

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
After a painful political and intellectual struggle, I have also reached a conclusion I never expected. At this stage, Palestinians living in Israel are too weak to carry on our boycott of elections—and our very survival is on the line.
In almost every interview I have conducted in recent weeks, and in nearly every conversation with Palestinian citizens of Israel on the streets of our towns, I have heard the same fear.
People are no longer talking primarily about civil rights, equality or better living conditions. They are talking about survival, and about whether they will be able to remain on their land.
At the entrances to our towns, Israeli election billboards are everywhere. Among them are those of the Religious Zionism party, whose leaders advocate extending the land seizures and settlement building pursued in the occupied West Bank to the Galilee and the Naqab, or Negev.
These messages confront us on the roads we travel, at the entrances to the places we call home.
How are people supposed to carry on calmly amid such threats?
For many people I have spoken to, voting is not about faith in parliamentary politics or expecting an Israeli government to deliver justice. It is an attempt to protect themselves, or at least to delay what they fear is coming.
As Palestinian political activity inside Israel has faced severe restrictions since 7 October 2023, voting remains one of the few political acts that does not carry the risks associated with protest.
My father is 70 years old. He has never voted in an election to Israel's parliament, the Knesset. This time, he will.
He is the son of a displaced Palestinian family and spent his childhood under Israeli military rule. Now he fears for our future on this land, for his grandchildren, and for the possibility that his family's history could repeat itself. He does not underestimate the danger. Neither do I.
Since 2018, I have held a clear ideological position against participating in Israel's Knesset elections.
I believed, and still believe, that our presence in this framework has harmed our political discourse. Too much of our struggle has been reduced to parliamentary work, while building independent political tools and organising ourselves as a community have been pushed aside.
In fundamental ways, this framework contradicts our vision of liberation and an end to the occupation. That is why I chose to boycott.
But today I find myself questioning that decision. After a painful political and intellectual struggle, I reached a conclusion I never expected. At this stage, we are too weak to boycott.
I turned down invitations to join initiatives encouraging Palestinians to vote. How could I ask others to vote when I was unsure myself? As a journalist, I covered the election campaign without calling on anyone to vote or boycott, and I stepped away from the noise to wrestle with my thoughts. It was exhausting.
At this stage, we are too weak to boycott
I have watched Israeli society's shift further towards the far right since 7 October, alongside the weakness and paralysis of Palestinian politics. Even amid a genocide in Gaza that has killed more than 74,000 Palestinians, the Palestinian political leadership has failed to agree on a decision that could bring us together. Well, except for postponing Palestinian elections.
We are at rock bottom. We cannot even secure the simple right to harvest our olives safely. We lack effective political tools, a unifying national project and a clear way out of this devastation. There is nothing wrong with admitting it.
For me, boycott is not a moral position that can simply hang in the air. It is a political tool. It must have meaning, impact and a place within a larger political project, or at least offer an alternative.
An individual's refusal to participate can express a principle. A collective boycott that can challenge a system requires organisation, shared objectives and a way to turn refusal into political power.
I am not questioning the legitimacy of boycott. I am questioning what it can achieve now, when that collective project is missing. If participation cannot liberate us, and boycott offers no practical alternative, what do we do with the few possibilities that remain?
I have listened to people who want to vote even if all they hope for is to delay the demolition of a single home. Yet the fear now reaches beyond demolitions to displacement from the Naqab and the Galilee. "We're next," I hear everywhere.
When people fear losing their homes and land, how can I dismiss their concerns from the comfort of political theory?
We are a frightened community, and I do not think we fully understand the political and moral meaning of simply remaining: holding on to our place, surviving and enduring in the face of war and killing. That, too, is resistance.
How many around us have considered leaving? How many already have? How many of us have quietly wondered whether we can go on living here? The right to remain is no longer something we can take for granted.
We need reasons and resources to remain. I do not believe the Knesset itself can provide them. What matters is whether people coming together around Arab electoral lists might also rebuild collective political action beyond parliament.
Our crisis will not be solved by a few more Knesset seats. We need to rebuild ourselves politically and socially, far beyond any election.
I will vote.
I know that any alternative government would be no dove of peace. Changing governments will not end the occupation, dismantle colonial structures or transform a system built on Jewish supremacy. I have no illusions about that.
But I cannot bear the thought of Benjamin Netanyahu, Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir remaining in power for another year. I want to see these blood-soaked men defeated, even if only for a moment. Anger is not a political strategy, but neither can I pretend it plays no part in my decision.
I understand the argument that Palestinian participation can help Israel present itself as a democracy while concealing structures of domination and inequality. Yet after all this bloodshed, I struggle to see how my ballot could restore the state's moral legitimacy. Participating does not mean endorsing the system; it means making a choice within the narrow space still available.
Perhaps political change will not prevent catastrophe. Perhaps it will only delay it, giving people a moment to breathe. When possibilities are so scarce, I do not want to let even one slip away.
I will vote for the slightest possibility that conditions might improve for Palestinian prisoners, even though their cause does not receive the place it deserves on Arab parties' electoral platforms.
And I cannot turn away from the pleas of Palestinians on the other side of the wall: "For God's sake, get this government off our backs. We just need to breathe, even if only for a little while."
I am not presenting voting as salvation. My reservations remain. I still believe liberation will not come through the Israeli parliament, but through our ability to build institutions, organize collectively and act as a people. Yet political convictions must remain accountable to the lives of those in whose name we hold them.
I think of my father, who lived seven decades without voting in an Israeli election and now plans to do so because he fears for his grandchildren. I cannot dismiss what that means, or the concerns of the many others who see a ballot as one remaining attempt to protect their place on this land.
I will go to the ballot box carrying all my old doubts with me. And at this rock bottom, I do not want to leave a single stone unturned.
"What we saw today was an attempt to copy the illegal practices used in Gaza, in the heart of the West Bank,” said one Israeli lawyer. “They want to wipe out entire areas exactly as they did in Gaza."
Israeli forces on Friday began demolishing homes and businesses and forcibly evacuating residents near Hebron in the illegally occupied West Bank following a Palestinian resistance attack that killed two Israeli soldiers.
"First, we will destroy this place and completely transform it, but we will do something that has never been done before," Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said at the scene of the shooting attack that took place earlier Friday near Hebron Junction. "We will evacuate the residents, go from house to house, remove weapons from there as well, and deal with and destroy all terrorist infrastructure."
"We will consider expanding this model to other cities as well," Netanyahu added.
The prime minister also ordered the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to “immediately impose a lockdown on Hebron and prepare for a full lockdown" of the entire West Bank, while vowing to launch the largest military operation in the occupied territory since it was conquered during the 1967 Six-Day War and subsequently ethnically cleansed of more than 100,000 Palestinians.
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz also vowed that neighborhoods associated with the attackers would be "evacuated"—a word that critics call a euphemism for ethnic cleansing—"just like in Gaza; just like in Lebanon."
Far-right Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich echoed those calls.
"There is no other option but a comprehensive military campaign in Judea and Samaria to dismantle the Palestinian Authority, collect weapons, and eliminate terrorists," he said, referring to Israel's name for the West Bank.
"Exactly like in Gaza and Lebanon," Smotrich added.
Israeli forces have killed or wounded more than 250,000 people in Gaza since the Hamas-led attack of October 2023, while forcibly displacing around 1.9 million residents and destroying or damaging more than 80% of the strip's structures. In Lebanon, nearly 40,000 people have been killed or injured by Israeli attacks over the same period, during which there were two waves of mass displacement in which more than a million people were forced from their homes each time. Dozens of Lebanese villages have been flattened.
Demolition and displacement were the order of the day in the West Bank Friday as Israeli bulldozers began demolishing homes after Netanyahu's announcement, even as local residents said their properties had no connection to the attack on the slain IDF troops.
The Times of Israel reported that soldiers ordered Palestinians in the Farsh al-Hawa area to evacuate ahead of demolitions, with footage showing residents being pushed out as their belongings were loaded onto trucks.
“We are already here with the equipment on the ground, sending an unequivocal message to our enemies: If you mess with us, we will exact a very, very painful price from you,” Smotrich said in Farsh al-Hawa.
Israel’s High Court intervened and issued a temporary order to halt demolitions after Arab-Israeli human rights lawyer Mohammed Dahleh filed an urgent petition on behalf of two factory owners who claimed the destruction violated Israeli law as well as international prohibitions on collective punishment.
“What we saw today was an attempt to copy the illegal practices used in Gaza, in the heart of the West Bank,” Dahleh told The Guardian. “They want to wipe out entire areas exactly as they did in Gaza and the refugee camps in the West Bank.”
Another Israeli human rights attorney, Michael Sfard, called Smotrich's video announcement a "direct admission" of collective punishment.
The demolitions and forced evacuations are unfolding amid a wider Israeli campaign of home destruction, settler pogroms and other deadly violence, and displacement that Palestinian rights advocates and United Nations officials have called ethnic cleansing.
Palestinian olive harvesters, as well as international solidarity activists accompanying them, journalists covering settler attacks, and even international diplomats have come under attack by IDF-backed settler terrorists. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said earlier this week that between September 1 and October 12, Israeli settlers carried out 199 attacks connected to the harvest, killing one Palestinian, injuring 124, and damaging more than 2,500 trees and saplings.
According to OCHA, over 1,130 Palestinians—at least 250 of them children—have been killed by Israeli soldiers and settlers in the West Bank since October 2023.
Friday's developments came four days ahead of Israel's elections, in which the ruling far-right coalition is trying to boost support among voters, including settler colonists pushing the government to annex the West Bank.
Netanyahu has vowed to annex all settler colonies. Smotrich has presented a plan to annex approximately 82% of the West Bank, excluding six major Palestinian cities. Ben-Gvir wants to annex the entire West Bank.
Israel's actions on Friday drew widespread condemnation.
“Israeli leaders are publicly announcing plans for collective punishment and acts that could constitute war crimes,” the Israeli human rights group B'Tselem said, while imploring “governments and international institutions to act now, using all means available under international law, to prevent the forcible displacement of Palestinian civilians, collective punishment, and extensive unlawful destruction in Hebron.”
"Meanwhile, ministers and MKs threaten to nuke Gaza, starve the population, annex the West Bank, call to arrest journalists and enshrine Jewish law. This is who gets the all-clear," noted one Israeli writer.
On the heels of voting to disqualify all Arab-majority political parties and multiple candidates from Israel's October 27 Knesset election, the Israeli Central Elections Committee on Thursday declined to bar various far-right parties—a series of events that critics condemned as anti-democratic and racist.
The CEC—which is chaired by a Supreme Court justice but dominated by members of the Knesset's governing coalition—rejected petitions to ban National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir's Otzma Yehudit, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich's Religious Zionism, and Zehut, founded by Moshe Feiglin, a former member of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Likud party.
"Under Israel's Basic Law on the Knesset, candidates and party slates can be barred from elections for rejecting Israel's existence as a Jewish and democratic state, inciting racism, or supporting armed struggle by an enemy state or terrorist organization against Israel," explained Haaretz.
In an unsuccessful bid to bar the Otzma Yehudit slate, Gilad Kariv, a member of the Knesset for the Democrats, declared that "Ben-Gvir is not a right-wing Zionist; he is a racist Kahanist who has been convicted of incitement to racism and supporting a terrorist organization."
While the panel ultimately refused to pass petitions on the right-wing parties, the previous day, it voted to disqualify the United Arab List—also known as Ra'am and led by Member of the Knesset Mansour Abbas—and the Joint List, an alliance made up of the parties Balad, Hadash, and Ta'al.
The committee disqualified the Joint List on grounds including its alleged rejection of Israel's existence as a Jewish and democratic state and support for armed struggle against it, and the United Arab List on those grounds, plus incitement to racism.
Sharply condemning the "political, racist, and anti-democratic decision," the Joint List said that "Netanyahu and Ben-Gvir know that the only way they can remain in power is by disqualifying Arab political representation and suppressing voter turnout in Arab society. This is how they seek to pave their way to another term."
"It is deeply regrettable to see that those who claim to seek to replace Netanyahu are once again falling into the racist trap set by Netanyahu and Ben-Gvir and lending their support to this political campaign," the coalition continued. "In doing so, they are contributing to the continued racist persecution of the entire Arab public, deepening racism, and perpetuating the rule of Netanyahu and his political partners."
"The Joint List is the only party that has placed at the forefront of its platform the struggle for democracy for all, genuine equality, justice and comprehensive peace. It is the only alternative to the racist policies of Netanyahu and Ben-Gvir," it added.
Dov Waxman, a professor of Israeli studies at the University of California, Los Angeles, similarly suggested on social media Wednesday that the CEC disqualified the Arab-majority parties "to delegitimize" them "in the minds of Israeli Jewish voters, and they want to do that in order to make it harder for the opposition to form a coalition government."
An opposition coalition including Ra'am "is the most likely way that an alternative, Eisenkot-led government could take power if the anti-Netanyahu bloc wins the election," Waxman added, referring to Yashar's Gadi Eisenkot.
The CEC on Wednesday also disqualified MK Ofer Cassif of the left-wing Arab-Jewish Hadash party and Balad's leader, Sami Abu Shehadeh. The Times of Israel noted that a representative for Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara reaffirmed her "position that none of the petitions before the CEC had sufficient grounds except the one against Abu Shehadeh."
"All opposition parties—Gadi Eisenkot's Yashar, Naftali Bennett's B'Yachad, Yair Golan's Democrats, Avigdor Liberman's Yisrael Beytenu, and Benny Gantz's Blue and White—backed the petition" against the Balad leader, as did Supreme Court Justice Noam Sohlberg, the panel's chair, according to The Times of Israel.
"The backing of Sohlberg and Baharav-Miara raises the prospect that the Supreme Court may uphold the decision, despite its historically high threshold for disqualifying candidates and its repeated overturning of such decisions by the committee," the newspaper added, pointing to plans for the justices to consider the decisions next week.
Otzma Yehudit sought to disqualify Abu Shehadeh over an article in which he called the Hamas-led October 2023 attack on Israel—which led to the ongoing Israeli assault on the Gaza Strip widely denounced as genocide—as "an important historic event militarily, politically, and strategically."
As Haaretz detailed:
Abu Shehadeh said he regretted writing the article at the center of the request to disqualify him. "I wrote it on October 7, and I didn't know the scale of the atrocities. If I had known, I would not have written it this way," he said. "I agree with the justified criticism of the article. I should not have written it, and I should have clearly condemned [the attack]."
"My intention was for the military campaign to be halted and for the parties to move to a diplomatic track led by the Palestinian Authority and Arab states," he explained.
As for Cassif, whose ban was spearheaded by Likud, he said that "the disqualification requests are intended to achieve the complete delegitimization of Arab society and Israeli-Arab partnership, and to perpetuate totalitarian rule and majority tyranny," according to the newspaper.
"There is no contradiction between the absolute condemnation I have expressed of the Gaza massacre and the war crimes being committed by the Israeli government, and the absolute condemnation I have expressed of the October 7 massacre and Hamas' horrific crimes," he added.
After the Wednesday decisions, the Haifa-based rights group Adalah said in a statement that "the hearings, like the motions themselves, showed once again that this is an arbitrary, inciting, and racist process, devoid of any legal process. The CEC conducted an illegitimate political process aimed at persecuting ideas the majority does not accept, and it ended with the disqualification of all Palestinian representation in the Israeli Knesset."
"The CEC approved every disqualification motion except a separate motion against Balad/Tajammu' alone, which it rejected on procedural grounds," noted Adalah—which "represented all the political party lists and individual candidates before the CEC, and will represent them against these decisions before the Supreme Court."
The vice president of the European Parliament condemned what she described as "a horrific spectacle that turns the death penalty into a show."
Still drawing international censure for his genocidal call to kill dozens of Gazans daily, Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir faced fresh condemnation Thursday after visiting the construction site of a gallows where Palestinians convicted of killing Israelis are set to be hanged to death, with select Israelis gathering as spectators.
Ben-Gvir, leader of the far-right Jewish Power party, posted a video to social media in which he gloats about the construction of gallows, which is being built in an undisclosed location in central Israel.
“I promised to worsen the conditions of terrorists in prisons—we kept it,” Ben-Gvir says in the video. “I promised to pass the Death Penalty for Terrorists law—we did. And now the death row and hanging facility are also starting to take shape.”
The law to which Ben-Gvir referred was passed in March by the Knesset—Israel's parliament—and took effect the following month. The legislation changes the rules governing Israeli military courts in the illegally occupied West Bank so that the death penalty effectively applies only to Palestinians who kill Israelis.
Far-right Knesset members, including Ben-Gvir, wore noose-shaped lapel pins to show their support for the legislation. Ben-Gvir also handed out sweets to Knesset colleagues after the bill passed its first reading.
Ben-Gvir said the execution site would include viewing booths where victims’ families could watch executions, describing this as something customary in various countries and specifically citing the United States as an example.
"Terrorists deserve only one thing—death by hanging," said Ben-Gvir, who in 2007 was convicted by an Israeli court of inciting racism and supporting a terrorist organization, whose leader he has openly honored.
Abdullah al-Zaghari, head of the Palestinian Prisoner Society, urged “effective international action” in response to Ben-Gvir's comments. Al-Zaghari told Anadolu that the minister's visit to the gallows site was part of the “continued determination of the Israeli occupation system” to codify incitement against Palestinians.
Leftist Israeli Knesset lawmaker Ofer Cassif excoriated Ben-Gvir's actions.
"This criminal thug—a sympathizer of murderers of Palestinians, a supporter of terror, and a pathological racist—is also hopelessly infantile," Cassif told The New Arab on Wednesday. "Soon we will oust him from the government, and next, throw him behind bars."
European Parliament Vice President Pina Picierno accused Ben-Gvir of staging "a horrific spectacle that turns the death penalty into a show."
The liberal US pro-Israel group J Street asked on X, "Are we supposed to believe, as some in the Jewish establishment would like us to, that Ben-Gvir’s words somehow tell us nothing about the country he helps govern?"
"He is Israel’s national security minister, and he is now celebrating a facility built to execute Palestinians while Jewish extremists are excluded from the law," the group added. "As the old saying goes: When someone tells you who they are, believe them. When a government gives someone this much power, we have to reckon honestly with the agenda they are pushing."
Ben-Gvir—who is under sanctions and banned from countries including Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Norway, and the United Kingdom for inciting violence against Palestinians in the West Bank—was still being denounced on Wednesday for advocating the daily mass killing of Palestinians, including civilians, in Gaza amid a nearly three-year war that United Nations experts, human rights groups, a South Africa-led case currently before the International Court of Justice, and many others call a genocide.
Stéphane Dujarric, spokesperson for United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres, said Wednesday—which was World Humanitarian Day—that Ben-Gvir's "remarks are appalling, they're outrageous, they're dehumanizing, they're dangerous, and we condemn them unequivocally."
A spokesperson for German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said Wednesday in Berlin that Merz "strongly condemns Minister Ben-Gvir's inhumane statements, which violate international law—they are unacceptable."
"As the occupying power, Israel must treat Palestinians with dignity, protect their property, and ensure public administration and humanitarian aid," the spokesperson added.
French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot called Ben-Gvir's remarks "unbearable and inhumane," adding that "further sanctions could be imposed, and all options are on the table."
In the United States, actor and activist Mark Ruffalo said Thursday on Bluesky that "Ben-Gvir is a bloodthirsty psychopath, war criminal, and one of Israel’s beloved genocidal leaders."
"America and the world should be sanctioning, divesting, and boycotting Israel in every way until this apartheid regime falls," he added.
Some supporters of Israel called for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to expel Ben-Gvir from his government in response to the comments.
National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, one of the most powerful figures in the Israeli government, is facing criticism, including from some strong supporters of Israel, after he called for the mass killing of Palestinians in Gaza during an interview that surfaced on Sunday.
The far-right member of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s cabinet rarely hides his desire to ethnically cleanse the exclave of Palestinians and replace them with Israeli settlers. But these comments, which he made to a former Israeli captive taken during the Hamas-led October 7, 2023 attacks, were even more explicit and violent than usual.
He said he's pushed for Israeli forces to carry out operations every day that “kill 30 or 40” people in Gaza and go beyond “those who pose a danger… at that particular moment."
"There are people there who are not worthy of life. They shouldn’t live. They’re not even people," Ben-Gvir said, criticizing a recent drawdown of Israeli attacks.
Ben-Gvir, who runs Israel's prisons and police, said killing Palestinians in greater numbers would "encourage" civilians in Gaza to leave so that Israel can fully conquer the strip, allowing it to be colonized by Jewish settlers.
“I see all of Gaza as ours," the minister said. He said that Israel, which has already pushed past last October's ceasefire line to occupy nearly 70% of Gaza, should move "as fast as possible" to take over the rest of the territory.
Ben-Gvir said, "We enter all of Gaza, settle all of Gaza, encourage migration."
The comments were met with condemnation in the West, including from some strong defenders of Israel.
Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.), who has consistently voted to provide weapons to Israel despite growing calls within her party to block some arms sales, said Ben-Gvir’s comments were “horrific and completely indefensible.”
“Anyone advocating for acts of violence against innocent civilians should not be in an official government position,” Rosen said. “I believe Ben-Gvir must resign, and I urge Prime Minister Netanyahu to denounce these remarks and reaffirm to the world that this is not the government’s position.”
Democratic Majority for Israel, a group focused on maintaining support for Israel within the US Democratic Party, stated similarly that Ben-Gvir's comments were "heinous and indefensible" and called for him to be expelled from Netanyahu's government. However, the group also stressed that Ben-Gvir's position "is not Israeli government policy."
Technically, this is true, but only in the sense that the Israeli government's actions toward Gaza have actually been considerably more violent than the kill quota of "30 to 40" per day prescribed by Ben-Gvir. Since the genocidal war began in October 2023, more than 73,000 Palestinians have been killed, according to the Gaza Health Ministry.
Based on the ministry's official tallies, which independent expert analyses have found to be an undercount, around 92 people were killed on average per day between October 2023 and the ceasefire in October 2025.
Data from the Israeli army, analyzed in 2025 by +972 magazine, suggests that more than 80% of those killed were civilians. During the first two years of the conflict, the Government Media Office in Gaza reported that more than 20,000 children had been killed, more than one every hour.
While some called on Netanyahu to stand against Ben-Gvir's especially violent rhetoric, the prime minister himself has also explicitly pushed for genocidal violence against Palestinians in Gaza, at one point invoking the Israelites' ancient foe, the Amalekites, and God's demand in the Hebrew Bible that the Israelites exterminate them.
Along with the similarly extreme finance minister Bezalel Smotrich, Ben-Gvir regularly draws criticism among liberal supporters of Israel for his particularly explicit comments advocating violence against Palestinians and other enemies of Israel and for enacting policies that have accelerated their displacement in the West Bank and allowed violent Israeli settlers to act with impunity.
But as critics pointed out, there is little evidence that Netanyahu will heed the calls from liberal Zionists to boot Ben-Gvir out of his coalition or discipline him in any way.
"And if he doesn’t, which he won’t, of course, does DFMI then support sanctions on Israel and restrictions on US arms sales?" asked commentator Mehdi Hasan in response to the statement from Democratic Majority for Israel. "If not, why not?"
Noting that the group has consistently opposed proposals to cut off weapons aid to Israel, he asked, "Why would you want to sell weapons to ‘heinous’ people?"
Political analyst Omar Baddar suggested that the problem many pro-Israel critics have with Ben-Gvir is not the policy he espouses, but the public relations headaches he creates.
Baddar said, "What’s 'extremist' about Ben Gvir is that he says out loud what Israel’s mainstream political establishment prefers to do quietly under the false pretense of 'fighting terrorism.'"
"Israeli-occupied territory is not a 'safe place' for all Jews," said one Jewish American activist.
The Israeli government is closing its doors to some Jewish Americans. Their crime? Volunteering to protect Palestinians in the occupied West Bank from violence by illegal settlers.
The Forward reported on Friday that at least seven young American Jews have had their electronic travel authorization (ETA) revoked over their involvement with activist groups involved with "protective presence." This practice involves unarmed nonviolent activists, often Israelis or other Jewish volunteers from abroad, accompanying Palestinians at risk of being attacked by Israeli settlers.
None of the seven Americans who spoke with The Forward had been arrested or charged with crimes.
One activist from New York, Sam Sherman, said he and some other volunteers received emails informing them that their status had been revoked while they were in the West Bank with a program known as Hineinu, started by the Center for Jewish Nonviolence in 2021.
The program places Jewish volunteers within Palestinian communities for around three months, where they participate in protective presence, accompany Palestinians at risk of attack, and document human rights abuses with the hope of deterring them.
Sherman said that while he was volunteering in Masafer Yatta in the Southern West Bank, he was harassed by a group of soldiers, police, and armed settlers who photographed his passports.
“We were just there hanging out with people, essentially,” he said. “But we were treated as if it was almost criminal for us to be there.”
Other activists explained that once Sherman left, he likely would not be allowed to return unless he immigrated there permanently.
"If I’m the wrong kind of Jew for Israel,” he said, “Sure. Great.”
Increasingly, the Israeli government seems to believe that people like Sherman are the wrong kinds of Jews for Israel.
In April 2024, Israel's far-right national security minister created a police task force aimed at handling foreign and Israeli left-wing activists. He has taken credit for having dozens of activists deported from the country.
As +972 Magazine reported back in October 2024, the task force was set up after the Biden administration began imposing sanctions on violent Israeli settlers and settler organizations.
Activists detained and deported by the task force have described being threatened, intimidated, and falsely accused of crimes like terrorism during interrogations by soldiers.
According to the Center for Jewish Nonviolence, dozens of its foreign volunteers in Hineinu and other protective-presence initiatives have had their entry permits revoked over the past two years.
News of Israel's efforts to keep out Jewish American activists comes amid an extraordinary surge of settler violence in the West Bank that the United Nations recently said had reached an “all-time high."
As of Late July, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported that 18 Palestinians have been killed this year in incidents involving settler attacks, already surpassing the total killed all of last year. About 900 Palestinians have been injured this year in settler attacks, representing more than half of all the Palestinian injuries documented in the West Bank this year.
Cameron Kasky, a Jewish American activist who was recently detained by armed settlers in the West Bank while visiting with US Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), said Israel's treatment of Jews who show solidarity with Palestinians calls into question its purported commitment to Jewish safety.
"Israeli-occupied territory is not a 'safe place' for all Jews," Kasky said. "Jewish American, Israeli, and European activists are frequently brutalized by Jewish settlers and soldiers."
"This is some Bond villain-level lunacy," said one Reddit user.
The Israeli government this week stripped Nile crocodiles of their protected status in order to advance a proposal that National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir said was inspired by the Trump administration's now-shuttered Alligator Alcatraz to build a prison for Palestinians surrounded by a moat full of the ravenous reptiles.
"You read that right," the liberal US Jewish group J Street said in response to the news. "When cruelty becomes a governing principle instead of an aberration within the Israeli government, something has gone deeply wrong."
Israeli Environmental Minister Idit Silman signed a directive Wednesday reclassifying Nile crocodiles as "specially managed wild animals," a novel legal category enabling the government to keep them for security purposes.
Ben-Gvir, who heads the Israel Prison Service (IPS), said he was inspired by the Trump administration's recently closed Alligator Alcatraz immigrant detention center in Florida. He is seeking to first introduce crocodiles into a moat around Ketziot Prison in southern Israel.
While it is not certain that the plan will come to fruition, Ben-Gvir celebrated Silman's decree in a social media post showing him petting a crocodile, with the caption: "Cursed terrorist, thinking of trying to escape? Think again."
Palestinians have occasionally escaped from Israeli lockups, such as in September 2021, when six men used improvised tools, including spoons, to tunnel out of the high-security Gilboa Prison. All six escapees were caught within weeks.

The move by Silman—who gained international notoriety by calling for the ethnic cleansing of all Palestinians from the Gaza Strip—came despite objections from her own ministry's legal adviser and the Nature and Parks Authority.
IPS, which sent a fact-finding mission to the Hamat Gader crocodile farm in January, argued that its employees could handle the animals, citing the agency's experience working with the attack dogs that Palestinian prisoners and human rights groups have claimed were used to maul and even sexually abuse detainees.
Silman's approval is contingent upon IPS meeting animal welfare requirements and appropriate holding conditions.
Meanwhile, Ben-Gvir has openly boasted about the dramatic deterioration in conditions endured by Palestinian prisoners since the Hamas-led attack of October 7, 2023 and Israel's retaliatory obliteration of Gaza, which United Nations and other experts describe as a genocide.
“We go into the prisons, and they wet themselves," Ben-Gvir said of Palestinian prisoners during a speech on Friday. "I'm not joking. They're afraid. Fear rules them, and that's how it should be.”
Ben-Gvir and other Israeli officials have worn noose lapel pins to celebrate a recently passed bill legalizing the execution by hanging of so-called "terrorists."
Former Palestinian detainees and Israeli personnel have described beatings, rape and sexual torture by male and female soldiers, routine amputations due to constant shackling, burnings, electrocutions, attacks by dogs, ice-water dousings, denial of food and water, sleep deprivation, constant loud music, and other abuse.
The Israeli military is investigating the deaths of dozens of detainees at the Sde Teiman prison in the Negev Desert, including one who died after allegedly being sodomized with an electric baton.
Ben-Gvir has defended Israeli reservists accused of torturing Palestinian prisoners, and called the reservists who allegedly gang-raped a man at Sde Teiman prison "heroes."
The minister is banned from entering a number of Western countries for his incitement to violence against Palestinians.
Several Israeli environmental groups issued a joint statement opposing the use of crocodiles in prisons.
"Crocodiles are sentient beings, with complex needs for space, water, temperature, and natural behavior," the groups said. "It is also highly doubtful that the crocodiles intended for this purpose have aggressive temperaments, and in any event, during the winter they slow their metabolism dramatically, become very sluggish, and stop eating.”
"Security should be achieved through real security measures, not through animals," they added. "We are considering filing a petition with the High Court of Justice over the matter.”
Last year, the Israeli military massacred 262 crocodiles that were being kept on a farm in the occupied West Bank near the illegal Israeli settler colony of Petzael, claiming the reptiles posed a risk to the public.
“They just slaughtered them," farm owner Danny Bitan told reporters at the time, describing the scene as "some kind of killing valley."
Ben-Gvir's plan comes amid ongoing slaughter in Gaza—where Israeli forces have killed more than 73,000 Palestinians, over 21,500 of them children, since October 2023—and accelerating colonization and ethnic cleansing in the West Bank.
News of Silman's approval sparked disbelief around the world and on social media, where Reddit users called the plan "cartoonish idiocy" and "Bond villain-level lunacy."
"The fact that Israel is trying to surround a prison with [crocodiles] tells you all you need to know about these camps, which are designed to torture, rape, and murder Palestinians, often held as hostages without charges," Israeli researcher and political commentator Shaiel Ben-Ephraim said Thursday on X.
Ben-Gvir's invocation of mass slaughter came as the US is trying to negotiate an end to President Donald Trump's illegal war with Iran.
Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir drew widespread condemnation on Friday when he declared that "all Lebanon must burn" shortly after four Israeli soldiers were killed in a fight with Hezbollah.
In a social media post, Ben-Gvir said that Israel should retaliate for the deaths of the soldiers with a scorched-earth military campaign aimed at killing large numbers of Lebanese people.
"For every tear of an Israeli mother, a thousand Lebanese mothers must weep," the far-right Israeli Cabinet member wrote. "Enough with the ping-pong. In the Middle East, you don’t win with measured responses and restraint—you need to go berserk. To obliterate. To crush the terror."
Ben-Gvir also took a subtle shot at the Trump administration, which has called for Israel to cease its military operations in Lebanon so that the US and Iran can negotiate an end to the illegal war of choice President Donald Trump launched earlier this year.
"With all due respect to the Americans, Israel must make it clear to the entire world that the blood of our sons and the security of our citizens are not forfeit," he wrote. "All of Lebanon must burn."
Ben-Gvir's demands for mass slaughter were widely condemned as the ravings of a genocidal maniac.
"You are a psychopath and one of the greatest threats to the security of Israel and of Jewish people around the world," journalist Yashar Ali wrote in response to Ben-Gvir. "You belong in a psychiatric institution, not in a government role."
Humza Yousaf, former first minister of Scotland and leader of the Scottish National Party, argued that Ben-Gvir's ravings should end any question about the nature of Israel's current government.
"For those who continue to deny Israel has any intention of committing genocide then read this tweet from a minister at the heart of the Israeli government," Yousaf wrote. "He belongs in the Hague, convicted and in a jail cell."
Trita Parsi, executive vice president of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, said that Ben-Gvir's post should make Western nations reconsider which nation is the largest obstacle to achieving peace in the Middle East.
"While regional states are intrinsically involved in efforts to bring about peace in the region," Parsi noted, "this Israeli cabinet minister tweets that 'All of Lebanon must burn!' And he repeats that call twice in the post. When will the West ask the question that never gets asked: How is the rest of the region supposed to live in peace and security next to a state that behaves like this?"
British journalist Owen Jones remarked that, in calling for mass killing in Lebanon, Ben-Gvir "sounds like a Nazi."
"If this wasn't Israel," Jones added, "everybody would say he sounds like a Nazi."
When will the conscience of the world grow beyond a few scruffy activists in beat-up sailboats, throwing themselves at the wall, again and again?
Imagine if you will: President Donald Trump, having run out of countries who will take his deported migrants, fences off a strip of land on the Mexican boarder and starts dumping Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainees there, behind a big beautiful wall. Some food and water is sent in—never enough—but the people behind the wall are largely left to their own devices. Of course there’s outrage, and litigation, but starvation is quiet and, as the litigation grinds on, the attention of the ADHD media turns to fresher fodder.
Then a group of activists hatch a plan to help the starving in what has become known as the Miller Strip, because Trump sometimes says White House Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy Stephen Miller is in charge of it, and that it was his idea. They form a Convoy of cars that crosses the country, gathering food and volunteers—and hopefully fresh media attention—to bring to the strip. Trump mocks the convoy as a silly little effort, saying the food donations aren’t necessary, but sometimes he says that the convoy is actually filled with Tren de Aragua gang members.
As the Convoy grows, Stephen Miller fumes that claims of starvation in the Miller Strip are directed at him and are, therefore, antisemitic. He gloats that any protesters unlawfully gathering at the strip will be put in Alligator Alcatraz, which has been recently emptied, it’s prisoners sent to the strip. Department of Homeland Security insists that anyone truly concerned about conditions in the Miller Strip can make donations to an aid fund set up by the White House and administered by Barron Trump. His salary is undisclosed.
When the Convoy gets big enough that the media starts to pay attention, Trump says that the Convoy is a threat to national security, the rule of law, and his bid for a Nobel Prize.
Here’s a tip: If you have to keep telling people you’re the most moral army in the world—you ain’t.
Then, in the dark of night, in a MAGA-friendly rural county, 200 masked and heavily armed men in rental SUVs force much of the Convoy off the road. The men are never identified, but they are presumed to be ICE and private contractors. They trash the Convoy cars, slashing the tires, smashing the GPS systems and radios with rifle butts, and ripping the hoses and wires from the engines.
Most of the volunteers in those cars are taken away in trucks, beaten, sexually assaulted, and then released in a town so small it doesn’t even have a Greyhound stop. They are never charged or even given the identity of their attackers. On the night of the attack some are left without food or water or means of communication, out in the desert, in disabled cars. A couple of the Convoy organizers disappear into federal custody for questioning.
The Convoy manages to regroup, rescue their comrades left in the desert, and continue toward the Miller Strip. Then ICE and National Guard troops descend en masse on the Convoy. The participants in the Convoy are taken to a US Army base where they are charged with trespassing—trespassing on the very Army base where they were brought in zip ties.
Again, like the first attack, there are widespread beatings, repeated tasings, strip searches, and sexual assaults.
The Convoy cars are seized under civil forfeiture laws, the attorney general of the week alleging the cars were used in illegal activities to be named later. Trump, while climbing into a golf cart, is asked what laws were being broken to justify the seizure of the cars. He says only, “So sue me.”
Stephen Miller stages a photo op at the base, taunting the prisoners, screaming at them, calling them antisemites and communists. A few laugh at him, even though they are on their knees, their hands still zip-tied behind them. He has them dragged across the floor for individual abuse.
When Miller’s video goes viral a handful of news outlets feature it with reports of the violence against the Convoy volunteers. Climbing out of a golf cart, Trump is asked about the reports of violence and sexual assaults. He replies that he hardly knew Jeffrey Epstein and has the reporter who asked the question removed from the golf course.
Of course, this is satire. None of this has happened—yet. But this is exactly what Israel did to the Global Sumud Flotilla (GSF).
Israel attacked the Flotilla off Crete, in international waters, some 600 miles from Gaza and hundreds of miles from their self-declared, illegal exclusion zone. Israeli commandos attacked 22 boats, ripped up the engines, smashed the radios and navigation equipment, doing thousands of dollars of damage to privately owned boats that they had no legal authority to board. They took almost 200 hostages and left the boats disabled and adrift. At least one, Tam-Tam, was left adrift with a crew of seven stranded aboard. The hostages were beaten, some sexually assaulted, and then dumped ashore on Crete.

The remaining boats of the flotilla scrambled to regroup, to reorganize the rigging, electrical, and engine teams who had been keeping the boats patched together. They searched for the disabled boats to take them in tow, but many are still adrift today, including Gotico, the boat I helped sail to Sicily. One of those ghost boats recently washed up on a beach near Alexandria. They did find Tam-Tam and rescue the crew.
The Flotilla limped into port in Türkiye. They made repairs, resupplied, got the volunteers onto working boats, and, undeterred and unbowed, headed back to sea with 58 boats.
And Israel attacked again—again in international waters hundreds of miles from Gaza, Israel, and Israel’s self-declared exclusion zone. This was another blatant act of piracy.
In Gaza and Lebanon, the Zionists found a garden and made a desert.
Again there were beatings and sexual assaults. There were broken bones and wounds from rubber bullets and tasers. Every one of the flotilla volunteers kidnapped by Israel suffered injuries, abuse, and violence at the hands of Israeli soldiers. At night, when the volunteers were forced to sleep on an open deck, the deck was flooded with several inches of cold sea water.
This from the self-described “most moral army in the world.”
Here’s a tip: If you have to keep telling people you’re the most moral army in the world—you ain’t.
Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israeli security minister, posted a video of his photo op with the kidnaped volunteers, haranguing people who were zip-tied and forced to their knees, having the thugs in his entourage beat a few, just for fun. He did the same thing last summer, with the hostages from the first GSF flotilla, but this time it got some media traction and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was forced to distance himself.
Netanyahu’s Captain Renault impression—I’m shocked, shocked to find that prisoner abuse is going on in here!—would be comical if it weren't part of an ongoing genocide.
On that note, the flotilla volunteers chose to join an act of political disobedience knowing that they would face Israeli violence—albeit minor when compared with the mass murder of Palestinians. The absolute arrogance that Israel showed, its contempt for maritime law, for the rights of property and persons to be protected from violence in international waters, is not minor. Agnes Callamard, head of Amnesty International, called Netanyahu, Trump, and Russian President Vladimir Putin “voracious predators” bringing us a world where “primitive ferocity could flourish.” She was not wrong.
Need I mention Trump and Netanyahu’s unprovoked war of choice on Iran? Thousands killed, massive destruction, global economic chaos, most of the world opposed but powerless to stop thugs who are undeterred by the United Nations Charter, or what Stephen Miller called the “international niceties” the world tried to build after the carnage of two world wars.
And as part of that war Israel chose to Gazafy southern Lebanon. They leveled towns, destroyed farms, and erased essential infrastructure. They even destroyed an entire forest with white phosphorus and bulldozers.
One of the foundational lies of Zionism is that they found a desert and built a garden. In reality the whole coastal zone of Palestine, including southern Lebanon and Gaza, was farmland long before the Zionists showed up.
In Gaza and Lebanon, the Zionists found a garden and made a desert.
But, Ben-Gvir is just getting started. He pushed for, and passed, a Palestinian-only death penalty law. On his 50th birthday his wife presented him with a cake with a hangman’s noose on it and the words, I’m told, “Sometimes dreams come true.” He wears a noose lapel pin. Even the Redeemer white governments that passed the Jim Crow laws weren’t that blatant; even the Ku Klux Klan wore hoods. Ben-Gvir grins like a game show contestant.
France has banned Ben-Gvir for his little stunt with the flotilla hostages, but Israeli clementines, from those stolen orchards, are in every market in Paris.
After the first death penalty was passed, the Knesset passed a special, retroactive death penalty for October 7 detainees. This second death penalty was passed 93-120, which interestingly, is very close to the 80-20 majority David Ben-Gurion wanted to achieve by ethnic cleansing when he sicced Irgun and Lehi on defenseless Palestinian villages—beginning in December 1947—six months before the UN Partition Plan was to take effect.
These death penalty laws relax the rules of evidence—rules that have been developed over hundreds of years to help insure fair trials—making it possible to make allegations in court that are not reliable evidence, that wouldn’t be allowed in fair trials. This is hardly necessary, since Israeli military courts already have a 99.74% conviction rate.
Relaxed rules of evidence make no sense until you factor in that the trials will be live streamed—show trials.
And what’s to point of a show trial? To put on a show.
What do they want to live stream that they couldn’t ordinarily put into a trial? I will hazard a guess.
In the first hours of October 7 Israeli first responders—to the cameras—told lurid tales of beheaded babies, babies strung up on clotheslines, and dismemberments. A doddering Joe Biden claimed to have seen pictures of beheaded babies, pictures that didn’t exist. The Israelis had learned well from the fantasist Nayirah al-Ṣabaḥ who claimed she was a volunteer nurse during the invasion of Kuwait and witnessed babies being taken out of incubators and left to die on the floor. Turns out she was the daughter of a Kuwaiti ambassador and all of it was a lie. But, a good lie will go viral around the world while the truth is still fact checking, and the Israelis know that.
Why repeat stories you can’t properly prove, over and over, in show trials? It seems Ben-Gvir and his 92 allies in the Knesset know that, if you repeat a lie often enough, people will believe it.
And after the show comes the executions. Pro forma appeals will be heard quickly by the same military tribunals that tried the cases; the laws mandate that execution, by hanging, will be within 90 days of conviction.
Get ready for a lot of hangings.
A large percentage of Israel’s exports in its first couple of years was citrus fruit, from existing orchards taken by force from the people who had planted and tended the trees for decades.
But this harvest, of Strange Fruit, will be solely the product of “galant” Israelis like Itaman Ben-Gvir.
For context I recommend the recording by Billie Holiday, but you might prefer Nina Simone.
So, when will it be enough? France has banned Ben-Gvir for his little stunt with the flotilla hostages, but Israeli clementines, from those stolen orchards, are in every market in Paris. Basically everyone who knows anything about genocide agrees Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. There is no point to repeat the numbers of dead, of amputations, of double-tap strikes on doctors and journalists. Everybody knows. But Israel is still allowed to spread their aggression to Iran and Lebanon and beyond.
When will it all be too much?
When will the conscience of the world grow beyond a few scruffy activists in beat-up sailboats, throwing themselves at the wall, again and again.
I guess the answer, my friend, is still blowing in the wind.
An ex-Israeli diplomat said Israel was "moving to bury not only the supposed ceasefire in Lebanon but also talks on Iran" because its policy "is an endless and wide regional war."
As Israel launched a new bombardment of Lebanon on Tuesday, its far-right security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, suggested that it was trying to derail ongoing peace negotiations between US President Donald Trump and Iran.
During a press briefing on Tuesday, the influential settler politician railed against the possibility of a deal to end the war as it neared the three-month mark and said the whole Israeli Cabinet was in agreement.
"I know that Prime Minister [Benjamin] Netanyahu and all of us members of the Cabinet... as the government of Israel, cannot allow this to happen," Ben-Gvir said in Hebrew. "This is an agreement that can harm the state of Israel, and we will not allow this to happen."
Ben-Gvir's remarks came as Trump engaged in what he has suggested was another promising round of ceasefire talks with the Iranians—talks that did not include Israel.
Despite its foreign ministry condemning recent US attacks as signs of "bad faith" and "definitive violations" of the ceasefire on Tuesday, Iran has not yet pulled away from the table.
Citing Iranian state TV, Reuters reported on Wednesday that Tehran has received an unofficial framework from the US that would restore commercial shipping through the Strait of Hormuz to pre-war levels for a month in exchange for the US withdrawing troops from Iran's vicinity and lifting its naval blockade. The US has disputed this account.
Trump has previously attempted to force Iran to accept major concessions on its nuclear program upfront, but nuclear-related talks appear to have been shifted to future negotiations.
While it has not been at the center of the latest round of negotiations, Iran still considers ending Israel’s assault on Lebanon to be an essential part of a durable peace.
As it has during previous peace negotiations between Iran and the US, Israel launched another major bombardment against Lebanon on Tuesday, violating the 45-day ceasefire that went into effect last month.
Israeli forces conducted more than 120 airstrikes across southern Lebanon and the eastern Bekaa Valley against what they said were Hezbollah targets, according to The Guardian, as Netanyahu said Israel would "intensify" its military campaign.
According to Lebanon's health ministry, 31 people were killed, and 40 were wounded. In the southern town of Burj al-Shamali, 14 people were killed, including two children and three women, the ministry said.
Since Israel's offensive began in early March, more than 3,200 people have been killed and over 9,700 wounded, according to the ministry. More than 600 people have been killed since the April truce began.
Sources also told Reuters that Israel had expanded its occupation of southern Lebanon, past its so-called "security zone." Israeli forces ordered the residents of dozens of Lebanese villages not to return to their homes in the occupation zone, which Israel is trying to expand to between 5 and 10 kilometers inside Lebanon.
In what Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz has described as a renewal of its "Gaza model," Israel had demolished or damaged more than 40,000 homes in southern Lebanon before last month's truce went into effect, though destruction has continued since then. More than 1 million people in Lebanon have been displaced as a result of forced evacuation orders and bombardments by Israel.
Hezbollah has responded on Tuesday with drone attacks on Israel, which it had already been launching for weeks in response to what it said were persistent ceasefire violations.
Another far-right Israeli Cabinet member, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, said Israel should respond to each drone by destroying 10 buildings in Beirut. If there are no buildings left in Beirut, he said, Israel should expand the demolitions to other areas such as Tyre, Sidon, and the Bekaa Valley.
Ben-Gvir, meanwhile, said on Tuesday that Israel should "cut off the electricity in Lebanon," "occupy" the area up to the Zahrani River, and "return to a massive war."
The timing of Israel's renewed assault on Lebanon has been met with accusations that it is attempting to sabotage ceasefire talks between the US and Iran.
Shaiel Ben-Ephraim, a former diplomat with the Israeli Foreign Ministry who has since become a prominent critic of the country, said that by moving deeper into Lebanon, Israel was "moving to bury not only the supposed ceasefire in Lebanon but also talks on Iran" because its policy "is an endless and wide regional war."
Responding to Ben-Gvir's remarks, he said, "Israel forced the US into war and won’t let us end it."