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In the run-up to the first Republican presidential debate, a flurry of news stories about the candidates offered glimpses of oligarchy in action. Consider:
John Kasich's super PAC raised $11 million in a little more than two months. Out of 166 reportable contributions, 34 were for $100,000 or more. A number of donors gave $1 million or more.
Several leading Republican presidential candidates received most of their funding from a few high-dollar donors. Marco Rubio and Scott Walker each received most of their backing from just four donors. The campaigns of Ted Cruz, Mike Huckabee and Rick Perry have each largely been financed by a single donor.
Some political high-rollers don't understand why that might be a bad thing. Silicon Valley investor Scott Banister, who gave $1.2 million to Rand Paul's Super PAC, said, "I'd think that the fact that I'm willing to spend money in the public square rather than buying myself a toy would be considered a good thing."
Mr. Banister may be well-intentioned, but many Americans would rather see him buy a toy than let American democracy become a plaything of the rich.
For his part, Jeb Bush wasn't apologizing. "I'm playing by the rules of the game, the way it's laid out," he said of his PAC fundraising. "And if people don't like it, that's just tough luck."
But it's not "luck" at all. It's the product of a deliberate effort to undermine our democratic system of government and replace it with the rule of the rich. This is something that is being done to us - and, through the public financing of elections, it can be undone.
Recently, five Republican presidential candidates paraded themselves before a group of mega-donors convened by the billionaire Koch brothers in Dana Point, California. The network run by Charles and David Koch has budgeted nearly a billion dollars ($889 million) to influence the outcome of next year's election.
It was left to Trump, of all people, to play the role of truth-teller. "I wish good luck to all of the Republican candidates that traveled to California to beg for money, etc., from the Koch Brothers," Trump wrote on Twitter. "Puppets?"
Charles Koch has begun speaking of "injustices" and claiming that civil rights movements serve as his moral models. But his actions - in the form of donations and campaign contributions - belie those words. The Koch-backed American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) has pushed laws that benefit both corporate America generally and Koch Industries specifically. It has also promoted voter ID laws that make it more difficult for lower-income citizens to vote - even as the Koch network spends hundreds of millions of dollars to influence the political process.
The interests of the big-money donors were reflected in Thursday's debate - in what we heard and even more so in what we didn't hear. There was no mention of the great income transfer to the wealthiest among us, the perils of climate change, the economic threat posed by big banks, or the struggle of a declining middle class. The candidates never offered specific proposals to help working Americans, even when asked to do so by the moderators.
But then, is that any wonder? We're told that the wealthy donors who gathered in Dana Point last week failed to line up behind a single candidate - and many other donors are out there. With all that money still in play, this week's debate wasn't just a pitch to voters. It was also an extension of the Kochs' California beauty pageant.
Charles Koch's high-flown vagaries seem designed, more than anything else, to improve the brothers' suffering public reputation. He seems determined to send the message that, while he and his friends may be our new oligarchs, they will be benevolent ones.
Thanks, Mr. Koch, but we'd rather take our chances with democracy instead.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Richard (RJ) Eskow is a journalist who has written for a number of major publications. His weekly program, The Zero Hour, can be found on cable television, radio, Spotify, and podcast media.
In the run-up to the first Republican presidential debate, a flurry of news stories about the candidates offered glimpses of oligarchy in action. Consider:
John Kasich's super PAC raised $11 million in a little more than two months. Out of 166 reportable contributions, 34 were for $100,000 or more. A number of donors gave $1 million or more.
Several leading Republican presidential candidates received most of their funding from a few high-dollar donors. Marco Rubio and Scott Walker each received most of their backing from just four donors. The campaigns of Ted Cruz, Mike Huckabee and Rick Perry have each largely been financed by a single donor.
Some political high-rollers don't understand why that might be a bad thing. Silicon Valley investor Scott Banister, who gave $1.2 million to Rand Paul's Super PAC, said, "I'd think that the fact that I'm willing to spend money in the public square rather than buying myself a toy would be considered a good thing."
Mr. Banister may be well-intentioned, but many Americans would rather see him buy a toy than let American democracy become a plaything of the rich.
For his part, Jeb Bush wasn't apologizing. "I'm playing by the rules of the game, the way it's laid out," he said of his PAC fundraising. "And if people don't like it, that's just tough luck."
But it's not "luck" at all. It's the product of a deliberate effort to undermine our democratic system of government and replace it with the rule of the rich. This is something that is being done to us - and, through the public financing of elections, it can be undone.
Recently, five Republican presidential candidates paraded themselves before a group of mega-donors convened by the billionaire Koch brothers in Dana Point, California. The network run by Charles and David Koch has budgeted nearly a billion dollars ($889 million) to influence the outcome of next year's election.
It was left to Trump, of all people, to play the role of truth-teller. "I wish good luck to all of the Republican candidates that traveled to California to beg for money, etc., from the Koch Brothers," Trump wrote on Twitter. "Puppets?"
Charles Koch has begun speaking of "injustices" and claiming that civil rights movements serve as his moral models. But his actions - in the form of donations and campaign contributions - belie those words. The Koch-backed American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) has pushed laws that benefit both corporate America generally and Koch Industries specifically. It has also promoted voter ID laws that make it more difficult for lower-income citizens to vote - even as the Koch network spends hundreds of millions of dollars to influence the political process.
The interests of the big-money donors were reflected in Thursday's debate - in what we heard and even more so in what we didn't hear. There was no mention of the great income transfer to the wealthiest among us, the perils of climate change, the economic threat posed by big banks, or the struggle of a declining middle class. The candidates never offered specific proposals to help working Americans, even when asked to do so by the moderators.
But then, is that any wonder? We're told that the wealthy donors who gathered in Dana Point last week failed to line up behind a single candidate - and many other donors are out there. With all that money still in play, this week's debate wasn't just a pitch to voters. It was also an extension of the Kochs' California beauty pageant.
Charles Koch's high-flown vagaries seem designed, more than anything else, to improve the brothers' suffering public reputation. He seems determined to send the message that, while he and his friends may be our new oligarchs, they will be benevolent ones.
Thanks, Mr. Koch, but we'd rather take our chances with democracy instead.
Richard (RJ) Eskow is a journalist who has written for a number of major publications. His weekly program, The Zero Hour, can be found on cable television, radio, Spotify, and podcast media.
In the run-up to the first Republican presidential debate, a flurry of news stories about the candidates offered glimpses of oligarchy in action. Consider:
John Kasich's super PAC raised $11 million in a little more than two months. Out of 166 reportable contributions, 34 were for $100,000 or more. A number of donors gave $1 million or more.
Several leading Republican presidential candidates received most of their funding from a few high-dollar donors. Marco Rubio and Scott Walker each received most of their backing from just four donors. The campaigns of Ted Cruz, Mike Huckabee and Rick Perry have each largely been financed by a single donor.
Some political high-rollers don't understand why that might be a bad thing. Silicon Valley investor Scott Banister, who gave $1.2 million to Rand Paul's Super PAC, said, "I'd think that the fact that I'm willing to spend money in the public square rather than buying myself a toy would be considered a good thing."
Mr. Banister may be well-intentioned, but many Americans would rather see him buy a toy than let American democracy become a plaything of the rich.
For his part, Jeb Bush wasn't apologizing. "I'm playing by the rules of the game, the way it's laid out," he said of his PAC fundraising. "And if people don't like it, that's just tough luck."
But it's not "luck" at all. It's the product of a deliberate effort to undermine our democratic system of government and replace it with the rule of the rich. This is something that is being done to us - and, through the public financing of elections, it can be undone.
Recently, five Republican presidential candidates paraded themselves before a group of mega-donors convened by the billionaire Koch brothers in Dana Point, California. The network run by Charles and David Koch has budgeted nearly a billion dollars ($889 million) to influence the outcome of next year's election.
It was left to Trump, of all people, to play the role of truth-teller. "I wish good luck to all of the Republican candidates that traveled to California to beg for money, etc., from the Koch Brothers," Trump wrote on Twitter. "Puppets?"
Charles Koch has begun speaking of "injustices" and claiming that civil rights movements serve as his moral models. But his actions - in the form of donations and campaign contributions - belie those words. The Koch-backed American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) has pushed laws that benefit both corporate America generally and Koch Industries specifically. It has also promoted voter ID laws that make it more difficult for lower-income citizens to vote - even as the Koch network spends hundreds of millions of dollars to influence the political process.
The interests of the big-money donors were reflected in Thursday's debate - in what we heard and even more so in what we didn't hear. There was no mention of the great income transfer to the wealthiest among us, the perils of climate change, the economic threat posed by big banks, or the struggle of a declining middle class. The candidates never offered specific proposals to help working Americans, even when asked to do so by the moderators.
But then, is that any wonder? We're told that the wealthy donors who gathered in Dana Point last week failed to line up behind a single candidate - and many other donors are out there. With all that money still in play, this week's debate wasn't just a pitch to voters. It was also an extension of the Kochs' California beauty pageant.
Charles Koch's high-flown vagaries seem designed, more than anything else, to improve the brothers' suffering public reputation. He seems determined to send the message that, while he and his friends may be our new oligarchs, they will be benevolent ones.
Thanks, Mr. Koch, but we'd rather take our chances with democracy instead.