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Funeral ceremony for the 9 victims from al-Baisi family killed in Saudi-led coalition airstrikes against Houthis held in al-Habiyl village of Ibb in Yemen on April 15, 2015. (Photo: Adil Al-Sharee/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images)
Last Thursday marked forty-two years since John Lennon was killed. Many people, including me, lament his death and can recall where we were when we heard the heartbreaking news. This holiday season, we can heed John's and Yoko Ono's 1969 "Happy Xmas, War is Over, If You Want It" call by acting to end US military, intelligence and logistical support for the Saudi-led coalition in the horrendous war in Yemen. Over 400,000 Yemenis have perished since the war broke out in 2014, making it the world's worst humanitarian catastrophe, according to the United Nations.
Partisan loyalty cannot be allowed to override the suffering of the people of Yemen. Biden has had plenty of time to shut this war down, and has failed to do so. Congress must act, and is on solid ground in terms of its Constitutional authority.
Fifty-three years ago, John and Yoko were calling on Americans to act to end the war in Vietnam, which unfortunately took another six years. Today, we can get Congress to pass a War Powers Resolution to end US complicity in Yemen's catastrophe. Congress already did so in 2019. President Trump then vetoed it, and the vote to override the veto failed.
Since then, thousands more Yemenis have suffered and died. President Biden's pledge to end "offensive" weapons transfers to the Saudi-led coalition soon after taking office was insufficient to end the war. A mostly successful truce earlier this year recently expired, and violence has escalated. The time for more definitive action is now.
Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, long a leader in Congress for ending US support for the war, is pushing for another War Powers Resolution vote on Senate Joint Resolution 56 as soon as next week. He has thirteen co-sponsors, all Democrats at this point, though the 2019 vote did garner significant Republican support, and should again.
The title of the measure, "A joint resolution directing the removal of United States Armed Forces from hostilities in the Republic of Yemen that have not been authorized by Congress,"
makes its intent clear. Congress, which the Constitution explicitly gives powers over matters of war, has never approved US participation in the war in Yemen.
While the emphasis needs to be on ending the suffering of Yemenis, symbolized by the slogan Yemen Can't Wait, political crosswinds could play an unpredictable role in any upcoming Congressional votes. The House of Representatives could schedule a vote soon after a successful Senate vote. House Joint Resolution 87, introduced by Oregon's Peter DeFazio, has 118 cosponsors, including ten Republicans.
Saudi Arabia's terrible human rights record and its hideous murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, as well as thumbing its nose at President Biden last summer when he embarrassingly beseeched it for help in lowering oil prices (who didn't cringe at Biden's fist bump with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman?) are surely negative factors. However, the Saudi lobby is very powerful in Washington and beyond, and its influence on Congress should not be underestimated. There is also antipathy toward Iran, which has supported the Houthi rebels in this eight year long conflict, but US participation in the war, which is mostly at a territorial stalemate, is beyond any calibration of regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia (and there have been at least some signs of both countries wanting to tamp down such tensions).
We will soon see if Democrats are ready to essentially rebuke their president on this issue. Partisan loyalty cannot be allowed to override the suffering of the people of Yemen. Biden has had plenty of time to shut this war down, and has failed to do so. Congress must act, and is on solid ground in terms of its Constitutional authority.
John Lennon sang, "And so this is Christmas, and what have you done?" Let's answer that question by acting to end the harrowing war in Yemen.
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Last Thursday marked forty-two years since John Lennon was killed. Many people, including me, lament his death and can recall where we were when we heard the heartbreaking news. This holiday season, we can heed John's and Yoko Ono's 1969 "Happy Xmas, War is Over, If You Want It" call by acting to end US military, intelligence and logistical support for the Saudi-led coalition in the horrendous war in Yemen. Over 400,000 Yemenis have perished since the war broke out in 2014, making it the world's worst humanitarian catastrophe, according to the United Nations.
Partisan loyalty cannot be allowed to override the suffering of the people of Yemen. Biden has had plenty of time to shut this war down, and has failed to do so. Congress must act, and is on solid ground in terms of its Constitutional authority.
Fifty-three years ago, John and Yoko were calling on Americans to act to end the war in Vietnam, which unfortunately took another six years. Today, we can get Congress to pass a War Powers Resolution to end US complicity in Yemen's catastrophe. Congress already did so in 2019. President Trump then vetoed it, and the vote to override the veto failed.
Since then, thousands more Yemenis have suffered and died. President Biden's pledge to end "offensive" weapons transfers to the Saudi-led coalition soon after taking office was insufficient to end the war. A mostly successful truce earlier this year recently expired, and violence has escalated. The time for more definitive action is now.
Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, long a leader in Congress for ending US support for the war, is pushing for another War Powers Resolution vote on Senate Joint Resolution 56 as soon as next week. He has thirteen co-sponsors, all Democrats at this point, though the 2019 vote did garner significant Republican support, and should again.
The title of the measure, "A joint resolution directing the removal of United States Armed Forces from hostilities in the Republic of Yemen that have not been authorized by Congress,"
makes its intent clear. Congress, which the Constitution explicitly gives powers over matters of war, has never approved US participation in the war in Yemen.
While the emphasis needs to be on ending the suffering of Yemenis, symbolized by the slogan Yemen Can't Wait, political crosswinds could play an unpredictable role in any upcoming Congressional votes. The House of Representatives could schedule a vote soon after a successful Senate vote. House Joint Resolution 87, introduced by Oregon's Peter DeFazio, has 118 cosponsors, including ten Republicans.
Saudi Arabia's terrible human rights record and its hideous murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, as well as thumbing its nose at President Biden last summer when he embarrassingly beseeched it for help in lowering oil prices (who didn't cringe at Biden's fist bump with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman?) are surely negative factors. However, the Saudi lobby is very powerful in Washington and beyond, and its influence on Congress should not be underestimated. There is also antipathy toward Iran, which has supported the Houthi rebels in this eight year long conflict, but US participation in the war, which is mostly at a territorial stalemate, is beyond any calibration of regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia (and there have been at least some signs of both countries wanting to tamp down such tensions).
We will soon see if Democrats are ready to essentially rebuke their president on this issue. Partisan loyalty cannot be allowed to override the suffering of the people of Yemen. Biden has had plenty of time to shut this war down, and has failed to do so. Congress must act, and is on solid ground in terms of its Constitutional authority.
John Lennon sang, "And so this is Christmas, and what have you done?" Let's answer that question by acting to end the harrowing war in Yemen.
Last Thursday marked forty-two years since John Lennon was killed. Many people, including me, lament his death and can recall where we were when we heard the heartbreaking news. This holiday season, we can heed John's and Yoko Ono's 1969 "Happy Xmas, War is Over, If You Want It" call by acting to end US military, intelligence and logistical support for the Saudi-led coalition in the horrendous war in Yemen. Over 400,000 Yemenis have perished since the war broke out in 2014, making it the world's worst humanitarian catastrophe, according to the United Nations.
Partisan loyalty cannot be allowed to override the suffering of the people of Yemen. Biden has had plenty of time to shut this war down, and has failed to do so. Congress must act, and is on solid ground in terms of its Constitutional authority.
Fifty-three years ago, John and Yoko were calling on Americans to act to end the war in Vietnam, which unfortunately took another six years. Today, we can get Congress to pass a War Powers Resolution to end US complicity in Yemen's catastrophe. Congress already did so in 2019. President Trump then vetoed it, and the vote to override the veto failed.
Since then, thousands more Yemenis have suffered and died. President Biden's pledge to end "offensive" weapons transfers to the Saudi-led coalition soon after taking office was insufficient to end the war. A mostly successful truce earlier this year recently expired, and violence has escalated. The time for more definitive action is now.
Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, long a leader in Congress for ending US support for the war, is pushing for another War Powers Resolution vote on Senate Joint Resolution 56 as soon as next week. He has thirteen co-sponsors, all Democrats at this point, though the 2019 vote did garner significant Republican support, and should again.
The title of the measure, "A joint resolution directing the removal of United States Armed Forces from hostilities in the Republic of Yemen that have not been authorized by Congress,"
makes its intent clear. Congress, which the Constitution explicitly gives powers over matters of war, has never approved US participation in the war in Yemen.
While the emphasis needs to be on ending the suffering of Yemenis, symbolized by the slogan Yemen Can't Wait, political crosswinds could play an unpredictable role in any upcoming Congressional votes. The House of Representatives could schedule a vote soon after a successful Senate vote. House Joint Resolution 87, introduced by Oregon's Peter DeFazio, has 118 cosponsors, including ten Republicans.
Saudi Arabia's terrible human rights record and its hideous murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, as well as thumbing its nose at President Biden last summer when he embarrassingly beseeched it for help in lowering oil prices (who didn't cringe at Biden's fist bump with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman?) are surely negative factors. However, the Saudi lobby is very powerful in Washington and beyond, and its influence on Congress should not be underestimated. There is also antipathy toward Iran, which has supported the Houthi rebels in this eight year long conflict, but US participation in the war, which is mostly at a territorial stalemate, is beyond any calibration of regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia (and there have been at least some signs of both countries wanting to tamp down such tensions).
We will soon see if Democrats are ready to essentially rebuke their president on this issue. Partisan loyalty cannot be allowed to override the suffering of the people of Yemen. Biden has had plenty of time to shut this war down, and has failed to do so. Congress must act, and is on solid ground in terms of its Constitutional authority.
John Lennon sang, "And so this is Christmas, and what have you done?" Let's answer that question by acting to end the harrowing war in Yemen.
Judge Rossie Alston Jr. ruled the plaintiffs had failed to prove the groups provided "ongoing, continuous, systematic, and material support for Hamas and its affiliates."
A federal judge appointed in 2019 by US President Donald Trump has dismissed a lawsuit filed against pro-Palestinian organizations that alleged they were fronts for the terrorist organization Hamas.
In a ruling issued on Friday, Judge Rossie Alston Jr. of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia found that the plaintiffs who filed the case against the pro-Palestine groups had not sufficiently demonstrated a clear link between the groups and Hamas' attack on Israel on October 7, 2023.
The plaintiffs in the case—consisting of seven Americans and two Israelis—were all victims of the Hamas attack that killed an estimated 1,200 people, including more than 700 Israeli civilians.
They alleged that the pro-Palestinian groups—including National Students for Justice in Palestine, WESPAC Foundation, and Americans for Justice in Palestine Educational Foundation—provided material support to Hamas that directly led to injuries they suffered as a result of the October 7 attack.
This alleged support for Hamas, the plaintiffs argued, violated both the Anti-Terrorism Act and the Alien Tort Statute.
However, after examining all the evidence presented by the plaintiffs, Alston found they had not proven their claim that the organizations in question provide "ongoing, continuous, systematic, and material support for Hamas and its affiliates."
Specifically, Alston said that the claims made by the plaintiffs "are all very general and conclusory and do not specifically relate to the injuries" that they suffered in the Hamas attack.
"Although plaintiffs conclude that defendants have aided and abetted Hamas by providing it with 'material support despite knowledge of Hamas' terrorist activity both before, during, and after its October 7 terrorist attack,' plaintiffs do not allege that any planning, preparation, funding, or execution of the October 7, 2023 attack or any violations of international law by Hamas occurred in the United States," Alston emphasized. "None of the direct attackers are alleged to be citizens of the United States."
Alston was unconvinced by the plaintiffs' claims that the pro-Palestinian organizations "act as Hamas' public relations division, recruiting domestic foot soldiers to disseminate Hamas’s propaganda," and he similarly dismissed them as "vague and conclusory."
He then said that the plaintiffs did not establish that these "public relations" activities purportedly done on behalf of Hamas had "aided and abetted Hamas in carrying out the specific October 7, 2023 attack (or subsequent or continuing Hamas violations) that caused the Israeli Plaintiffs' injuries."
Alston concluded by dismissing the plaintiffs' case without prejudice, meaning they are free to file an amended lawsuit against the plaintiffs within 30 days of the judge's ruling.
"Putin got one hell of a photo op out of Trump," wrote one critic.
US President Donald Trump on Saturday morning tried to put his best spin on a Friday summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin that yielded neither a cease-fire agreement nor a comprehensive peace deal to end the war in Ukraine.
Writing on his Truth Social page, the president took a victory lap over the summit despite coming home completely empty-handed when he flew back from Alaska on Friday night.
"A great and very successful day in Alaska!" Trump began. "The meeting with President Vladimir Putin of Russia went very well, as did a late night phone call with President Zelenskyy of Ukraine, and various European Leaders, including the highly respected Secretary General of NATO."
Trump then pivoted to saying that he was fine with not obtaining a cease-fire agreement, even though he said just days before that he'd impose "severe consequences" on Russia if it did not agree to one.
"It was determined by all that the best way to end the horrific war between Russia and Ukraine is to go directly to a Peace Agreement, which would end the war, and not a mere Cease-fire Agreement, which often times do not hold up," Trump said. "President Zelenskyy will be coming to DC, the Oval Office, on Monday afternoon. If all works out, we will then schedule a meeting with President Putin. Potentially, millions of people's lives will be saved."
While Trump did his best to put a happy face on the summit, many critics contended it was nothing short of a debacle for the US president.
Writing in The New Yorker, Susan Glasser argued that the entire summit with Putin was a "self-own of embarrassing proportions," given that he literally rolled out the red carpet for his Russian counterpart and did not achieve any success in bringing the war to a close.
"Putin got one hell of a photo op out of Trump, and still more time on the clock to prosecute his war against the 'brotherly' Ukrainian people, as he had the chutzpah to call them during his remarks in Alaska," she wrote. "The most enduring images from Anchorage, it seems, will be its grotesque displays of bonhomie between the dictator and his longtime American admirer."
She also noted that Trump appeared to shift the entire burden of ending the war onto Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and he even said after the Putin summit that "it's really up to President Zelenskyy to get it done."
This led Glasser to comment that "if there's one unwavering Law of Trump, this is it: Whatever happens, it is never, ever, his fault."
Glasser wasn't the only critic to offer a scathing assessment of the summit. The Economist blasted Trump in an editorial about the meeting, which it labeled a "gift" to Putin. The magazine also contrasted the way that Trump treated Putin during his visit to American soil with the way that he treated Zelenskyy during an Oval Office meeting earlier this year.
"The honors for Mr. Putin were in sharp contrast to the public humiliation that Mr. Trump and his advisers inflicted on Mr. Zelenskyy during his first visit to the White House earlier this year," they wrote. "Since then relations with Ukraine have improved, but Mr. Trump has often been quick to blame it for being invaded; and he has proved strangely indulgent with Mr. Putin."
Michael McFaul, an American ambassador to Russia under former President Barack Obama, was struck by just how much effort went into holding a summit that accomplished nothing.
"Summits usually have deliverables," he told The Atlantic. "This meeting had none... I hope that they made some progress towards next steps in the peace process. But there is no evidence of that yet."
Mamdani won the House minority leader's district by double digits in New York City's Democratic mayoral primary, prompting one critic to ask, "Do those voters not matter?"
Zohran Mamdani is the Democratic nominee for New York City mayor, but Democratic U.S. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries—whose district Mamdani won by double digits—is still refusing to endorse him, "blue-no-matter-who" mantra be damned.
Criticism of Jeffries (D-N.Y.) mounted Friday after he sidestepped questions about whether he agreed with the democratic socialist Mamdani's proposed policies—including a rent freeze, universal public transportation, and free supermarkets—during an interview on CNBC's "Squawk Box" earlier this week.
"He's going to have to demonstrate to a broader electorate—including in many of the neighborhoods that I represent in Brooklyn—that his ideas can actually be put into reality," Jeffries said in comments that drew praise from scandal-ridden incumbent Democratic Mayor Eric Adams, who opted to run independently. Another Democrat, disgraced former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, is also running on his own.
"Shit like this does more to undermine faith in the institution of the Democratic Party than anything Mamdani might ever say or do," Amanda Litman, co-founder and executive director of Run For Something—a political action group that recruits young, diverse progressives to run for down-ballot offices—said on social media in response to Jeffries' refusal to endorse Mamdani.
"He won the primary! Handily!!" Litman added. "Does that electorate not count? Do those voters not matter?"
Writer and professor Roxane Gay noted on Bluesky that "Jeffries is an establishment Democrat. He will always work for the establishment. He is not a disruptor or innovator or individual thinker. Within that framework, his gutless behavior toward Mamdani or any progressive candidate makes a lot of sense."
City College of New York professor Angus Johnston said on the social network Bluesky that "even if Jeffries does eventually endorse Mamdani, the only response available to Mamdani next year if someone asks him whether he's endorsing Jeffries is three seconds of incredulous laughter."
Jeffries has repeatedly refused to endorse Mamdani, a staunch supporter of Palestinian liberation and vocal opponent of Israel's genocidal annihilation of Gaza. The minority leader—whose all-time top campaign donor is the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, according to AIPAC Tracker—has especially criticized Mamdani's use of the phrase "globalize the intifada," a call for universal justice and liberation.
Mamdani's stance doesn't seem to have harmed his support among New York's Jewish voters, who according to recent polling prefer him over any other mayoral candidate by a double-digit margin.