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"Today is a great day!"
That's the message from supporters of U.S. Army whistleblower Chelsea Manning, who on Wednesday, after seven years in military prison, is a free woman.
"After another anxious four months of waiting, the day has finally arrived," Manning said in a statement upon her release: "I am looking forward to so much! Whatever is ahead of me is far more important than the past. I'm figuring things out right now--which is exciting, awkward, fun, and all new for me," she said.
She also posted a photo to social media marking her "First steps of freedom!! :
The 29-year-old U.S. Army whistleblower's 35-year sentence was commuted by President Barack Obama just days before he left office, and after years of grassroots campaigns to secure her freedom.
Indeed, her release is not only "a victory for human rights and the future of freedom of expression," but "a testament to the power of grassroots organizing. If not for the hundreds of thousands of people from across the political spectrum who spoke up, rose up, and fought for Chelsea's freedom, I firmly believe that she would not be with us today," declared Evan Greer, campaign director of Fight for the Future.
Among those who'd worked for her freedom is Manning's attorney at the ACLU, Chase Strangio. Drawing attention to the cruelty she faced during her imprisonment, Strangio wrote this week that
Chelsea Manning almost died on our watch. She suffered at the hands of our government, and the toll of her incarceration nearly killed her. But she survived. Through long stretches of solitary confinement, the systemic denial of healthcare, relentless abuse, and a lifetime of consequences, she will have a chance to live.
That cruelty is despite the fact that she merely helped "to expose some of the U.S. government's worst abuses by making public thousands of military documents," wrote Greer, whose organization spearheaded many of the campaigns to free Manning. (As another observer put it, Manning committed "the crime of revealing crimes no one's ever going to prison for.")
Glenn Greenwald points out at The Intercept:
It is genuinely hard to overstate the significance of those revelations: aside from some of the most visceral footage of indiscriminate slaughter by the U.S. military seen in decades, even harsh WikiLeaks skeptics such as New York Times' Executive Editor Bill Keller credited the leaks with helping to spark the Arab Spring. Even more significantly, revelations about how the U.S. military executed Iraqi civilians, then called in a bombing raid on the home to cover-up what they did, prevented the Iraqi Government from granting the Obama administration the troop immunity it was seeking in order to extend the war in Iraq.
"But as courageous as that original whistle-blowing was," Greenwald continues,
Manning's heroism has only multiplied since then, become more multi-faceted and consequential. As a result, she has inspired countless people around the world. At this point, one could almost say that her 2010 leaking to WikiLeaks has faded in the background when assessing her true impact as a human being. Her bravery and sense of conviction wasn't a one-time outburst: it was the sustained basis for her last seven years of imprisonment that she somehow filled with purpose, dignity, and inspiration.
As such, "Chelsea's treatment is especially galling given that nobody has been held accountable for the alleged crimes that she brought to light," states Margaret Huang, executive director of Amnesty International USA.
Given Manning's contribution to the public good, Greer, who is also a singer/songwriter, organized a benefit digital album--Hugs for Chelsea--to support the whistleblower's transition to life out of prison. The compilation includes songs from over 30 artists including Graham Nash, Thurston Moore, Tom Morello, and Against Me!. One hundred percent of the proceeds will go to Manning.
Greer and Strangio also teamed up to create a GoFundMe page called "Chelsea Manning Welcome Home Fund" so that people "have a chance to show our appreciation for all that she has given us."
"For the first time in her life, Chelsea will have the opportunity to live freely as her authentic self, to grow her hair, engage with her friends, and build her own networks of love and support. We want her to have the tools to do that and to overcome the years of abuse she has experience in custody," the page states. As of this writing, it has raised over $154,000, surpassing its $150k goal.
While Manning's supporters celebrated her release and inspiring message "that people power can triumph over injustice," many also drew attention to the ongoing dangers whistleblowers face and widespread mistreatment of those held by the incarceration system.
According to Max Anderson, coordinator at Human Rights Watch's general counsel's office, "Manning's story should serve as a wakeup call for governments to reform whistleblower protections and fulfill their human rights obligations toward incarcerated transgendered people.
Added Amnesty's Huang: "While we celebrate her freedom, we will continue to call for an independent investigation into the potential human rights violations she exposed, and for protections to be put in place to ensure whistleblowers like Chelsea are never again subjected to such appalling treatment."
A coalition of grassroots groups at the Oceti Sakowin camp at Standing Rock indicated it would reject an Army Corps of Engineers eviction notice, "stand united in defiance of the black snake," and continue to protect water in their ongoing struggle against the Dakota Access pipeline.
A coalition of grassroots groups at the Oceti Sakowin camp at Standing Rock indicated it would reject an Army Corps of Engineers eviction notice, "stand united in defiance of the black snake," and continue to protect water in their ongoing struggle against the Dakota Access pipeline.
On November 25, district commander Colonel John W. Henderson informed Standing Rock Sioux Tribe chairman David Archambault II that the Army Corps planned to close part of the land "north of the Cannonball River" to public use on December 5. He suggested it was necessary to "protect the general public from the violent confrontations between protestors and law enforcement officials that have occurred in this area and to prevent, death, illness, or serious injury to inhabitants of encampments due to the harsh North Dakota winter conditions."
If this decision is enforced, it will directly impact the indigenous people and allies occupying the Oceti Sakowin camp.
The coalition of groups, including the Camp of Sacred Stones, International Indigenous Youth Council, Indigenous Environmental Network, and Honor the Earth reacted, "It is no coincidence that the Army Corps of Engineers has chosen December 5, General George Armstrong Custer's birthday, as the date it plans to evict people from the Oceti Sakowin Camp. Custer broke the treaty to dig for gold, the Army Corps is breaking the treaty over oil."
"The Army Corps has no authority to evict us from these lands. The Oceti Sakowin encampment is located on the ancestral homeland of the Lakota, Mandan, Arikara, and Northern Cheyenne - on territory never ceded to the U.S. government, and affirmed in the 1851 Treaty of Ft. Laramie as sovereign land belonging to the Great Sioux Nation," the coalition added.
"The encampment is, in many respects, a reclamation of this stolen territory and the right to self-determination guaranteed in the treaties. Our water protectors are not trespassers and can never be trespassers. The Army Corps also has no authority to diminish our right to free speech. Where in the Constitution does it establish zones for the right to free speech? Do corporations now decide whether the Constitution applies? We are not moving, and we will not be silenced."
The coalition continued, "The Army Corps's eviction notice is an aggressive threat to indigenous peoples. It further empowers and emboldens a militarized police force that has already injured hundreds of unarmed, peaceful water protectors, and continues to escalate its tactics of brutality against us. It adds fuel to the fire of an ongoing human rights crisis."
For those wondering what is meant by "black snake," as Kristin Moe described for Yes! Magazine, "There is an old Lakota prophecy of a black snake, a creature that would rise from the deep, bringing with it great sorrow and great destruction. For many years, the Lakota people have wondered what the prophecy meant and when it would come to pass." They view oil pipelines as this feared creature.
As noted by the coalition, the Army Corps has a history of violating indigenous land that is supposed to be protected by treaties. "The best of these lands were flooded by the Army Corps in the 1950s and 1960s - countless sacred sites were desecrated, the vast majority of the timber resources and wildlife destroyed, and thousands of people displaced."
The Washington Post's Steven Mufson published an overview on U.S. government incursions on tribal lands. Over 150 years, it has taken land from the Lakota and Dakota tribes. The seizures, according to tribal leaders, include "land in the Black Hills of South Dakota after the discovery of gold in the 1870s." It also includes the construction of dams in the Missouri River, which brought destruction.
"Through the ages, the warring tribes of the Northern Plains lived, hunted and fought across a sprawling expanse of land. Many were migratory, moving with the seasons. Each treaty with the U.S. government, most notably the 1851 and 1868 treaties of Fort Laramie, restricted their movement further, although they left them large areas west of the Missouri River and recognized them as sovereign nations," Mufson summarized.
The Morton County Sheriff's Department, Morton County Commission, and North Dakota state government have pressured the federal government to take some kind of action against the water protectors, especially since the police conducted an assault against hundreds of people on November 20 that resulted in more than 300 injuries.
But days after issuing the eviction notice, it is unclear what the Army Corps plans to do to enforce the decision to close off access to the land that the Army Corps apparently has no right to shut down. The Army Corps released a statement that it has no plans for a "forcible removal" of water protectors. It claims the Army Corps seeks a "peaceful and orderly transition to a safer location."
The Army Corps is currently assessing whether to deny an easement to Energy Transfer Partners , the company behind the Dakota Access pipeline. Even as it frustrates construction plans for the pipeline, it fuels a mendacious narrative, along with officials at all levels of government, that the encampment is not safe. It also fuels the idea that tribal governors may be encouraging or allowing widespread illegal activity.
In the eviction notice, Henderson called attention to "unauthorized structures, fires, improper disposal of water, and camping," currently taking place, and stated, "Any tribal government that sponsors such illegal activity is assuming the risk for those persons who remain on these lands." And so, to control people, the Army Corps plans to establish a "free speech zone" so it can have more control.
Cheyenne River Sioux Tribal chairman Harold Frazier wrote to Henderson, "I no more control the acts and behaviors of Cheyenne River Sioux Tribal members or non-member water protectors at the Cannonball site than you do, Col. Henderson."
"As set forth, even if I could control the water protectors, I recognize and respect their rights under the Constitution of the United States to peaceably assemble in prayerful protest against the cultural and environmental atrocity that is the Dakota access pipeline. I would not use my authority, which is based on the consent of my citizens, to curtail their human and constitutional rights."
While pressure from authorities against water protectors intensifies, about 1,000 military veterans plan to travel to the Standing Rock Indian Reservation on December 4-7 and "defend the water protectors from assault and intimidation at the hands of the militarized police force and [Dakota Access] security." Over $450,000 was raised to support this initiative.
There are also solidarity actions planned throughout December, and on November 27, a massive demonstration in support of the water protectors at Standing Rock took place at the Washington monument. Hours later, a sold-out benefit concert featuring Dave Matthews, Tim Reynolds, Neko Case, Graham Nash, Ledisi, and Lakota Thunder was held at DAR Constitution Hall.
During his presidency, President Barack Obama made overtures to Native Americans that he would be on their side. He has mostly avoided taking any meaningful stance on the issue of the Dakota Access pipeline, even as indigenous people plead with him to stand up for them.
"The extreme escalation of violence by law enforcement in recent weeks demands immediate action from the Obama administration to de-escalate and demilitarize the law enforcement response, not to further criminalize us. As the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe pointed out in its response to the Army Corps, the only way to protect people is to deny the last outstanding easement required for the pipeline to cross the Missouri River. "
The water protectors demand the White House deny the easement, revoke permits, and remove pipeline construction workers. They also demand a "full environmental impact statement in formal consultation with impacted tribal governments" be ordered.
"In the meantime," the coalition declared, "we will stand our ground for the water and the unborn generations. Our fight is not just about a pipeline project. It is about 500 years of colonization and oppression. This is our moment, a chance to demand a future for our people and all people. We ask you to join us."
In 1962, Diane Arbus took a photo of a lanky young boy in Central Park holding a hand grenade. He stands before the camera, a deranged look on his face, his free hand contorted into a menacing claw. It's an iconic image that captured the generational tension around the Vietnam War and, according to songwriter of that time Graham Nash, one that questions the lessons we teach our children.
A half-century later, there is a new movement of young people seeking to inform the world. A group of high-minded activists concerned with their environmental inheritance argues that current operating procedures threaten coming generations' access to clean air, water, and a stable climate. State by state they're suing to force governments to protect their birthright.
Suing because asking hasn't worked.
In Washington state, a group of 12- to 16-year-olds supported by environmental nonprofit Our Children's Trust has repeatedly asked the Department of Ecology to more strictly regulate carbon emissions. But the state has repeatedly refused, saying it lacks the authority and buying more time. Washington's latest rendition of the Clean Air Rule--proposed legislation that would limit carbon pollution--fails to go far enough.
The kids are asking for something that, surprisingly, does not exist: a rule that caps emissions and requires reductions based on the best available science. The Department of Ecology, which is charged by statute and state and federal constitutions to manage and protect the environment, has not challenged the validity of the science the kids have presented in court--numbers on graphs and charts based on recent research, all thoroughly cross-checked by some of the nation's leading climate scientists.
The state's current plan is based on outdated science.Yet the state's current plan is based on outdated science. It calls for a reduction of statewide greenhouse gas emissions to 1990 levels by 2020. This would require an annual reduction in emissions of 1.7 percent. Today's experts say we'll need to slash our emissions by about four times more than that. In addition, the state's plan includes allowances for some businesses to drag their feet meeting the goals and credits given for out-of-state and past sustainable investments. There's even a dubious mechanism that allows some carbon credits to be counted twice.
The state has not only denied pleas for a rule that would require quicker action but challenged recent court direction to do so. Finding that the state had a "constitutional obligation to protect the public's interest in natural resources held in trust for the common benefit of the people," the King County Superior Court ordered the department to create such a rule by the end of 2016.
But Gov. Jay Inslee's administration appealed the order. Although he's considered a "climate hero," said Andrea Rodgers, an attorney with the Western Environmental Law Center who represents the kids in court, "he missed a tremendous opportunity."
It is an election year, after all. Facing tight races in November, state Democrats may be wary that strong climate action will appear anti-business. And so, two quintessential American ideals have again butted heads: private enterprise versus the public good.
Ultimately, that's what this case is about--the public trust.
It's logical that we apply the public trust to climate.The public trust doctrine is a legal concept in which governments protect resources--including air, water, and land--for the benefit of citizens as a whole. It's an ancient idea with roots in indigenous cultures and Roman law's res communes, addressing things owned by no one and available to all.
It's also the backbone of modern environmental law. Embedded in statutes back in 1892 when the U.S. Supreme Court found that the public, not a private railroad company, owned the submerged tidelands along Lake Michigan, this idea of public trust has since been invoked over water, oil, beaches, fish stocks, shellfish beds, and so on.
As understanding of ecological interconnectivity grows, it's logical that we apply the public trust to climate. And that's the basis of the climate kids' lawsuit.
When I first learned of the climate kids, I was skeptical. Probably put up to it by their fleece-wearing parents, I thought. Indeed, the group in Washington is part of a broader, international effort backed by the grown-ups at Our Children's Trust and attorneys like Rodgers. But another case OCT is pursuing, from Oregon, has risen to a federal court and presents perhaps the brightest chance yet of forcing national emissions regulation worthy of the task at hand.
That's serious movement, and not to be taken lightly. So, what can we learn from them?
"The kids believe they can solve this crisis," Rodgers told me. "They are not jaded by years of political failure."
That youthful idealism, in this case, may be what our situation requires. After all, as Nash sings, it will be their hell that slowly goes by.
Long-time anti-nuclear activist, journalist and punk rock drummer Michael Mariotte died May 16 at the age of 63 in his home in Kensington, Md., after a three-year battle with pancreatic cancer. Mariotte was executive director of the Nuclear Information and Resource Service (NIRS) in Takoma Park, Md., for 27 years. Under Mariotte's leadership NIRS became a key information resource for anti-nuclear activists around the world.
Long-time anti-nuclear activist, journalist and punk rock drummer Michael Mariotte died May 16 at the age of 63 in his home in Kensington, Md., after a three-year battle with pancreatic cancer. Mariotte was executive director of the Nuclear Information and Resource Service (NIRS) in Takoma Park, Md., for 27 years. Under Mariotte's leadership NIRS became a key information resource for anti-nuclear activists around the world.
Mariotte was a leading figure in halting the construction of proposed nuclear facilities in Maryland and Louisiana, and was pivotal in the fight against efforts to repeal a federal ban on the interstate transport of nuclear waste, which Mariotte derided as "mobile Chernobyl."
A veteran journalist, Mariotte was founding editor, and later general manager, of the newspaper that went on to the become the Washington City Paper, and a year after joining NIRS in 1985 he began publishing Groundswell, the group's newsletter, later renamed Nuclear Monitor.
I met Mariotte at Antioch College, where he and I worked together on the weekly student newspaper, The Record, in the spring of 1978. With us on the Record's staff were Laura Markham and Ron Williams, who together went on to found the Metro Times, a Detroit alternative newspaper, in 1980.
Along with the rest of the paper's staff, Michael and I spent many a sleepless night doing layout and last-minute edits.
The nights would start with beer and end with coffee--a lot of coffee. Michael was tireless and kind, and he always had time to help out younger, less experienced writers like me. His wit was sharp as a scalpel, but he reserved his sharpest barbs for the rich and powerful, and I learned a lot from his analysis of power relationships. He took to heart Finley Peter Dunne's words that "the job of the newspaper is to comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable."
It was an interesting time in Antioch's history, and Michael relished in the politics of it. Financially the school was hanging by a thread, but somehow it found funds to hire the very expensive and notoriously anti-union Taft law firm of Cincinnati to play hardball in negotiations with the school's support staff, when it went out on strike. Michael and the rest of The Record staff lined up solidly behind the union and were in the forefront of student support.
Then Antioch President William Birenbaum wrote a sort of State of the College report in which he urged the school to move away from its innovative tradition and embrace a more traditional path. With considerable help from Michael, I wrote a response, picking apart the Birenbaum report point by point. Thirty-eight years later that still stands out as a defining moment for me as a writer, with Michael right there, front and center.
From Antioch, Mariotte moved to the Washington area, where he and some friends formed the punk band Tru Fax and the Insaniacs, which was a regular at the city's 9:30 Club and played other area venues. In 1982 the band produced an album entitled "Mental Decay," and to the band's delight, it was named Washington's worst band by Washington magazine in 1980. The band's second album, "ArtiFax," is slated to be released later this year.
Mariotte recruited celebrities to the anti-nuclear cause, and his work in the field was praised by musicians Jackson Browne, Graham Nash and Bonnie Raitt, all of whom played at five 1979 No Nukes concerts in New York City's Madison Square Garden.
In the wake of the 1986 meltdown of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant in what was then the Soviet Socialist Republic of Ukraine, Mariotte traveled to Ukraine and became a consultant to anti-nuclear groups in what were then the socialist Soviet bloc countries of Eastern Europe.
In 2014 a dozen environmental groups - including Greenpeace, the Sierra Club, Friends of the Earth and Public Citizen - gave Mariotte a lifetime achievement award, which was presented by consumer advocate and two-time Green Party presidential candidate Ralph Nader.
Mariotte is survived by his wife Tanya Murza of Kensington; four children, Richard and Nicole Mariotte, both of Olympia, Wash., and Zoryana and Kateryna Mariotte, both of Kensington; and a brother and sister.
The two reactors at Diablo Canyon are the last ones still operating in California. And the grassroots pressure to shut them down is escalating.
Together grassroots activists have shut three California reactors at San Onofre, between Los Angeles and San Diego and one each at Rancho Seco, near Sacramento and at Humboldt, perched on an earthquake zone in the north.
Proposed construction at Bodega Bay and near Bakersfield has also been stopped.
But the two at the aptly named Diablo still run, much to the terror of the millions downwind.
On Aug. 5, the day before the 70th commemoration of the Hiroshima bombing, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) staged a "scoping" hearing in San Luis Obispo. The official task was to vent the various environmental concerns the public might have about extending the two Diablo operating licenses. Pacific Gas & Electric (PG&E) has asked that they be allowed to operate them twenty years past their projected closing dates in 2024 and 2025.
The real game is more complex. Dr. Michael Peck, the NRC's resident safety inspector at Diablo for five critical years, has written a memo questioning whether the reactors could withstand a likely earthquake. A dozen new fault-lines have been discovered near the plant since construction began. One, the Shoreline, runs within 600 yards of the cores.
Peck's memo was buried for at least a year. When it surfaced, the NRC had Peck transferred to Chattanooga, Tennessee. Both the NRC and PG&E have dismissed Peck's findings, saying the plants are (as usual) "perfectly safe."
But the earthquake issue is now in the federal courts. So are questions about water usage. Diablo's once-through cooling system dumps billions of gallons of over-heated water into the ocean every day, killing countless quantities of aquatic life. Two key California boards do have the power to shut Diablo if they deny it further permission to violate state and federal water quality laws.
That issue is being fiercely contended on a state level. Decisions may come by the end of the year, at which point the battle will rise to a whole new level.
It's also become clear that the sinking costs of renewables and efficiency have made Diablo's energy extraneous. And that the jobs being created by the transition to green power will more than compensate for any lost at the nukes. Among other things, shut-down advocates are demanding that all key workers be retained at the reactors to make sure the decommissioning is done right.
Meanwhile, the August 5 hearing was graced by singer David Crosby, whose testimony made front page news in the San Luis Obispo Tribune.
Testimony from Bonnie Raitt, Jackson Browne and Graham Nash in opposition to the reactors was also read to the public.
Meanwhile John Geesman, lead attorney in the citizen interventions on water quality issues in California testified to the water quality issues that could and should shut the reactors down.
Overall more than a hundred citizens attended, with the overwhelming number demanding the plant be shut immediately.
On Aug. 6, a procession led by the Buddhist Reverend Sawada Shonin walked and cycled from downtown San Luis to the nuke site. That night the Mothers for Peace, the legendary long-time local anti-nuclear group, met to commemorate the Hiroshima bombing and re-commit to shutting Diablo.
Given the revolution now proceeding in renewable energy and the tsunami of issues facing these decrepit reactors and the great music that accompanies their work, the aroused citizenry demanding an end to Diablo's operation are ever more likely to win ... sooner rather than later.
In the most recent Coen brothers film, Inside Llewyn Davis, the protagonist -- a struggling Greenwich Village folksinger in 1961 -- is based, very loosely, on Dave Van Ronk, a little-known (outside folk music circles) but influential folk-singer who helped define the folk music revival of the late fifties, and mentored the young Bob Dylan and others during the early 1960s when what Van Ronk called the "great folk scare" took off. To understand the atmosphere of that music scene, the Coens relied on Van Ronk's memoir (coauthored with Elijah Wald), The Mayor of McDougall Street. Van Ronk recounts his serious involvement with various left-wing factions of the period.
The 1960s folk music scene was a chapter in a long story, one that began decades earlier and that continues today as a new generation of singers and songwriters connect -- directly and indirectly -- to the burgeoning progressive movements that are rippling across the country.
Seeger became the most influential folk artist of the 20th century. The songs he wrote, including the anti-war tunes "Where Have All the Flowers Gone?," "If I Had a Hammer," and "Turn, Turn, Turn," and those he has popularized, including "This Land Is Your Land," "Guantanamera," "Wimoweh," and "We Shall Overcome," have become global anthems for people fighting for freedom.
The freedom song movement was echoed in the performances of many African American and white artists as the civil rights struggle continued. A number of black rhythm-and-blues and soul performers who emerged from the world of gospel music spread the movement gospel to vast audiences, among them Sam Cooke ("A Change Is Gonna Come," 1964), Aretha Franklin ("Respect," 1967), James Brown ("Say It Loud -- I'm Black and Proud," 1968) and Marvin Gaye "What's Going On," 1971). Meanwhile, jazz artists like Max Roach, Art Blakey and Nina Simone created musical masterpieces with political themes that became permanent cultural legacies.
In the early sixties, a new generation of folk troubadours emerged, determined to link their music and the struggles for social justice. In the streets, folk clubs and campuses of major cities, singer-songwriters wrote "topical" songs about specific events, songs about the mood of alienation and anger in the country, and new protest anthems. Some performed at fundraisers and political rallies. Dylan, Joan Baez, Odetta and Peter Paul and Mary performed at the 1963 March on Washington, serving as a cultural bridge between the Southern movement and the emerging student movement on northern campuses.
Baez joined Martin Luther King on his 1965 march in Alabama, from Selma to Montgomery. She later joined Cesar Chavez during his twenty-four-day fast to draw attention to the farmworkers' union struggle, and she participated in a Christmas vigil outside San Quentin State Prison, California, to oppose capital punishment. In 1964, as the campus New Left was burgeoning, she sang at a Free Speech Movement rally in Sproul Plaza, leading hundreds of students to occupy the administration building at the University of California, Berkeley.
As the war in Vietnam escalated, Baez encouraged young men to resist the draft. In 1967 she was twice arrested for blocking military induction centers. She boldly performed the classic labor song, "I Dreamed I Saw Joe Hill Last Night," at the 1969 Woodstock festival, making the song and the Joe Hill legend available to young people decades after Hill's 1915 execution and after the song's creation by Earl Robinson in 1936. During the 1980s Baez spoke out against South Africa's apartheid system and featured Peter Gabriel's song about antiapartheid activist Steven Biko at her concerts. In 1987 she traveled to Israel, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank to sing peace songs with Jews and Arabs. She has devoted much of her performance career as a bridge between American audiences and freedom struggles in many parts of the world.
The second wave of feminism and the emerging environmental movements inspired performers, too. Leslie Gore's "You Don't Own Me" (1964) and Helen Reddy's "I Am Woman" (1971) were commercial pop hits with feminist themes, while a wave of "womyn's music" took root, led by Holly Near, Meg Christian and others, popularized via concerts, festivals and records. An outstanding catalog of feminist and gay rights music spanning decades can be accessed at Lady Slipper Music.
Ani DiFranco has created her own independent record company (Righteous Babe) to sustain her independence from corporate cultural machinery while building a passionate fan base. Ben Harper has used his celebrity as a folk/blues/soul/gospel/reggae/rock artist, with several Grammy awards to his credit, to support progressive political causes, including the 2004 "Vote for Change" concert tour to benefit MoveOn.Org, support for jailed Burmese prodemocracy advocate and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi and No Nukes. One of the most prolific and engaged performers is David Rovics, whose hundreds of songs range from episodes of movement history to topical comment on immediate issues Roy Zimmerman uses parody and satire to create songs that both jab at ruling elites and inspire people to seek a better world.
Despite occasional media laments that "protest music is dead," a new generation of performers has been revitalizing music's links to movements, often self-consciously modeled on the folk singers of the past. Tom Morello has played an important role in building bridges between the music and movements of the Millennial generation. He began his career with the punk rock group Rage against the Machine, and now performs on his own, channeling the Guthrie and Seeger tradition. He was a constant presence at the protests in Madison, Wisconsin in early 2011 and at the Occupy Wall Street protests later that year. The Madison protests inspired daily solidarity sing-alongs in or at the Capitol building, sometimes resulting in arrests. Their Facebook page keeps running accounts of their daily activity and they have issued a CD of
Madison Solidarity songs -- parodies of classic labor and other songs
In May 2012, Morello fired up a large crowd at a Chicago protest rally organized by the National Nurses union and other progressive groups, calling for a "Robin Hood" tax and other demands. Morello has performed at rallies to support the burgeoning protests of low-wage fast-food and Walmart workers that have mushroomed across the country in the past two years. Some of Morello's labor songs can be found on union websites and on YouTube.
The Occupy movement inspired a great deal of music tied to the growing concern over widening inequality. This includes a four CD compilation of Occupy-related songs, many of which are accessible on YouTube and other internet sites.
The Occupy ferment inspired a lot of creative work by established performers, including singer-guitarist Ry Cooder, best known for reviving the careers of long-forgotten Cuban musicians through his film and record, The Buena Vista Social Club. In 2011 he released "No Banker Left Behind" and the following year put out his "Election Special" album that included such topical songs as "The Wall Street Part of Town," and "The 90 and the 9."
Many people identify the song "De Colores" with the United Farm Workers movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The recent upsurge of immigrant rights' protests has inspired a new generation of songs, including a two-CD compilation called Border Songs, about the plight of immigrants, by such veteran performers as Tigres del Norte, Tish Hinajosa and Lila Downs.
The Labor Heritage Foundation lists over 200 CDs devoted to songs from and about the labor movement. Based on that listing alone, it is safe to bet that there's never been so much labor singing, including a growing number of labor choruses in Seattle, New York, Washington, DC and elsewhere.
The emergence of YouTube and other new technologies has blurred the lines between commercial and non-commercial music and made it easier for performers to spread their music. It has also facilitated the global use of song in mass protest-- in Spain, Egypt and elsewhere -- and thus encouraged mass singing as part of these movements.
The new means of cultural production are complex and variegated. It is impossible to keep track of the many ways music and protest are now intertwined. What is undeniable is that whenever and wherever people are gathering, mobilizing and fighting back, the tradition of protest music will continue.
There it stood, 500 feet of insult and injury. And then it crashed to the ground.
The weather tower at the proposed Montague double-reactor complex was meant to test wind direction in case of an accident. In early 1974, the project was estimated at $1.35 billion, as much as double the entire assessed value of all the real estate in this rural Connecticut Valley town, 90 miles west of Boston. Then--39 years ago this week--Sam Lovejoy knocked it down.

Lovejoy lived at the old Liberation News Service farm, four miles from the site. Montague's population of about 7500 included a growing number of "hippie communes." As documented in Ray Mungo's Famous Long Ago, this one was born of a radical news service that had been infiltrated by the FBI, promoting a legendary split that led the founding faction to flee to rural Massachusetts.
And thus J. Edgar Hoover--may he spin in his grave over this one--became an inadvertent godfather to the movement against nuclear power.
When the local utility announced it would build atomic reactors on the eastern shore of the Connecticut River, 180 miles north of New York City, they thought they were waltzing into a docile rural community. But many of the local communes were pioneering a new generation's movement for organic farming, and were well-stocked with seasoned activists still working in the peace and civil rights movements. Radioactive fallout was not in synch with our new-found aversion to chemical sprays and fertilizers. Over the next three decades, this reborn organic ethos would help spawn a major on-going shift in the public view toward holistic food that continues today.
For those of us at Montague Farm, the idea of two gargantuan reactors four miles from our lovely young children, Eben and Sequoyah, our pristine one-acre garden and glorious maple sugar bush... all this and more prompted two clear, uncompromising words: NO NUKES!
We printed the first bumper stickers, drafted pamphlets and began organizing.
Nobody believed we could beat a massive corporation with more money than Lucifer. An initial poll showed three-quarters of the town in favor of the jobs, tax breaks and excitement the reactors would bring. For us, one out of four of our neighbors was a pretty good start.
But nationwide, when Richard Nixon said there'd be 1000 US reactors by the year 2000, nobody doubted him. Nuclear power was a popular assumption, a given supported by a large majority of the world's population. We needed a jolt to get our movement off the ground.
That would be the tower. All day and night it blinked on and off, ostensibly in warning to small planes flying in and out of the Turners Falls Airport. But it also stood as a symbol of arrogance and oppression, a steel calling card from a corporation that could not care less about our health, safety or organic well-being.
So at 4 am on Washington's Birthday (which back then was still February 22), Sam knocked it down. In a feat of mechanical daring many of us still find daunting, he carefully used a crow bar to unfasten one...then two...then a third turnbuckle. The wires on the other two sides of the triangulated support system then pulled down six of the tower's seven segments, leaving just one 70-foot stump still standing. It was so loud, Sam said, he was "amazed the whole town didn't wake up."
But this was the Montague Plains, the middle of nowhere. Sam ran to the road and flagged down the first car--it happened to be a police cruiser--and asked for a ride to the Turners Falls station. Atomic energy, said his typed statement, was dangerous, dirty, expensive, unneeded and, above all, a threat to our children. Tearing down the tower was a legitimate means of protecting the community.
This being Massachusetts, Sam was freed later that morning on his personal promise to return for trial. Facing a felony charge in September, he was acquitted on a technicality. A jury poll showed he would have been let go anyway.
The legendary historian Howard Zinn testified on Sam's behalf. So did Dr. John Gofman, first health director of the Atomic Energy Commission, who flew from California to warn this small-town jury that the atomic reactors he helped invent were instruments of what he called "mass murder."
The tower toppling and subsequent trial were pure, picturesque reborn Henry Thoreau, whose beloved Walden Pond is just 50 miles down wind.
Sam was the perfect hero. Brilliant, charismatic, funny and unaffected, his combination of rural roots and an Amherst College degree made him an irresistible spokesperson for the nascent No Nukes campaign.
Backed by a community packed with activists, organizers, writers and journalists, the word spread like wildfire. Filmmaker Dan Keller, an Amherst classmate, made Green Mountain Post's award-winning Lovejoy's Nuclear War, produced on a shoe string, seen by millions on public television, at rallies, speeches, library gatherings, classrooms and more throughout the US, Europe and Japan. For a critical mass of citizen-activists, it was the first introduction to an issue on which the fate of the Earth had quietly hinged.
In 1975, Montague Farmer Fran Koster helped organize a "Toward Tomorrow" Fair in Amherst that featured green energy pioneer Amory Lovins and early wind advocate William Heronemus. A vision emerged of a Solartopian energy future, built entirely around renewables and efficiency, free of "King CONG"--coal, oil, nukes and gas.
Then the Clamshell Alliance took root in coastal New Hampshire. Dedicated to mass non-violent civil disobedience, the Clam began organizing the first mass protests against twin reactors proposed for Seabrook. In 1977, 1414 were arrested at the site. More than a thousand were locked up in National Guard armories, with some 550 protestors still there two weeks later.
Global saturation media coverage helped the Clam spawn dozens of sibling alliances. A truly national No Nukes movement was born.
On June 24, 1978, the Clam drew 20,000 citizens to a legal rally on the Seabrook site that featured Pete Seeger, Jackson Browne, John Hall and others. Nine months prior to Three Mile Island, it was the biggest US No Nukes gathering to that time.
So when the 1979 melt-down at TMI did occur, there was a feature film--The China Syndrome--and a critical mass of opposition firmly in place. As the entire northeast shuddered in fear, public opinion definitively shifted away from atomic energy.
That September, "No Nukes" concerts in New York featured Bonnie Raitt, Jackson Browne, Graham Nash, Bruce Springsteen, James Taylor and many more. Some 200,000 people rallied at Battery Park City (now the site of a pioneer solar housing development). The "No Nukes" feature film and platinum album helped certify mainstream opposition to atomic energy.
Today, in the wake of Chernobyl, Fukushima and decades of organizing, atomic energy is in steep decline. Nixon's promised 1000 reactors became 104, with at least two more to shut this year. New construction is virtually dead in Europe, with Germany rapidly converting to the Solartopian future promised so clearly in Amherst back in 1975.
Sam Lovejoy has kept the faith over the years, working for the state of Massachusetts to preserve environmentally sensitive land--including the Montague Plains, once targeted for a massive reactor complex, now an undisturbed piece of pristine parkland.
Dan Keller still farms organically, and still makes films, including a recent "Solartopia" YouTube starring Pete Seeger. Nina Keller, Francis Crowe, Randy Kehler, Betsy Corner, Deb Katz, Claire Chang, Janice Frey and other Montague Farmers and local activists are in their 40th year of No Nukes activism, aimed largely at shutting nearby Vermont Yankee--a victory that soon may be won. Anna Gyorgy, author of the 1979 "No Nukes" sourcebook, writes from Bonn on Germany's epic shift away from atomic power and toward renewables.
Rare amongst the era's communes, Montague Farm has survived intact. In an evolutionary leap, it became the base for the Zen Peacemaker organization of Roshi Bernie Glassman and Eve Marko. They preserved the land, saved the farmhouse, converted the ancient barn to an astonishing meditation center, and culminated their stay with a landmark gathering on Socially Engaged Buddhism. A new generation of owners is now making the place into a green conference center.
Like Montague Farm, the No Nukes movement still sustains its fair share of diverse opinions. But its commitment to non-violence has deepened, as has its impact on the nuclear industry. Among other things, it's forced open the financial and demand space for an epic expansion of Solartopian technologies--especially solar and wind, which are now significantly cheaper than nukes.
In the wake of that, and of Fukushima, new reactor construction is largely on the ropes in Europe and the US. But President Obama may now nominate a pro-nuclear Secretary of Energy. More than 400 deteriorating reactors still run worldwide, with escalating danger to us all. China, Russia, and South Korea still seem committed to new ones, as does India, where grassroots resistance is fierce.
There's also talk of a new generation of smaller reactors which are unproven, untested, and unlikely to succeed. The decades have taught us that money spent on any form of atomic energy (except for clean-up) means vital resources stripped from the Solartopian technologies we need to survive.
We've also learned that a single act of courage, in concert with a community of dedicated organizers, can change the world. The No Nukes movement continues to succeed with an epic commitment to creative non-violence.
In terms of technology, cost and do-ability, Solartopia is within our grasp. Politically, our ultimate challenge comes with the demand to sustain the daring, wisdom and organic zeal needed to win a green-powered Earth.
For that, we'll do well to remember the sound of one tower crashing.
The power of music is one of the great unknowns in the human saga. For reasons we don't quite understand (yet) its vibrations can lift us to great heights, drop us down into deep depression, liberate us, make us joyous, help us grieve, and so much more.
The power of music is one of the great unknowns in the human saga. For reasons we don't quite understand (yet) its vibrations can lift us to great heights, drop us down into deep depression, liberate us, make us joyous, help us grieve, and so much more.

"Wooden ships on the water
Very free
And easy
The way it's supposed to be."
Hearing CSN's standards reminds us Boomers of a time and place, an era of history when we were young and open and a whole new genre of music and politics and ways of being was in the birthing. There was a war on and we wanted peace, and injustices and bigotries we wanted done away with, and with all that came a mindset and culture that changed the world---but not yet enough.
With a superb supporting cast (including David Crosby's son, James Raymond), the band reminds us of why these songs became standards in the first place. It's not enough that music is of a time---it also has to be good on its own. The deep resonance of the chord changes, the perfect harmonies, master guitar riffs, intriguing lyrics....there are reasons these songs are still with us. Carry On, Helpless, Suite Judy Blue Eyes, Our House will always carry the touch of greatness that inspired them.
Thankfully, the group has also kept its political focus. Graham dedicated Teach Your Children to the underpaid, overworked professionals who do just that.
He also sang Almost Gone, a searing accusation written with James Raymond about the ghastly torture of Bradley Manning, the whistleblowing young soldier being pilloried by our imperial army for the "crime" of telling the truth.
Graham's epic Winchester Cathedral asked "how many people have died in the name of Christ?" The question was underscored with Military Madness, reminding us that our species continues to poison and bleed itself with an unfathomable addiction to violence and war that could someday soon kill us all.
To do this kind of politics in a concert for which people have paid good money is a delicate dance. But these guys are good enough---and then some---to make it work. It is, after all, who they are, and have been, and we would expect no less.
The riverfront night was clear and clean, but global-warmed, and at one point Graham complained of the heat.
"Take off your shirt," someone yelled.
"Are you kidding," said Graham. "I'm seventy years old."
Well, yeah, but he and his brothers haven't lost a beat, and their core audience has the aura of being as fit and bright and full of life as we were way back when.
In those days, we never doubted we would live forever. In the parallel universe CSN still has the power to create, it seems we actually have.
America's budget crisis has the world economy at the brink. Social Security, Medicare, aid for needy children, environmental protection and much more are being chopped.
Yet Congress and the White House may still want to use our money for fund atomic power.
America's budget crisis has the world economy at the brink. Social Security, Medicare, aid for needy children, environmental protection and much more are being chopped.

The $36 billion in loan guarantees once proposed by Obama for the 2012 budget come as every penny is being slashed from programs for veterans, the young, elderly and impoverished, as well as for protecting the environment and researching new technologies.
Given the economic failure of atomic power, it's likely no new reactors will be built here without these giveaways.
In 2007 the Bush Administration proposed a $50 billion guarantee package that was defeated by a national grassroots movement.
Key to that campaign was NukeFree.org, founded by Bonnie Raitt, Jackson Browne and Graham Nash. With MoveOn.org, Greenpeace, Nuclear Information & Resource Service, BeyondNuclear, Physicians for Social Responsibility and other national and regional groups, they delivered 120,000 signatures to Congress and sponsored a lobby day that helped shrink the guarantees to $18.5 billion.
Now Raitt, Browne, Nash, John Hall, David Crosby, Kitaro and others will be part of a MUSE2 concert at Shoreline Amphitheatre south of San Francisco on August 7. The all-day show will benefit Japanese disaster victims and recall the hugely successful 1979 Musicians United for Safe Energy "No Nukes" Concerts that rocked New York City after the accident at Three Mile Island.
MUSE2 and the stop-the-guarantees campaign aim to finish the job of burying an ever more unsustainable atomic industry.
Today the guarantees are missing from House Appropriations bill, but could re-surface in the Senate. Some believe the turmoil around the budget will preclude the Senate from doing an appropriations bill, and that the guarantees might surface in a Continuing Resolution. "For the guarantees to resurface, some pro-nuclear Senator will have to try to slip them in," says Michael Mariotte of NIRS. "But we'll be watching."
And a fully empowered national movement could be in good position to kill those guarantees and the unwanted future of US nuclear power along with them.
Slashing social services, environmental protection and so much more to pay for new nuclear plants is not the way to a sustainable green-powered Earth. Your action at this critical moment could make all the difference.
The desperate, dangerous nuclear power industry has dropped a $50 billion stealth bomb meant to irradiate the Obama Stimulus Package.
It comes in the form of a mega-loan guarantee package that would build new reactors Wall Street wouldn't finance even when it had cash. It will take a healthy dose of citizen action to stop it, so start calling your Senators now.
The desperate, dangerous nuclear power industry has dropped a $50 billion stealth bomb meant to irradiate the Obama Stimulus Package.
It comes in the form of a mega-loan guarantee package that would build new reactors Wall Street wouldn't finance even when it had cash. It will take a healthy dose of citizen action to stop it, so start calling your Senators now.
The vaguely worded bailout-in-advance provision was snuck through the Senate Appropriations Committee in the deep night of January 27. It would provide $50 billion in loan guarantees for "eligible technologies" that would technically include renewable sources and electric transmission. But the handout is clearly directed at nukes and "clean coal."
The Stimulus Package is explicitly meant to create jobs within the next two years. But according to sources at the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, no new reactors could be licensed for construction within that time. Nor could any new coal plants. And thus the funds in this rider are to "remain available until committed." That means their "stimulus" might not go into effect for many years.
But the nuclear industry does have the ability to spend large sums of money on "site preparation" and other busy work prior to being licensed. Though the guarantees could technically be used for truly green sources such as wind and solar, the provision's backers, including Senators Robert Bennett (R-UT) and Thomas Carper (D-DE), have made it clear that this money is meant to go for new reactor construction.
In late 2007, nuclear power's Congressional Godfather, then-Sen. Pete Domenici (R-NM), stuck a similar $50 billion loan guarantee package into that year's energy bill. A grassroots uprising, joined by virtually all national environmental organizations, helped defeat the package. Among other things, the fight inspired a music video from Bonnie Raitt, Jackson Browne, Graham Nash, Keb Mo and Ben Harper (www.nukefree.org).
In late 2008 the industry came back again with a blank check package that went down in flames along with the stock market.
Still unable to get private financing, the industry is back yet again. In the interim, the projected cost of building new reactors has soared to more than $10 billion each, and continues to climb steadily. Many of the previous generation of reactors came in hugely over budget. According to the Nuclear Information & Resource Service, one DOE study places the overall average overruns at 207%. But reactor projects such as Seabrook, in New Hampshire, New York's Shoreham, Pennsylvania's Beaver Valley, California's Diablo Canyon, and many others, far exceeded that.
The Congressional Budget Office now predicts that half the nuclear utilities using such a loan program will go into default. Some $18.5 billion in loan guarantees has already been approved, apparently for such use. But its legality is being hotly disputed, and the money has not been distributed by the Department of Energy.
Washington insiders believe this latest attempt at a pre-arranged bailout has again come from Domenici, who has stayed in Washington to lobby for his radioactive benefactors after apparently retiring from the Senate in January.
This guarantee package was not part of the Stimulus Package that passed the House. Its secretive, late night inclusion on the Senate side is reminiscent of how former Vice President Dick Cheney did business for the fossil/nuclear corporations that funded much of the Bush Administration. The reappearance of this kind of back door dealing has not been well received, especially in the House.
Numerous national groups, including the Nuclear Information & Resource Service (www.nirs.org) are providing sign-ins for sending e-mails to the Senate. They also urge that you call your Senator at 202-224-3121.
Time is fast slipping by for the nuke power industry. As the popularity of renewables and efficiency escalates, the most obvious source of new jobs and prosperity has become truly green technologies. Atomic power has long since been priced out of the market. Only massive federal and ratepayer subsidies could bring it back, to the direct detriment of the revolution in renewables.
Defeating this latest money grab will help drive another nail in the coffin of the 20th century's most expensive failed technology. It is an essential step toward a truly green-powered future.