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Congolese state security forces have killed an estimated 500 people
and detained about 1,000 more, many of whom have been tortured, in the
two years since elections that were meant to bring democracy, Human
Rights Watch said in a report released today.
The brutal repression against perceived opponents began during the 2006
elections that carried President Joseph Kabila to power, and has
continued to the present.
The 96-page report, "'We Will Crush You': The Restriction of
Political Space in the Democratic Republic of Congo," documents the
Kabila government's use of violence and intimidation to eliminate
political opponents. Human Rights Watch found that Kabila himself set
the tone and direction by giving orders to "crush" or "neutralize" the
"enemies of democracy," implying it was acceptable to use unlawful
force against them.
"While everyone focuses on the violence in eastern Congo, government
abuses against political opponents attract little attention," said
Anneke Van Woudenberg, senior researcher in the Africa Division of
Human Rights Watch. "Efforts to build a democratic Congo are being
stifled not just by rebellion but also by the Kabila government's
repression."
On the second anniversary of Kabila's November 28, 2006 election
victory, the Congo remains impoverished and in conflict. Those in
western Congo who might challenge government policies face brutal
repression, while in the east the armed conflict with renegade general
Laurent Nkunda's forces has resulted in horrific atrocities by all
sides.
The report is based on months of extensive field research including
interviews with more than 250 victims, witnesses, and officials. Human
Rights Watch documented how Kabila's subordinates worked through
several state security forces - including the paramilitary Republican
Guards, a "secret commission," the special Simba battalion of the
police, and the intelligence services - to crack down on perceived
opponents in the capital Kinshasa and in Bas Congo province.
Following the 2006 elections, which were largely financed by
international donors, foreign governments focused on winning favor with
Kabila's new government and kept silent about human rights abuses and
the government's increasingly repressive rule. United Nations reports
documenting government involvement in politically motivated crimes were
deliberately buried or published too late to have any significant
impact on events, Human Rights Watch found.
The report says that state agents particularly targeted persons from
Equateur province and others thought to support the defeated
presidential candidate, Jean-Pierre Bemba, as well as adherents of
Bundu Dia Kongo (BDK), a political-religious group based in Bas Congo
that promotes greater provincial autonomy and had considerable support
in legislative elections.
At least 500 perceived opponents of the government were deliberately
killed or summarily executed. In some of the most violent episodes,
state agents tried to cover up the crimes by dumping bodies in the
Congo River or by secretly burying them in mass graves. Government
officials blocked efforts to investigate by UN human rights staff,
Congolese and international human rights monitors, and family members
of victims.
The detentions came in waves of arrests during the past two years.
Detainees and former detainees described torture, including beatings,
whippings, mock executions, and the use of electric batons on their
genitals and other parts of their bodies. Some were kept chained for
days or weeks and many were forced to sign confessions saying they had
been involved in coup plots against Kabila.
In mid-October 2008, state agents arbitrarily arrested at least 20
people in Kinshasa, the majority from Equateur province, including a
woman and her 3-month-old baby. Human Rights Watch estimated that at
least 200 people detained in politically related cases continue to be
held without trial in prisons in Bas Congo and Kinshasa.
Armed groups associated with Bemba and BDK adherents also were
responsible for killing state agents and ordinary people, including in
incidents in Bas Congo in February 2007 and in Kinshasa in March 2007.
In these cases, the police and army had a duty to restore order, but
often did so with excessive force.
Congolese officials have refused to acknowledge abuses committed by
state agents despite inquiries by the National Assembly, the media, and
other citizens or groups. The officials claimed that the victims were
plotting coup attempts or otherwise threatening state authority, but
they provided no convincing evidence of such charges and brought only a
handful of cases to court.
Journalists who were linked to the political opposition or who
protested abuses were threatened, arbitrarily arrested, and in some
cases tortured by government agents. The government closed down radio
stations and television networks that were linked to the opposition or
broadcast their views. Several of these stations were later permitted
to operate again.
The National Assembly has tried to scrutinize the conduct of the
government. Opposition members sometimes boycotted sessions in protest
of the abuses, with some limited impact. However, these efforts have
not been enough to stop the killings or the wide-scale arbitrary
arrests.
Human Rights Watch called on the government to establish a
high-level task force under the authority of the Ministry of Justice
with input from human rights experts to document the abuses by state
agents and release those held illegally. It also called on Congo's
National Assembly to conduct a public inquiry into the abuses by state
security agents and to prosecute those responsible.
"The Congolese people deserve a government which will uphold their
democratic rights, not one that represses opponents," said Van
Woudenberg. "An important first step would be to bring to justice those
officials responsible for killings and torture."
Selected accounts from the report:
"As they beat me with sticks and whips, the soldiers repeatedly
shouted, 'We will crush you! We will crush you!' Then they threatened
to kill me and others who opposed Kabila."
- A political party activist detained and tortured in Kinshasa in March 2007 by President Kabila's Republican Guards.
"At 3 in the morning seven Republican Guards came into the prison.
They took 10 of the prisoners, tied their hands, blindfolded them, and
taped pieces of cardboard over their mouths so they couldn't scream.
The captain who did this said he had received orders. He said he would
drink the blood of Equateurians that night. They took them away.... I
knew one of the guards and asked what had happened. He said the others
had been taken to the [Congo] river near Kinsuka and killed."
- A Congolese army officer from the Ngwaka ethnic group, arrested by
the Republican Guard on March 23, 2007 and detained at Camp Tshatshi.
"They started to hit me. They stripped off my clothes. They took
four sets of handcuffs and tied my hands behind me and then to my feet.
I was thrown on the ground in this position... They gave me electric
shocks all over my body. They put the electric baton in my anus and on
my genitals.... I cried so much that I could hardly see any more. I
shouted I would sign whatever they wanted me to."
- A former detainee held at Kin-Maziere prison on the orders of the "secret commission."
"Kabila took a decision to beat-up on Bemba and to teach him a lesson."
- A member of Kabila's inner circle just before violence in Kinshasa
in August 2006 following the inconclusive first election round.
"We all saw this coming, but again we did not do enough to avert the crisis."
- A European military advisor with close links to the Congolese army
about the March 2007 violence in Kinshasa that left hundreds dead.
"You JED who do you think you are? If you don't agree with the
regime, go into exile and wait until your champion takes power. If you
don't leave we'll help to shut you up for good. We won't miss. Too much
is too much. You have been warned."
- A threat received by the local organization Journalists in Danger
(JED) in June 2007 after they raised concerns about repression against
members of the media.
Human Rights Watch is one of the world's leading independent organizations dedicated to defending and protecting human rights. By focusing international attention where human rights are violated, we give voice to the oppressed and hold oppressors accountable for their crimes. Our rigorous, objective investigations and strategic, targeted advocacy build intense pressure for action and raise the cost of human rights abuse. For 30 years, Human Rights Watch has worked tenaciously to lay the legal and moral groundwork for deep-rooted change and has fought to bring greater justice and security to people around the world.
A leader at the human rights group called the proposal "a dangerous and dramatic step backwards and a product of ongoing impunity for Israel’s system of apartheid and its genocide in Gaza."
As Israel continues its "silent genocide" in the Gaza Strip one month into a supposed ceasefire with Hamas and Israeli settler attacks on Palestinians in the illegally occupied West Bank hit a record high, Amnesty International on Tuesday ripped the advancement of a death penalty bill championed by far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.
Israel's 120-member Knesset "on Monday evening voted 39-16 in favor of the first reading of a controversial government-backed bill sponsored by Otzma Yehudit MK Limor Son Har-Melech," the Times of Israel reported. "Two other death penalty bills, sponsored by Likud MK Nissim Vaturi and Yisrael Beytenu MK Oded Forer, also passed their first readings 36-15 and 37-14."
Son Har-Melech's bill—which must pass two more readings to become law—would require courts to impose the death penalty on "a person who caused the death of an Israeli citizen deliberately or through indifference, from a motive of racism or hostility against a population, and with the aim of harming the state of Israel and the national revival of the Jewish people in its land."
Both Hamas—which Israel considers a terrorist organization—and the Palestine Liberation Organization slammed the bill, with Palestinian National Council Speaker Rawhi Fattouh calling it "a political, legal, and humanitarian crime," according to Reuters.
Amnesty International's senior director for research, advocacy, policy, and campaigns, Erika Guevara Rosas, said in a statement that "there is no sugarcoating this; a majority of 39 Israeli Knesset members approved in a first reading a bill that effectively mandates courts to impose the death penalty exclusively against Palestinians."
Amnesty opposes the death penalty under all circumstances and tracks such killings annually. The international human rights group has also forcefully spoken out against Israeli abuse of Palestinians, including the genocide in Gaza that has killed over 69,182 people as of Tuesday—the official tally from local health officials that experts warn is likely a significant undercount.
"The international community must exert maximum pressure on the Israeli government to immediately scrap this bill and dismantle all laws and practices that contribute to the system of apartheid against Palestinians."
“Knesset members should be working to abolish the death penalty, not broadening its application," Guevara Rosas argued. "The death penalty is the ultimate cruel, inhuman, and degrading punishment, and an irreversible denial of the right to life. It should not be imposed in any circumstances, let alone weaponized as a blatantly discriminatory tool of state-sanctioned killing, domination, and oppression. Its mandatory imposition and retroactive application would violate clear prohibitions set out under international human rights law and standards on the use of this punishment."
"The shift towards requiring courts to impose the death penalty against Palestinians is a dangerous and dramatic step backwards and a product of ongoing impunity for Israel's system of apartheid and its genocide in Gaza," she continued. "It did not occur in a vacuum. It comes in the context of a drastic increase in the number of unlawful killings of Palestinians, including acts that amount to extrajudicial executions, over the last decade, and a horrific rise of deaths in custody of Palestinians since October 2023."
Guevara Rosas noted that "not only have such acts been greeted with near-total impunity but with legitimacy and support and, at times, glorification. It also comes amidst a climate of incitement to violence against Palestinians as evidenced by the surge in state-backed settler attacks in the occupied West Bank."
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu launched the devastating assault on Gaza in response to the Hamas-led attack on southern Israel on October 7, 2023. Since then, Israeli soldiers and settlers have also killed more than 1,000 Palestinians in the West Bank, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
Netanyahu is now wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes and crimes against humanity, and Israel faces an ongoing genocide case at the International Court of Justice. The ICJ separately said last year that Israel's occupation of Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is unlawful and must end; the Israeli government has shown no sign of accepting that.
The Amnesty campaigner said Tuesday that "it is additionally concerning that the law authorizes military courts to impose death sentences on civilians, that cannot be commuted, particularly given the unfair nature of the trials held by these courts, which have a conviction rate of over 99% for Palestinian defendants."
As CNN reported Monday:
The UN has previously condemned Israel's military courts in the occupied West Bank, saying that "Palestinians' right to due process guarantees have been violated" for decades, and denounced "the lack of fair trial in the occupied West Bank."
UN experts said last year that, "in the occupied West Bank, the functions of police, investigator, prosecutor, and judge are vested in the same hierarchical institution—the Israeli military."
Pointing to the hanging of Nazi official and Holocaust architect Adolf Eichmann, Guevara Rosas highlighted that "on paper, Israeli law has traditionally restricted the use of the death penalty for exceptional crimes, like genocide and crimes against humanity, and the last court-ordered execution was carried out in 1962."
"The bill's stipulation that courts should impose the death penalty on individuals convicted of nationally motivated murder with the intent of 'harming the state of Israel or the rebirth of the Jewish people' is yet another blatant manifestation of Israel's institutionalized discrimination against Palestinians, a key pillar of Israel’s apartheid system, in law and in practice," she asserted.
"The international community must exert maximum pressure on the Israeli government to immediately scrap this bill and dismantle all laws and practices that contribute to the system of apartheid against Palestinians," she added. "Israeli authorities must ensure Palestinian prisoners and detainees are treated in line with international law, including the prohibition against torture and other ill-treatment, and are provided with fair trial guarantees. They must also take concrete steps towards abolishing the death penalty for all crimes and all people."
"In our democracy, the press is a watchdog against abuse," said Marion County Record publisher Eric Meyer. "If the watchdog itself is the target of abuse, and all it does is roll over, democracy suffers.”
A Kansas county has agreed to pay $3 million over 2023 police raids of a local newspaper and multiple homes—one of which belonged to its elderly publisher, whose death shortly followed—sparking nationwide alarm over increasing attacks on the free press.
Marion County agreed to pay the seven-figure settlement and issue a formal apology to the publishers of the Marion County Record admitting that wrongdoing had occurred during the August 11, 2023 raids on the paper's newsroom and two homes.
The apology states that the Marion County Sheriff's Office "wishes to express its sincere regrets to Eric and Joan Meyer and Ruth and Ronald Herbel for its participation in the drafting and execution of the Marion Police Department’s search warrants on their homes and the Marion County Record. This likely would not have happened if established law had been reviewed and applied prior to the execution of the warrant."
Bernie Rhodes, an attorney for the Record, told the paper, "This is a first step—but a big step—in making sure that Joan Meyer’s death served a purpose, in making sure that the next crazed cop who thinks they can raid a newsroom understands the consequences are measured in millions of dollars."
Rhodes was referring to the 98-year-old Record co-owner, who was reportedly in good health for her age, but collapsed and died at her home in the immediate aftermath of the raid by Marion police and country sheriff's deputies.
"This is a first step—but a big step—in making sure that Joan Meyer’s death served a purpose."
Eric Meyer, Joan Meyer's son and the current publisher of the Record, said: “The admission of wrongdoing is the most important part. In our democracy, the press is a watchdog against abuse. If the watchdog itself is the target of abuse, and all it does is roll over, democracy suffers.”
According to the Record, awards include:
Record business manager Cheri Bentz—who suffered aggravation of health conditions following one of the raids—previously settled with the county for $50,000.
Katherine Jacobsen, the US, Canada, and Caribbean program coordinator at the Committee to Protect Journalists, hailed the settlement as "an important win for press freedom amid a growing trend of hostility toward those who hold power to account."
"Journalists must be able to work freely and without fear of having their homes raided and equipment seized due to the overreach of authorities," she added.
The raids—during which police seized the Record‘s electronic equipment, work product, and documentary materials—were conducted with search warrants related to an alleged identity theft investigation.
However, critics—who have called the warrants falsified and invalid—noted that the raids came as the Record investigated sexual misconduct allegations against then-Marion Police Chief Police Gideon Cody. The raids, they say, were motivated by Cody's desire to silence the paper's unfavorable reporting about him.
State District Judge Ryan Rosauer ruled last month that Cody likely committed a felony crime when he instructed a witness with whom he allegedly had an improper romantic relationship to delete text messages they exchanged before, during, and after the raids.
While Cody will not be tried in connection with Meyer's death or the 2023 raids, Rosauer ordered him to stand trial over the deleted texts.
Meyer at the time expressed dismay that Cody wasn't being tried for his mother's death or the raids. He also worried that Cody was being made a scapegoat, as other people and law enforcement agencies were involved in the incident.
Following the announcement of the settlement, Meyer said that "this never has been about money, the key issue always has been that no one is above the law."
"No one can trample on the First and Fourth Amendments for personal or political purposes and get away with it," he continued. "When my mother warned officers that the stress they were putting her under might lead to her death, she called what they were doing Hitler tactics."
"What keeps our democracy from descending as Germany did before World War II is the courage she demonstrated—and we’ve tried to continue—in fighting back," Meyer added.
"This never has been about money, the key issue always has been that no one is above the law."
Five consolidated federal civil rights lawsuits have been filed in the US District Court for the District of Kansas, alleging wrongful death, unlawful searches, retaliation for protected speech, and other claims tied to the raids.
“It’s a shame additional criminal charges aren’t possible,” Meyer said, “but the federal civil cases will do everything they can to discourage future abuses of power.”
Although unable to savor the Record's victory, Joan Meyer presciently told the officers raiding her home, "Boy, are you going to be in trouble."
“She was so right," said Rhodes.
Despite Mamdani's campaign pledge, legal experts have consistently cast doubt on a New York City mayor's authority to order the arrest of a foreign leader.
New York City Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani may have a chance to fulfill one of his campaign promises on his first day of office, although legal experts have repeatedly cast doubt on his power to make it happen.
Republican New York City Councilwoman Inna Vernikov on Tuesday sent a formal invitation to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to speak in New York City on January 1, 2026, while at the same time daring Mamdani to keep his pledge to have him arrested on war crimes charges.
"On January 1, Mamdani will take office," Vernikov wrote in a post on X. "And also on January 1, I look forward to welcoming Bibi to New York City. NY will always stand with Israel, and no radical Marxists with a title can change that."
The International Criminal Court (ICC) last year issued an arrest warrant for Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during Israel's war in Gaza that has killed at least 69,000 Palestinians.
During his successful mayoral campaign, Mamdani repeatedly said that he would enforce the warrant against Netanyahu should the Israeli leader set foot in his city.
Although Mamdani backed off some of his most strident past statements during the campaign, particularly when it comes to the New York Police Department (NYPD), he doubled down on arresting Netanyahu during a September interview with The New York Times.
"This is a moment where we cannot look to the federal government for leadership," Mamdani told the paper. "This is a moment when cities and states will have to demonstrate what it actually looks like to stand up for our own values, our own people."
However, legal experts who spoke with the Times cast doubt on Mamdani's authority as the mayor of a major American city to arrest a foreign head of government, even if the person in question has been indicted by the ICC.
Among other things, experts said that the NYPD does not have jurisdiction to arrest Netanyahu on international war crimes charges, and the Israeli leader would have to commit some crime in violation of local state or city laws to justify such an action.
Additionally, the US has never been party to the ICC and does not recognize its legal authority.
Matthew Waxman, a professor at Columbia Law School, told the Times that Mamdani's stated determination to arrest Netanyahu was "more a political stunt than a serious law-enforcement policy."