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US Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) holds a copy of a funding bill as he delivers remarks following a meeting with Congressional Democrats and U.S. President Donald Trump at the White House on September 29, 2025 in Washington, DC.
The power struggles that animate this shutdown are meant to outlast it, leveraging legal ambiguities, executive fiat, and congressional paralysis to redefine “essential” as that which survives unchallenged.
What is it about an insidious, long-term plan that causes commercial media to ignore what’s lying in plain sight?
With Congress at a standstill, the Republican-led House refusing to return to session, and the Senate unable to pass any bill to reopen the government, reporters seem stuck in a loop.
Coverage of a government shutdown typically focuses on counting days and political blame games. Politicians are described as being stuck in an “impasse” with party leaders attacking one another and workers and the economy facing uncertain “disruption” and “fallout.”
That’s been the media’s approach again this time, even as workers are screaming in every way they can that this isn’t your usual standoff.
While pundits tally days and trade soundbites, workers whose livelihoods hang in the balance—people like Palmer Heenan and Paul Osadebe, whistleblowers at the Department of Housing and Urban Development—have sounded the alarm with all the clarity the headlines lack.
In our conversation recently, they underscored that today’s crisis started long before the government shutdown three weeks ago — and it isn’t simply about budgets or bureaucrats, it’s about dismantling the public goods that millions depend on and the rights that generations have fought for, and implementing a radical blueprint that reactionaries have publicly laid out.
In a 2023 essay published by the conservative Claremont Institute, a former Trump administration official writing under the pseudonym “Lancelot A. Lamar” urged future Republican agency heads along with the OMB to suspend all programs they didn’t like, and maintain “tactical discipline" for as long as possible.
“There will be plenty of media sob stories and congressional fulmination, fed by the bureaucracy, about the suspension of ‘vital’ programs,” wrote Lamar. “These are attempts to gain concessions outside of formal negotiations, as well as tests of the administration’s unity and will.”
Lamar urged the future Republican administration that he and Russell Vought (now budget director) were planning for, to try to continue a shutdown “at least through day 91 when hundreds of thousands of feds could be laid off, reshaping the bureaucracy according to the administration’s views of what is essential.”
The law governing shutdowns is skimpy. The Appropriations Clause of the Constitution says that “No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law”. The Antideficiency Act (ADA) of 1870 prohibits officials from spending “any sum in excess of appropriations made by Congress.” But neither says what to do when appropriations run out. Lamar urged "America First" lawyers to fight over all of it.
The point is, the power struggles that animate this shutdown are meant to outlast it, leveraging legal ambiguities, executive fiat, and congressional paralysis to redefine “essential” as that which survives unchallenged.
As we enter week three, the administration has managed to find funds for the military and ICE. There’s still money to make mayhem from Chicago to Caracas.
As for the rest, as Lamar argued, if no one but federal workers notice the absence, the program never mattered.
That's why the media coverage counts. As Paul and Palmer and their allies at the Federal Unionist Network (FUN) remind us by risking their jobs to speak out, by marching, by organizing, and by refusing to shut up—it is not enough just to ask who wins or loses this week's fight. The battle for the purse strings—waged between Congress and the executive—forges new precedents every day, and the stakes—like the casualties—are invisible only if we choose not to look.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
What is it about an insidious, long-term plan that causes commercial media to ignore what’s lying in plain sight?
With Congress at a standstill, the Republican-led House refusing to return to session, and the Senate unable to pass any bill to reopen the government, reporters seem stuck in a loop.
Coverage of a government shutdown typically focuses on counting days and political blame games. Politicians are described as being stuck in an “impasse” with party leaders attacking one another and workers and the economy facing uncertain “disruption” and “fallout.”
That’s been the media’s approach again this time, even as workers are screaming in every way they can that this isn’t your usual standoff.
While pundits tally days and trade soundbites, workers whose livelihoods hang in the balance—people like Palmer Heenan and Paul Osadebe, whistleblowers at the Department of Housing and Urban Development—have sounded the alarm with all the clarity the headlines lack.
In our conversation recently, they underscored that today’s crisis started long before the government shutdown three weeks ago — and it isn’t simply about budgets or bureaucrats, it’s about dismantling the public goods that millions depend on and the rights that generations have fought for, and implementing a radical blueprint that reactionaries have publicly laid out.
In a 2023 essay published by the conservative Claremont Institute, a former Trump administration official writing under the pseudonym “Lancelot A. Lamar” urged future Republican agency heads along with the OMB to suspend all programs they didn’t like, and maintain “tactical discipline" for as long as possible.
“There will be plenty of media sob stories and congressional fulmination, fed by the bureaucracy, about the suspension of ‘vital’ programs,” wrote Lamar. “These are attempts to gain concessions outside of formal negotiations, as well as tests of the administration’s unity and will.”
Lamar urged the future Republican administration that he and Russell Vought (now budget director) were planning for, to try to continue a shutdown “at least through day 91 when hundreds of thousands of feds could be laid off, reshaping the bureaucracy according to the administration’s views of what is essential.”
The law governing shutdowns is skimpy. The Appropriations Clause of the Constitution says that “No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law”. The Antideficiency Act (ADA) of 1870 prohibits officials from spending “any sum in excess of appropriations made by Congress.” But neither says what to do when appropriations run out. Lamar urged "America First" lawyers to fight over all of it.
The point is, the power struggles that animate this shutdown are meant to outlast it, leveraging legal ambiguities, executive fiat, and congressional paralysis to redefine “essential” as that which survives unchallenged.
As we enter week three, the administration has managed to find funds for the military and ICE. There’s still money to make mayhem from Chicago to Caracas.
As for the rest, as Lamar argued, if no one but federal workers notice the absence, the program never mattered.
That's why the media coverage counts. As Paul and Palmer and their allies at the Federal Unionist Network (FUN) remind us by risking their jobs to speak out, by marching, by organizing, and by refusing to shut up—it is not enough just to ask who wins or loses this week's fight. The battle for the purse strings—waged between Congress and the executive—forges new precedents every day, and the stakes—like the casualties—are invisible only if we choose not to look.
What is it about an insidious, long-term plan that causes commercial media to ignore what’s lying in plain sight?
With Congress at a standstill, the Republican-led House refusing to return to session, and the Senate unable to pass any bill to reopen the government, reporters seem stuck in a loop.
Coverage of a government shutdown typically focuses on counting days and political blame games. Politicians are described as being stuck in an “impasse” with party leaders attacking one another and workers and the economy facing uncertain “disruption” and “fallout.”
That’s been the media’s approach again this time, even as workers are screaming in every way they can that this isn’t your usual standoff.
While pundits tally days and trade soundbites, workers whose livelihoods hang in the balance—people like Palmer Heenan and Paul Osadebe, whistleblowers at the Department of Housing and Urban Development—have sounded the alarm with all the clarity the headlines lack.
In our conversation recently, they underscored that today’s crisis started long before the government shutdown three weeks ago — and it isn’t simply about budgets or bureaucrats, it’s about dismantling the public goods that millions depend on and the rights that generations have fought for, and implementing a radical blueprint that reactionaries have publicly laid out.
In a 2023 essay published by the conservative Claremont Institute, a former Trump administration official writing under the pseudonym “Lancelot A. Lamar” urged future Republican agency heads along with the OMB to suspend all programs they didn’t like, and maintain “tactical discipline" for as long as possible.
“There will be plenty of media sob stories and congressional fulmination, fed by the bureaucracy, about the suspension of ‘vital’ programs,” wrote Lamar. “These are attempts to gain concessions outside of formal negotiations, as well as tests of the administration’s unity and will.”
Lamar urged the future Republican administration that he and Russell Vought (now budget director) were planning for, to try to continue a shutdown “at least through day 91 when hundreds of thousands of feds could be laid off, reshaping the bureaucracy according to the administration’s views of what is essential.”
The law governing shutdowns is skimpy. The Appropriations Clause of the Constitution says that “No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law”. The Antideficiency Act (ADA) of 1870 prohibits officials from spending “any sum in excess of appropriations made by Congress.” But neither says what to do when appropriations run out. Lamar urged "America First" lawyers to fight over all of it.
The point is, the power struggles that animate this shutdown are meant to outlast it, leveraging legal ambiguities, executive fiat, and congressional paralysis to redefine “essential” as that which survives unchallenged.
As we enter week three, the administration has managed to find funds for the military and ICE. There’s still money to make mayhem from Chicago to Caracas.
As for the rest, as Lamar argued, if no one but federal workers notice the absence, the program never mattered.
That's why the media coverage counts. As Paul and Palmer and their allies at the Federal Unionist Network (FUN) remind us by risking their jobs to speak out, by marching, by organizing, and by refusing to shut up—it is not enough just to ask who wins or loses this week's fight. The battle for the purse strings—waged between Congress and the executive—forges new precedents every day, and the stakes—like the casualties—are invisible only if we choose not to look.