,000 of stock in fossil fuel companies, according to Burgum’s 2023 financial disclosure.
Harold Hamm organized the dinner between Trump and oil executives last spring where Trump asked for $1 billion in donations in order to demolish Biden’s climate agenda; Burgum attended it. (Eighteen days after that dinner, Hamm’s Continental Resources donated $1 million to Trump.) Hamm and other Big Oil executives present at that dinner have defied congressional Democrats’ requests for information about this meeting. John Hess, meanwhile, was scrutinized by the Biden administration’s Federal Trade Commission for colluding with OPEC and Saudi Arabia on oil pricing, and as a result of their preliminary investigation he was banned from joining Chevron’s board. Hess has said he may appeal this ban once Trump takes office. If confirmed, Burgum will have personal ties to these “drill-ionaires” in the crosshairs of federal oversight while helming the federal agency that leases the land and issues the permits to drillers.
Burgum told wealthy Trump donors that the “the No. 1 thing that President Trump could do on Day 1” would be to “stop the hostile attack against all American energy, and I mean all. Whether it’s baseload electricity, whether it’s oil, whether it’s gas, whether it’s ethanol, there is an attack on liquid fuels.” In reality, every single year of the Biden presidency, the U.S. produced more crude oil than any other nation at any other time, and remained the world’s largest methane gas producer, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.
Burgum is Bullish on Carbon Capture Bullsh*t
As governor of North Dakota, Burgum has been a vocal supporter of the controversial Summit Carbon Capture Pipeline, which would transport carbon captured from ethanol production facilities across state lines and sequester it underground in North Dakota. As Molly Taft brilliantly documented in “Unrest in Carbon Country,” opposition to Summit’s carbon pipeline and the use of eminent domain to seize land for it has united people across parties and walks of life in the rural Midwest.
Burgum’s support for the massive carbon pipeline project is unsurprising when you consider that Harold Hamm’s Continental Resources is one of the project’s main investors. But more broadly, Burgum’s support for carbon capture should not be understood as an admission of the need to mitigate climate change, but rather as an extension of a shrewd maneuver from the oil and gas industry to secure federal climate funding for a technology that helps them extract more oil and gas.
Capturing the carbon created as a byproduct of industrial processes in order to pump it back underground and recover more oil and gas from a well—also known as enhanced oil recovery (EOR)—has become increasingly important to the fossil fuel industry as oil reserves and the productivity of existing wells diminish. As the great Amy Westervelt explained last week:
“The carbon capture and storage (CCS) boom is neither a greenwashing campaign nor a genuine attempt to tackle carbon emissions, it has been driven almost entirely by the industry’s increasing reliance on EOR to deal with oil fields in decline. Compressed carbon turns out to be the best way to get dwindling oil reserves out of the ground, but it’s also one of the more expensive methods. Solution? Re-brand the process as a climate solution and get taxpayers to fund it. That is what the 45Q tax credit, passed as part of the Inflation Reduction Act, is all about.”
And that is definitely what carbon capture is about for the oil industry in North Dakota. The state’s primary drilling region, the Bakken formation, contains a massive amount of hard-to-get oil. The Bakken has a low “recovery factor” of less than 10 percent of oil in place being extracted. The fracking boom in the Bakken basin, which made Harold Hamm’s Continental Resources a fortune, unlocked more productivity for oil extraction. But enhanced oil recovery could potentially extend production further, prolonging the polluting lifespan of fossil fuel extraction even as major producers in the Bakken can foresee the time when production dwindles.
As Molly Taft reported for Drilled, “In April, North Dakota’s top oil and gas regulator warned that without importing CO2 from outside states, production in the Bakken could go into ‘terminal decline.’ Governor Burgum…called enhanced oil recovery carbon capture’s ‘biggest prize.’”
Earlier this year, Reutersreported that while Summit Carbon Solutions “has repeatedly pledged its project will not be used by drillers to boost output from oil fields,” its message to prospective clients from North Dakota’s oil industry is decidedly different: “if you want to use our project for enhanced oil recovery (EOR), where gas is pumped into oil fields to increase production, just write a check.”
Burgum’s support for carbon capture is among the factors that led some to view him as a less extreme pick than climate change deniers Chris Wright and Lee Zeldin, who Trump has tapped to head the Energy Department and the EPA. When he ran for president in 2023, USA Todayreported that “Burgum believes human activity has caused climate change, and as governor he made it a goal to get the Roughrider State carbon-neutral by 2030. But he rejects the Democratic worldview of using regulation to curtail fossil fuel use and instead emphasizes innovative technology to capture carbon emissions.” After Burgum was tapped by Trump for Interior, Politicodeemed Burgum to be “maybe the best hope for policymakers who favor an ‘abundance agenda.’”
Burgum’s selection has indeed gathered praise from pro-development voices on the center and right, including Alec Stapp of Institute for Progress, who called Burgum a “YIMBY abundance guy.” Joe Pitts of American Enterprise Institute called his selection “really, really good news.” Matt Yglesias called him “a totally solid pick who’ll do good things.” In what a telling glimpse into what the abundance agenda may be gunning for—cheap energy for AI data centers—Thomas Hochman of the Foundation for American Innovation tweeted that Burgum would help the U.S. “win the AI arms race.” Christopher Barnard of the American Conservation Coalition tweeted that he was “excited to see how [Burgum] drains the permitting swamp over the next 4 years.”
Backing false climate solutions is hardly less corrosive than outright climate denial when it comes to the goal of mitigating climate change. It just makes Burgum a more slippery villain. His gubernatorial track record gives us a sense of what we might expect from him at Interior. As governor, Burgum opposed a federal rule requiring gas companies to cut down on methane leaks when drilling on federal and tribal lands, while his state sued the Biden administration’s Interior Department for establishing conservation as a valid use of federal lands. Burgum opposed a federal rule reducing mercury emissions from coal plants that cause cancer, heart attacks, and developmental delays in children, while exempting the coal industry from $100 million in taxes over five years. Burgum applauded federal funding going to corporations pushing false climate solutions like carbon capture from coal production and gas-powered hydrogen production, but wants to repeal federal subsidies for consumers purchasing electric vehicles.
Unfortunately for the climate left, there will be little solace in “I told you so” when Burgum reveals himself to be just as irredeemably oily as the rest of Trump’s pollution promoters.
Capitalism is feeding on our "courageous" sense of optimism—as it swallows the planet whole.
I think of American political narratives as being like wayward car horns—unpleasant cacophonous noise blasting so discordantly that you still hear it after it stops. The repetition conveys a noxious habit—blaming victims and absolving the powerful. Thus, America crumbles and implodes, not from capitalist greed and institutional inequity, but from immigrant invasions.
Last week I wrote about the truly obscene and utterly weird climate narrative, often pouring from the keyboards of progressive writers—doomers have become the new deniers we are told. We have an extinction event, a potential checkout line for human evolution, and the target of our ire—the ones who fail to keep the wolf from the door are, uh.....people who have lost hope?
We live in a culture that grinds hope to smithereens, that pours its heart and soul into war, military hardware, expanded policing and fossil fuel extraction, while turning a blind eye to every form of suffering—discouragement is our national product. We have a depressed, checked out, poor population—in the tens of millions—that has aptly given up on voting. I worked for decades as an outreach mental health worker with very poor clients. Futility is the flip side of the American dream. My clients never felt that they had a shred of agency—they knew damn well that voting would never improve their lives. Our system is founded on the suffering of disempowered masses. Our "deaths of despair" parallel the phenomenon of climate doomerism.
In the climate narrative that now envelops us, it may be that all hope is false hope.
America “the paranoid,” has a time honored habit of directing its faux righteousness in tangential fashion. Most of us have never met a real live climate doomer, but even a casual excursion to the YouTube "doomisphere" reveals that the few self -identified doomers selling their wares on social media (to a tiny handful of subscribers) offer, perhaps, the most nuanced, detailed and intelligent climate narrative available. Doomers follow the science to a fork in the road where scientists often refuse to go. Scientists tell us that it is not too late—we (whoever we are) merely have to immediately and drastically reduce fossil fuel use and be at so called "net zero" in the next decade and a half. The doomers disabuse us of fantasies of net zero. "Hello," they call out—"capitalists have no intention of slowing down the orgy of fossil fuel consumption, and the public has been declawed with tales about renewable replacements."
In some bizarre, twisted media hallucination, the doomers have come to be the proxy targets for capitalism's death wish. We are shooting the messenger, and giving the perpetrator a free pass. This brings to mind the all-time greatest act of mass murder ever perpetrated upon the human race—the tetraethyl lead apocalypse of the 20th century. You might think of WWII or the Nazi Holocaust when you think of the all-time epic mass murder—tip your hat to the public relations brilliance of capitalism. You probably barely know about the bloody deeds of leaded gasoline—acts of boundless destruction that make Hitler and Pol Pot into evil children by comparison.
Leaded gasoline unleashed an episode of unabated horror upon the entire biosphere, with no government protections for half a century. Apart from the body count—in the tens of millions conservatively, along with the cognitive destruction of children (for lead is a devastating neurotoxin)—the lead epidemic perpetrated by the fossil fuel industry also set loose an ongoing narrative assault upon inner city people. In the U.S. the pundits and politicians blame the victims as a matter of choreographed practice. The leaded gasoline mass murder event resolved into a national narrative with mass hatred directed at our poorest citizens.
When the lead dust had settled, we had the prison industrial complex, the dismantling of safety nets, the explosion of neoliberal ideology and such tomes as "The Bell Curve" promoting a new vision of eugenics.
Inner cities had been catacombed with highways designed to separate urban Black neighborhoods from white suburbs. In these communities lead gas fumes attacked the developing brains of Black children, and contributed to enormous spikes in violent crime. The urban crime wave inspired racist political narratives and kick started the careers of Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. Lead exposure lowers IQ, reduces self-control and drives impulsive behavior. In America, neurological injuries from lead combined with available fire arms, poverty and lack of opportunity. These factors, in concert, drove murder rates through the roof. The U.S. murder rate reached a pinnacle in 1980 with 10.4 murders per 100,000 people—just in time for the election of Ronald "trickle down" Reagan. With the phasing out of leaded gasoline, murder rates incrementally dropped and now commonly register at a little more than half of the peak established just prior to the election of Ronald "I doubled the prison population" Reagan in 1980. Of course, even without lead poisoning from auto fumes, we are still the most violent developed nation on earth. This piece is not about American military values and the second amendment.
The prison industrial complex may seem to have little to do with climate doomers, and, indeed, the casual scapegoating of a few discouraged people who tell us that we have little hope of avoiding societal collapse may seem trivial when set beside the brutality and racism of the U.S. carceral state. But we have at least a vague parallel that is worth contemplating—in the U.S., media and politicians have a habit of pointing fingers at innocent victims.
Newspaper pundits and politicians, in the 80’s and 90’s, bloviated about "super predators." They systematically directed hatred toward the victims of tetraethyl lead. The leaded gasoline mass murder event, we now understand, was only a warm up act (pardon the pun) for the ultimate fossil fuel industry crime—the total erasure of the biosphere. And who should the public hold accountable for the probable and looming genocide of all living things? Doomers! People who tell us that the corporate empire and the elected bots that feed at donor troughs are so intent on slaughtering us that we likely cannot do anything to stop them. Once again, we find pundits intent on tangential targets to blame. People who feel hopeless have nothing to do with the source of the problem. They are, like those destroyed by leaded gas fumes, victims of a process they had no part in creating.
Here is an interview of my favorite doomer—Elliot Jacobson who tells us that hope is our enemy, hope drives our collective delusions. Jacobson references a Harvard study that suggested that activism and hope have an inverse relationship. You may not resonate with Jacobson's darkness or analysis but he projects an air of integrity that is quite rare in climate discourse.
In the climate narrative that now envelops us, it may be that all hope is false hope. I believe that any activist movement ought to proceed from the starting point that success is unlikely and catastrophe can only be reduced. Critically, capitalism must be named —there is no credible climate story that fails to trace our unwinnable predicament to the headwater of the market economy.
By the way, whatever happened to the perpetrators of the leaded gasoline mass murder event? You probably know the names of the two most culpable GM leaders who refused to use grain alcohol to make their gasoline provide a smooth ride. Grain alcohol would have worked as well as tetraethyl lead and would not have murdered countless millions and destroyed the minds of children. But GM had a patent on tetraethyl lead, and grain alcohol belonged to the public domain. In other words, GM executives knowingly committed mass murder for profit and hired credentialed academic whores to confuse the public with bullshit research. Leaded gasoline butchered millions and inspired the invention of pseudoscience (which now sustains our climate catastrophe), but the story gets even worse.
Our system is founded on the suffering of disempowered masses. Our "deaths of despair" parallel the phenomenon of climate doomerism.
You have all heard of one of the world's great cancer research and treatment centers, The Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center. Alfred Sloan and Charles Kettering were the leaders of GM who presided over the bloodiest extermination event of the twentieth century. For that, we honor them with eternal recognition and fame. That is how capitalism works.
You might wonder what sort of massive, multi-trillion dollar reparations have been given to the millions of victims of GM’s crimes, but you probably intuitively know. The survivors and descendants of those whose minds became collateral damage to profits got nothing. They are still being fed to the carceral state. That is how capitalism works.
One small request—can we stop blaming our environmental predicament on doomers? Rather, we need to listen to them carefully.