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The Louisiana state prison has been known for brutal working conditions, solitary confinement, and violence.
As a court in Fort Myers, Florida prepared to hold the first hearing on the legal rights of immigrants detained at "Alligator Alcatraz," the Everglades detention facility that a federal judge ordered to be shut down last month, US Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem on Wednesday said the Trump administration has found a new prison to house arrested migrants, and boasted that detainees will likely get "a message" from the facility the government selected.
The administration has struck a "historic" deal with the Louisiana state government, said officials Wednesday, and will begin detaining hundreds of immigrants in a new facility at the notorious Louisiana State Penitentiary, commonly called Angola and well known for its long history of violence and brutality against inmates as well as inhumane conditions.
Noem said in a press conference Wednesday that the prison, a former slave plantation, has "absolutely" been chosen due to its reputation for brutal working conditions—over which a group of inmates sued last year—use of solitary confinement, including for teenage prisoners; lack of access to clean water, sufficient food, and adequate hygiene; and violence.
"Absolutely, this is a facility that's notorious. It's a facility—Angola prison is legendary—but that's a message that these individuals that are going to be here, that are illegal criminals, need to understand," said Noem.
"Angola has a particularly dark history of abuse and repression that's almost singular in prison history in the United States."
An isolated section of the nation's largest maximum-security prison will house "the worst of the worst" criminal offenders who are immigrants, said Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry, a Republican, after whom the Angola facility has apparently been named. The area where up to 400 immigrants will be held is being called Camp 57, an homage to Landry, who is the state's 57th governor.
Landry issued an emergency declaration in July to expedite repairs in the facility, which hasn't held prisoners since 2018 due to security and safety risks stemming from its deteriorating condition.
"Angola has a particularly dark history of abuse and repression that's almost singular in prison history in the United States," Eunice Cho, senior counsel at the National Prison Project at the American Civil Liberties Union, told The New York Times.
As with Alligator Alcatraz, the administration has come up with a nickname for the detention and deportation center: "Louisiana Lockup."
Landry emphasized Wednesday that "the most violent offenders" will be held in the facility, and said that "if you don't think that they belong in somewhere like this, you've got a problem."
The center, which is being run by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) contractors, was already housing 51 detainees as of Wednesday and is expected to hold up to 200 by the end of September.
Noem named examples of people convicted of crimes including murder, sexual assault, battery, and possession of child sexual abuse imagery, who would be sent to the Angola facility.
The administration's comments echoed earlier statements about Alligator Alcatraz, where officials said "the worst of the worst" would be held while they awaited deportation.
The Miami Herald and The Tampa Bay Times reported in July that just a third of about 900 people held at the facility had been convicted of crimes, which ranged from serious offenses to traffic violations. More than 250 people had never been convicted or charged with any crime.
One analysis in June found that nearly two-thirds of migrants who had been rounded up by ICE in the first months of Trump's second term did not have criminal convictions.
The closer we get to the millions of people who are facing evictions or already unhoused, the more likely we are to be motivated to do something about it.
Before the Super Bowl brought global attention and hundreds of thousands of visitors to New Orleans in February, Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry cleared out over 100 unhoused people from downtown, busing them to an unheated warehouse miles away.
In our community of Indianapolis, advocates fear similar clear outs will happen when a planned city shelter outside the downtown area is finished.
Which makes me think of Stanley Milgram and Bryan Stevenson.
“On that fifth day, the weather was very cold and rainy. All I could think about was the young dad and his son without a home, with a job disrupted, and the young boy missing school.”
Milgram was the Yale University psychologist who conducted the famous experiments in the 1960s that showed a disturbing willingness of study participants to follow orders to administer what they thought were powerful electric shocks to other study participants.
The unsettling results remain widely known. But one component of Milgram’s experiments is less often discussed: The study participants were far less likely to administer the shocks if they could hear or see the victims of their actions.
Milgram used the word “proximity” to describe that variable. Which is the same term that Bryan Stevenson uses when he describes how we can change the world.
Stevenson is the attorney behind the book Just Mercy and the film of the same name, and founder of the Equal Justice Initiative. Stevenson traces his lifelong devotion to ending mass incarceration and promoting racial justice back to an event when he was still a law student. While interning for a human rights organization, Stevenson was assigned to go to a maximum-security prison in Georgia and deliver some procedural case news to a man on death row.
But the planned brief meeting turned into a three-hour deep, wide-ranging conversation. At the end of his time with Stevenson, the prisoner sang the hymn, “I’m Pressing on the Upward Way.”
Which launched Stevenson on his lifelong trajectory devoted to seeking justice. “It’s because I got close enough to a condemned man to hear his song,” he says. “When you get proximate, you hear the songs. And those melodies in those songs will empower you, they will inspire you, and they will teach you what doing justice and loving mercy is all about.”
What Gov. Jeff Landry, Stanley Milgram, and Bryan Stevenson can all tell us is this: The closer we get to the millions of people who are facing evictions or already unhoused, the more likely we are to be motivated to do something about it.
Carolyn Kingen can tell us that, too.
A retired critical care cardiac nurse, Kingen in 2020 joined some of her fellow members of the Meridian Street United Methodist Church in Indianapolis for a book study group that chose to read Matthew Desmond’s Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City. After reading and talking about the horrors of our nation’s eviction crisis, where 3.6 million households face forced removal from their homes each year, the group decided to see for themselves.
On one of Kingen’s first visits to eviction court, she heard a father of a seven-year-old boy explain to the judge that he had fallen behind on rent because he had not received expected overtime pay from his job. But, the father said, the overtime boost would be coming through in his next paycheck, which was arriving in a week. He could catch up on rent then, and pay late fees too.
The judge, unmoved, ordered the family to be evicted within five days. “The entire case lasted three or four minutes,” Kingen recalls. “In those few minutes, the decision was made that an employed father and mother had to pack their belongings and get out.”
“On that fifth day, the weather was very cold and rainy. All I could think about was the young dad and his son without a home, with a job disrupted, and the young boy missing school.”
Experiences like this spurred Kingen and the book group to create a Housing Justice Task Force in their church, and then join with other congregations of different faiths to create the Indiana Eviction Justice Network. I teach a law school clinic where my students and I represent people facing eviction in the same area. I can attest that the presence of court watchers changes the tenor of the proceedings, ramping up the respect paid to tenants facing the loss of their homes.
And the eviction court watchers go beyond the doors of the courtrooms. They take the proximity-provided lessons and use them to advocate with elected officials and the judges themselves. Rabbi Aaron Spiegel, who as director of the Greater Indianapolis Multifaith Alliance coordinates the court-watching program, connects the volunteers with lawmakers to push for housing reforms like mediation before eviction orders, sealings of past eviction records, living wages, and more and better affordable housing.
“Court watchers often know more about systemic housing issues than the elected officials they are talking to,” Spiegel says. Earlier this year, court watchers mobilized to lobby Indiana legislators in opposition to a bill that would have criminalized sleeping in public spaces. Last month, the legislation was withdrawn by its sponsor.
Court proceedings are open to the public, and several other communities across the country, in places like Greensboro, North Carolina; Houston, and Chicago, have court-watching programs, often connected to justice advocacy.
Kingen and many of the other court watchers are motivated by their faith or moral principles. “We are called to care for the poor, the orphans, widows—and in today’s society, we would include any group that is shunned or rejected,” she says. “I try to see Christ in the faces of every person I meet.”
Rabbi Spiegel says this same call to action crosses faith and moral traditions. “All religious traditions teach that we must take care of the ‘least among us’ and as such, housing is a human right,” he says.
The proximity Carolyn Kingen experiences in court allows her to see in those facing eviction not just the divine but herself as well. Kingen recalls a time when she could not pay her rent, but was fortunate enough to have a family member step up to help. “Each time I court watch, I try to remind myself that I could be that tenant appearing before the judge,” she says.
Placing herself in the shoes of those facing homelessness is far easier to do when she can be in the same room and hear their stories, Kingen says. Court proceedings are open to the public, and several other communities across the country, in places like Greensboro, North Carolina; Houston, and Chicago, have court-watching programs, often connected to justice advocacy.
Check and see if there is a program in your community. And if there isn’t, maybe consider helping start one yourself.
Trump spoke in support of a controversial new Louisiana law that requires the display of the commandments in all public classrooms, which progressives have said is a prime example of Christian nationalism in action.
Presumptive Republican nominee Donald Trump on Saturday endorsed the display of the Ten Commandments in schools while speaking at a conference of religious conservatives, raising concerns among progressives of a rising tide of Christian nationalism.
Trump made the comments as keynote speaker at a Faith and Freedom Coalition conference in Washington, D.C., after Louisiana adopted a law this week that requires the display of the Ten Commandments in all public classrooms.
"Has anyone read the 'Thou shalt not steal'?" he said. "They think it's such a bad thing. I mean, has anybody read this incredible stuff? It’s just incredible," Trump said. “They don’t want it to go up. It’s a crazy world."
Trump: Who likes The Ten Commandments going up in schools? Has anybody read the thou shalt not steal? I mean has anybody read this incredible stuff? pic.twitter.com/o7HFNymLfX
— Acyn (@Acyn) June 22, 2024
Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry, a Republican, signed the bill into law on Wednesday—the first state to enact such a law in recent memory.
The law requires primary, secondary, and postsecondary classrooms to display the commandments in "large, easily readable font" by the start of 2025. The display must also state that the commandments "were a prominent part of American public education for almost three centuries"—a debatable contention.
Rights groups immediately condemned the law, calling it "blatantly unconstitutional" and announcing a planned lawsuit. The U.S. Supreme Court, which could end up with the case, struck down a similar law from Kentucky in 1980, but is now under a conservative super majority.
Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito was recently called a "crusader for Christian nationalism" by a critic following a series of controversies, including a leaked audio tape in which he said that the country needs to return to being "a place of godliness" and that there were fundamental issues on which no compromise with "the left" could be brooked.
Trump's endorsement of the Ten Commandments law comes as he seeks to sure up evangelical support even though he declined to support a national abortion ban—the next step on the anti-choice agenda. During his speech, he did say, in an apparent effort to placate his audience, that there was "a vital role for the federal government in protecting unborn life." He also implored attendees, "Go and vote, Christians, please!"
Trump's speech followed a social media post on Friday in which he'd expressed support for the display of the commandments, not just in public schools but other private schools and "many other places."
"This may be, in fact, the first major step in the revival of religion, which is desperately needed in our country," he wrote on Truth Social, which is owned by Trump Media. "Bring back [the Ten Commandments]!!!"
Neither his position on the national abortion ban nor revelations from his personal life have had a noticeable impact on Trump's popularity with evangelicals.
"Somehow, despite his philandering, lying, business fraud, and numerous other violations of the Ten Commandments, he continues to be thought of as a person of faith by 64 percent of Republicans," The New Republic's Hafiz Rashid wrote.
Louisiana's Ten Commandments law is a prime example of Christian nationalism in action, Sarah Jones wrote in New York.
"Christian nationalists are looking to score points against their foes—and win an ideological war in the process," she wrote. "If America is a Christian nation, nobody else truly belongs. Not atheists, not Muslims, not Jews, not even other Christians who disagree with their interpretation of the Bible. That's a lesson Louisiana Republicans hope to impart to Americans as children."
With Trump's success in the Republican primaries and relatively high polling numbers, progressive thinkers have this year ramped up their warnings about the threat that Christian nationalism poses to democracy.
"A society where one set of religious views is imposed on a large number of citizens who disagree with them is not a democracy," Robert Reich wrote in a Common Dreams op-ed in February. "It's a theocracy."