SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
The brunt of U.S. militarism is deeply misogynistic. (Photo: Alejandro Alvarez/Twitter)
In the 2020 presidential election, Black women, Indigenous women and people of color across the country delivered the votes to throw Donald Trump out of office. These voters want a new era in policy priorities, requiring radical change to the status quo--not just when it comes to U.S. domestic affairs but foreign policy as well.
After decades of flawed and failed U.S. foreign policy, Joe Biden has the opportunity to chart a new direction, one that can advance the conversation of achieving basic human rights and a secure future for the nation and the world. The stakes have never been higher: Diplomatic relationships have been eroded or destroyed, sanctions are choking health care systems and economies during a global pandemic, and we are spending over half of our federal budget on the military to police the world.
We need to question the drivers behind U.S. foreign policy, specifically the patriarchal assumptions that underlie militarist logic and the gendered notion that proliferating violence makes a nation more secure.
The problem goes beyond needing to replace specific failed policy approaches. We need to question the drivers behind U.S. foreign policy, specifically the patriarchal assumptions that underlie militarist logic and the gendered notion that proliferating violence makes a nation more secure. These notions of "security" coincide with the control of others through violence at home and abroad, and they are used to justify unnecessarily massive military budgets for weapons of mass destruction and the perpetuation of endless wars.
As a result, U.S. foreign policy has harmed communities worldwide for generations with zero mechanisms for accountability. In the past 20 years, the U.S. has launched wars and fomented violence in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Pakistan, the Philippines, Somalia, Syria, Yemen and beyond; and the so-called "war on terror" has killed some 801,000 people and displaced at least 37 million globally.
Our government's emphasis on military spending and war-making also robs American communities of funds that could provide desperately needed healthcare, housing and education. This brazen emphasis on global militarism directly impacts domestic policing and inflicts violence in our neighborhoods, especially in Black and brown communities. Billions of dollars from the Department of Homeland Security are used to militarize U.S. law enforcement, criminalizing marginalized communities and killing people.
The brunt of U.S. militarism is deeply misogynistic. In the U.S., Navajo women and their children have high levels of uranium in their bloodstreams as a result of nuclear weapons testing from decades ago. And in Fallujah, Iraq, women are still dealing with the legacy of U.S. bombings that took place nearly 20 years earlier, giving birth to babies with congenital disabilities who often cannot survive. For too many global communities impacted by U.S. wars, women often bear the responsibility to ensure their families' survival.
Experiencing firsthand the impacts of U.S. militarism, many of these women have become powerful activists demanding accountability from our government. Women from Okinawa, Japan, are leading the calls for the withdrawal of U.S. troops due to ongoing sexual violence against women and girls around military bases. Here in the U.S., women are calling for justice in response to the forced sterilization of women in immigration detention centers.
There has never been a more pressing time to democratize U.S. foreign policy-making by centering the voices and leadership of those most impacted by it, as well as prioritizing powerful feminist movements and their visions.
Imagine if Black feminists were in charge of framing national priorities. Leaders who grasp the need to defund the police from the U.S. to Nigeria could create policies rooted in global solidarity. They could also jettison failed domestic policies that have targeted their communities with state violence and incarceration for generations, and instead advance non-punitive approaches to heal and strengthen communities in the U.S. and around the world.
A foreign policy deeply informed by women in Syria and Yemen could end the U.S. arms sales and transfers that have prolonged immense suffering in their countries, and instead propel diplomacy rooted in community needs.
If Korean women peacemakers shaped U.S. policy on North Korea, they could end the 70-year Korean War with a peace agreement, which would create the conditions to denuclearize and demilitarize the Korean Peninsula and reunite divided Korean families.
And if Indigenous women and land defenders crafted climate policy, they could make unthinkable the status quo approaches of profit and destruction, break the stranglehold of corporate interests and instead center policies for a just transition to a sustainable future.
We did not hear much about foreign policy during the presidential debates, but the urgency to save American diplomacy remains. We must chart a new path forward for U.S. foreign policy guided by intersectional feminist principles of collective care, balance with people and the planet, and accountability. Tangibly, this means redirecting resources away from the military and the massive U.S. network of 1,000 bases worldwide toward investment in education, health care and a clean and sustainable environment. It means, rather than relying on threats of military force, economic sanctions and other forms of coercion to achieve U.S. objectives, U.S. foreign policy would prioritize diplomacy, engagement and cooperation. This approach would examine the root cause of conflict, hold people responsible for the damage they've caused and give reparations to those most harmed by U.S. policies.
Achieving this bold vision also requires breaking down the false binary between domestic and foreign policy. We can no longer separate the fights for economic justice, migrant rights, climate justice, and peace. The calls for defunding the police must be tied to calls to defund the military. To successfully take on the powerful military industrial complex, social movements must unite across borders, sharing information, tools and tactics.
At this pivotal moment, we can choose to maintain the failed status quo or imagine a safer, healthier and more equitable future. We can choose to allow violence and greed to dictate our lives, or we can choose a new direction that resets the United States' relationship with the rest of the world and uplifts us all.
For Biden, the choice should be obvious. And with the Senate likely to remain in Republican control, his chance to reshape the world and build a better future may lie within foreign policy, where he has more latitude for action. We can build a better world together, one that reflects our social movements at home and has lasting political support. And we already have the foreign policy guides we need: in grassroots and feminist movements worldwide.
Donald Trump’s attacks on democracy, justice, and a free press are escalating — putting everything we stand for at risk. We believe a better world is possible, but we can’t get there without your support. Common Dreams stands apart. We answer only to you — our readers, activists, and changemakers — not to billionaires or corporations. Our independence allows us to cover the vital stories that others won’t, spotlighting movements for peace, equality, and human rights. Right now, our work faces unprecedented challenges. Misinformation is spreading, journalists are under attack, and financial pressures are mounting. As a reader-supported, nonprofit newsroom, your support is crucial to keep this journalism alive. Whatever you can give — $10, $25, or $100 — helps us stay strong and responsive when the world needs us most. Together, we’ll continue to build the independent, courageous journalism our movement relies on. Thank you for being part of this community. |
In the 2020 presidential election, Black women, Indigenous women and people of color across the country delivered the votes to throw Donald Trump out of office. These voters want a new era in policy priorities, requiring radical change to the status quo--not just when it comes to U.S. domestic affairs but foreign policy as well.
After decades of flawed and failed U.S. foreign policy, Joe Biden has the opportunity to chart a new direction, one that can advance the conversation of achieving basic human rights and a secure future for the nation and the world. The stakes have never been higher: Diplomatic relationships have been eroded or destroyed, sanctions are choking health care systems and economies during a global pandemic, and we are spending over half of our federal budget on the military to police the world.
We need to question the drivers behind U.S. foreign policy, specifically the patriarchal assumptions that underlie militarist logic and the gendered notion that proliferating violence makes a nation more secure.
The problem goes beyond needing to replace specific failed policy approaches. We need to question the drivers behind U.S. foreign policy, specifically the patriarchal assumptions that underlie militarist logic and the gendered notion that proliferating violence makes a nation more secure. These notions of "security" coincide with the control of others through violence at home and abroad, and they are used to justify unnecessarily massive military budgets for weapons of mass destruction and the perpetuation of endless wars.
As a result, U.S. foreign policy has harmed communities worldwide for generations with zero mechanisms for accountability. In the past 20 years, the U.S. has launched wars and fomented violence in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Pakistan, the Philippines, Somalia, Syria, Yemen and beyond; and the so-called "war on terror" has killed some 801,000 people and displaced at least 37 million globally.
Our government's emphasis on military spending and war-making also robs American communities of funds that could provide desperately needed healthcare, housing and education. This brazen emphasis on global militarism directly impacts domestic policing and inflicts violence in our neighborhoods, especially in Black and brown communities. Billions of dollars from the Department of Homeland Security are used to militarize U.S. law enforcement, criminalizing marginalized communities and killing people.
The brunt of U.S. militarism is deeply misogynistic. In the U.S., Navajo women and their children have high levels of uranium in their bloodstreams as a result of nuclear weapons testing from decades ago. And in Fallujah, Iraq, women are still dealing with the legacy of U.S. bombings that took place nearly 20 years earlier, giving birth to babies with congenital disabilities who often cannot survive. For too many global communities impacted by U.S. wars, women often bear the responsibility to ensure their families' survival.
Experiencing firsthand the impacts of U.S. militarism, many of these women have become powerful activists demanding accountability from our government. Women from Okinawa, Japan, are leading the calls for the withdrawal of U.S. troops due to ongoing sexual violence against women and girls around military bases. Here in the U.S., women are calling for justice in response to the forced sterilization of women in immigration detention centers.
There has never been a more pressing time to democratize U.S. foreign policy-making by centering the voices and leadership of those most impacted by it, as well as prioritizing powerful feminist movements and their visions.
Imagine if Black feminists were in charge of framing national priorities. Leaders who grasp the need to defund the police from the U.S. to Nigeria could create policies rooted in global solidarity. They could also jettison failed domestic policies that have targeted their communities with state violence and incarceration for generations, and instead advance non-punitive approaches to heal and strengthen communities in the U.S. and around the world.
A foreign policy deeply informed by women in Syria and Yemen could end the U.S. arms sales and transfers that have prolonged immense suffering in their countries, and instead propel diplomacy rooted in community needs.
If Korean women peacemakers shaped U.S. policy on North Korea, they could end the 70-year Korean War with a peace agreement, which would create the conditions to denuclearize and demilitarize the Korean Peninsula and reunite divided Korean families.
And if Indigenous women and land defenders crafted climate policy, they could make unthinkable the status quo approaches of profit and destruction, break the stranglehold of corporate interests and instead center policies for a just transition to a sustainable future.
We did not hear much about foreign policy during the presidential debates, but the urgency to save American diplomacy remains. We must chart a new path forward for U.S. foreign policy guided by intersectional feminist principles of collective care, balance with people and the planet, and accountability. Tangibly, this means redirecting resources away from the military and the massive U.S. network of 1,000 bases worldwide toward investment in education, health care and a clean and sustainable environment. It means, rather than relying on threats of military force, economic sanctions and other forms of coercion to achieve U.S. objectives, U.S. foreign policy would prioritize diplomacy, engagement and cooperation. This approach would examine the root cause of conflict, hold people responsible for the damage they've caused and give reparations to those most harmed by U.S. policies.
Achieving this bold vision also requires breaking down the false binary between domestic and foreign policy. We can no longer separate the fights for economic justice, migrant rights, climate justice, and peace. The calls for defunding the police must be tied to calls to defund the military. To successfully take on the powerful military industrial complex, social movements must unite across borders, sharing information, tools and tactics.
At this pivotal moment, we can choose to maintain the failed status quo or imagine a safer, healthier and more equitable future. We can choose to allow violence and greed to dictate our lives, or we can choose a new direction that resets the United States' relationship with the rest of the world and uplifts us all.
For Biden, the choice should be obvious. And with the Senate likely to remain in Republican control, his chance to reshape the world and build a better future may lie within foreign policy, where he has more latitude for action. We can build a better world together, one that reflects our social movements at home and has lasting political support. And we already have the foreign policy guides we need: in grassroots and feminist movements worldwide.
In the 2020 presidential election, Black women, Indigenous women and people of color across the country delivered the votes to throw Donald Trump out of office. These voters want a new era in policy priorities, requiring radical change to the status quo--not just when it comes to U.S. domestic affairs but foreign policy as well.
After decades of flawed and failed U.S. foreign policy, Joe Biden has the opportunity to chart a new direction, one that can advance the conversation of achieving basic human rights and a secure future for the nation and the world. The stakes have never been higher: Diplomatic relationships have been eroded or destroyed, sanctions are choking health care systems and economies during a global pandemic, and we are spending over half of our federal budget on the military to police the world.
We need to question the drivers behind U.S. foreign policy, specifically the patriarchal assumptions that underlie militarist logic and the gendered notion that proliferating violence makes a nation more secure.
The problem goes beyond needing to replace specific failed policy approaches. We need to question the drivers behind U.S. foreign policy, specifically the patriarchal assumptions that underlie militarist logic and the gendered notion that proliferating violence makes a nation more secure. These notions of "security" coincide with the control of others through violence at home and abroad, and they are used to justify unnecessarily massive military budgets for weapons of mass destruction and the perpetuation of endless wars.
As a result, U.S. foreign policy has harmed communities worldwide for generations with zero mechanisms for accountability. In the past 20 years, the U.S. has launched wars and fomented violence in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Pakistan, the Philippines, Somalia, Syria, Yemen and beyond; and the so-called "war on terror" has killed some 801,000 people and displaced at least 37 million globally.
Our government's emphasis on military spending and war-making also robs American communities of funds that could provide desperately needed healthcare, housing and education. This brazen emphasis on global militarism directly impacts domestic policing and inflicts violence in our neighborhoods, especially in Black and brown communities. Billions of dollars from the Department of Homeland Security are used to militarize U.S. law enforcement, criminalizing marginalized communities and killing people.
The brunt of U.S. militarism is deeply misogynistic. In the U.S., Navajo women and their children have high levels of uranium in their bloodstreams as a result of nuclear weapons testing from decades ago. And in Fallujah, Iraq, women are still dealing with the legacy of U.S. bombings that took place nearly 20 years earlier, giving birth to babies with congenital disabilities who often cannot survive. For too many global communities impacted by U.S. wars, women often bear the responsibility to ensure their families' survival.
Experiencing firsthand the impacts of U.S. militarism, many of these women have become powerful activists demanding accountability from our government. Women from Okinawa, Japan, are leading the calls for the withdrawal of U.S. troops due to ongoing sexual violence against women and girls around military bases. Here in the U.S., women are calling for justice in response to the forced sterilization of women in immigration detention centers.
There has never been a more pressing time to democratize U.S. foreign policy-making by centering the voices and leadership of those most impacted by it, as well as prioritizing powerful feminist movements and their visions.
Imagine if Black feminists were in charge of framing national priorities. Leaders who grasp the need to defund the police from the U.S. to Nigeria could create policies rooted in global solidarity. They could also jettison failed domestic policies that have targeted their communities with state violence and incarceration for generations, and instead advance non-punitive approaches to heal and strengthen communities in the U.S. and around the world.
A foreign policy deeply informed by women in Syria and Yemen could end the U.S. arms sales and transfers that have prolonged immense suffering in their countries, and instead propel diplomacy rooted in community needs.
If Korean women peacemakers shaped U.S. policy on North Korea, they could end the 70-year Korean War with a peace agreement, which would create the conditions to denuclearize and demilitarize the Korean Peninsula and reunite divided Korean families.
And if Indigenous women and land defenders crafted climate policy, they could make unthinkable the status quo approaches of profit and destruction, break the stranglehold of corporate interests and instead center policies for a just transition to a sustainable future.
We did not hear much about foreign policy during the presidential debates, but the urgency to save American diplomacy remains. We must chart a new path forward for U.S. foreign policy guided by intersectional feminist principles of collective care, balance with people and the planet, and accountability. Tangibly, this means redirecting resources away from the military and the massive U.S. network of 1,000 bases worldwide toward investment in education, health care and a clean and sustainable environment. It means, rather than relying on threats of military force, economic sanctions and other forms of coercion to achieve U.S. objectives, U.S. foreign policy would prioritize diplomacy, engagement and cooperation. This approach would examine the root cause of conflict, hold people responsible for the damage they've caused and give reparations to those most harmed by U.S. policies.
Achieving this bold vision also requires breaking down the false binary between domestic and foreign policy. We can no longer separate the fights for economic justice, migrant rights, climate justice, and peace. The calls for defunding the police must be tied to calls to defund the military. To successfully take on the powerful military industrial complex, social movements must unite across borders, sharing information, tools and tactics.
At this pivotal moment, we can choose to maintain the failed status quo or imagine a safer, healthier and more equitable future. We can choose to allow violence and greed to dictate our lives, or we can choose a new direction that resets the United States' relationship with the rest of the world and uplifts us all.
For Biden, the choice should be obvious. And with the Senate likely to remain in Republican control, his chance to reshape the world and build a better future may lie within foreign policy, where he has more latitude for action. We can build a better world together, one that reflects our social movements at home and has lasting political support. And we already have the foreign policy guides we need: in grassroots and feminist movements worldwide.
Aharon Haliva, the former head of military intelligence in Israel, said in his vengeful remarks that it "doesn't matter now if they are children."
Those who listened to the 22-minute speech given by a South African attorney as part of the country's genocide case against Israel at the United Nations' top court in January 2024 have long been well aware that Israeli officials have openly made genocidal statements about their military assault on Gaza—but a recording broadcast by an Israeli news channel on Sunday revealed what The Guardian called an "unusually direct description of collective punishment of civilians" by a high-level general.
Aharon Haliva, the general who led Israel's military intelligence operations on October 7, 2023 when Hamas led an attack on the country, was heard in a recording broadcast by Channel 12 that "for everything that happened on October 7, for every person on October 7, 50 Palestinians must die."
"The fact that there are already 50,000 dead in Gaza is necessary and required for future generations," said Haliva in comments that were made "in recent months," according to Channel 12. "It doesn't matter now if they are children."
More than 62,000 Palestinians have now been killed in Israel's airstrikes and ground assault on Gaza since October 7, according to the Health Ministry in Gaza, with more than 250 people having died of malnutrition due to Israel's near-total blockade on humanitarian aid. The official death toll figures put out by officials in Gaza is believed by many to be a severe undercount.
The Israel Defense Forces' own data recently showed that only about 20,000 militants are among those who have been killed by Israeli forces—even as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and both Republican and Democratic leaders in the United States, the top international funder of the IDF, continue to insist that the military is targeting Hamas.
Haliva, who stepped down from leading military intelligence in April 2024, added in his comments that Palestinians "need a Nakba every now and then to feel the price"—a reference to the forced displacement of more than 700,000 Palestinians from their homes, the killing of about 15,000 people, and the destruction of more than 500 Palestinian towns when the state of Israel was created in 1948.
Notably, The Guardian reported that Haliva is "widely seen as a centrist critic of the current government and its far-right ministers such as Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir," whose genocidal statements about Gaza and the West Bank have been widely reported.
When arguing South Africa's genocide case at the International Court of Justice in January 2024, attorney Tembeka Ngcukaitobi catalogued a number of statements made by Netanyahu, the IDF, and his top Israeli ministers, including:
The Israeli human rights group B'Tselem, which said last month that it had determined Netanyahu's government is committing genocide in Gaza, said Haliva's remarks "are part of a long line of official statements that expose a deliberate policy of genocide."
"For 22 months, Israel has pursued a policy of systematically destroying Palestinian life in Gaza," said B'Tselem. "This is genocide. It is happening now. It must be stopped."
The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor added that Haliva openly admitted "what Israel tries to deny: genocide is not a byproduct of war but the goal."
Haliva's remark about the necessity of repeating the Nakba in Gaza "reveals a clear intention: The bloodshed is not meant to stop, but to be repeated."
Nihad Awad, national executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, said Haliva's statement "is not just evidence of genocidal rhetoric, it is a blueprint for genocidal action" that must push the US government to end its support for Israel.
"The Trump administration and the international community can no longer turn a blind eye," said Awad. "President [Donald] Trump and Congress cannot continue to claim they do not know or deny what the entire world is seeing every hour of every day. The United States must immediately halt all military aid and support to Israel and demand accountability for war crimes committed in Gaza. Silence is complicity."
Any such effort, said one democracy watchdog, "would violate the Constitution and is a major step to prevent free and fair elections."
In his latest full-frontal assault on democratic access and voting rights, President Donald Trump early Monday said he will lead an effort to ban both mail-in ballots and voting machines for next year's mid-term elections—a vow met with immediate rebuke from progressive critics.
"I am going to lead a movement to get rid of MAIL-IN BALLOTS, and also, while we’re at it, Highly 'Inaccurate,' Very Expensive, and Seriously Controversial VOTING MACHINES, which cost Ten Times more than accurate and sophisticated Watermark Paper, which is faster, and leaves NO DOUBT, at the end of the evening, as to who WON, and who LOST, the Election," Trump wrote in a social media post infested with lies and falsehoods.
Trump falsely claimed that no other country in the world uses mail-in voting—a blatant lie, according to International IDEA, which monitors democratic trends worldwide, at least 34 nations allow for in-country postal voting of some kind. The group notes that over 100 countries allow out-of-country postal voting for citizens living or stationed overseas during an election.
Trump has repeated his false claim—over and over again—that he won the 2020 election, which he actually lost, in part due to fraud related to mail-in ballots, though the lie has been debunked ad nauseam. He also fails to note that mail-in ballots were very much in use nationwide in 2024, with an estimated 30% of voters casting a mail-in ballot as opposed to in-person during the election in which Trump returned to the White House and Republicans took back the US Senate and retained the US House of Representatives.
Monday's rant by Trump came just days after his summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin, who Trump claimed commented personally on the 2020 election and mail-in ballots. In a Friday night interview with Fox News, Trump claimed "one of the most interesting" things Putin said during their talks about ending the war in Ukraine was about mail-in voting in the United States and how Trump would have won the election were it not for voter fraud, echoing Trump's own disproven claims.
Trump: Vladimir Putin said your election was rigged because you have mail-in voting… he talked about 2020 and he said you won that election by so much.. it was a rigged election. pic.twitter.com/m8v0tXuiDQ
— Acyn (@Acyn) August 16, 2025
Trump said Monday he would sign an executive order on election processes, suggesting that it would forbid mail-in ballots as well as the automatic tabulation machines used in states nationwide. He also said that states, which are in charge of administering their elections at the local level, "must do what the Federal Government, as represented by the President of the United States, tells them, FOR THE GOOD OF OUR COUNTRY, to do."
Marc Elias, founder of Democracy Docket, which tracks voting rights and issues related to ballot access, said any executive order by Trump to end mail-in voting or forbid provenly safe and accurate voting machines ahead of the midterms would be "unconstitutional and illegal."
Such an effort, said Elias, "would violate the Constitution and is a major step to prevent free and fair elections."
"We've got the FBI patrolling the streets." said one protester. "We've got National Guard set up as a show of force. What's scarier is if we allow this."
Residents of Washington, DC over the weekend demonstrated against US President Donald Trump's deployment of the National Guard in their city.
As reported by NBC Washington, demonstrators gathered on Saturday at DuPont Circle and then marched to the White House to direct their anger at Trump for sending the National Guard to Washington DC, and for his efforts to take over the Metropolitan Police Department.
In an interview with NBC Washington, one protester said that it was important for the administration to see that residents weren't intimidated by the presence of military personnel roaming their streets.
"I know a lot of people are scared," the protester said. "We've got the FBI patrolling the streets. We've got National Guard set up as a show of force. What's scarier is if we allow this."
Saturday protests against the presence of the National Guard are expected to be a weekly occurrence, organizers told NBC Washington.
Hours after the march to the White House, other demonstrators began to gather at Union Station to protest the presence of the National Guard units there. Audio obtained by freelance journalist Andrew Leyden reveals that the National Guard decided to move their forces out of the area in reaction to what dispatchers called "growing demonstrations."
Even residents who didn't take part in formal demonstrations over the weekend managed to express their displeasure with the National Guard patrolling the city. According to The Washington Post, locals who spent a night on the town in the U Street neighborhood on Friday night made their unhappiness with law enforcement in the city very well known.
"At the sight of local and federal law enforcement throughout the night, people pooled on the sidewalk—watching, filming, booing," wrote the Post. "Such interactions played out again and again as the night drew on. Onlookers heckled the police as they did their job and applauded as officers left."
Trump last week ordered the National Guard into Washington, DC and tried to take control the Metropolitan Police, purportedly in order to reduce crime in the city. Statistics released earlier this year, however, showed a significant drop in crime in the nation's capital.