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Former FBI Director James Comey's explosive testimony before the Senate Intelligence Committee began with an unambiguous declaration that the president of the United States lied about his firing. He went on to raise serious questions about Trump's efforts to impede an FBI investigation into possible collusion between Trump or his associates and the Russian government. These questions require immediate investigation by an independent commission free of Trump's interference.
Former FBI Director James Comey's explosive testimony before the Senate Intelligence Committee began with an unambiguous declaration that the president of the United States lied about his firing. He went on to raise serious questions about Trump's efforts to impede an FBI investigation into possible collusion between Trump or his associates and the Russian government. These questions require immediate investigation by an independent commission free of Trump's interference.
While there is much that requires further investigation, we cannot continue to stick our heads in the sand in avoidance of what is already known. Impeachment of an elected president is an act of enormous magnitude that must not be undertaken lightly or in response to routine political disagreements or policy differences. But the seriousness of the remedy speaks not only to the danger of its misuse, but to the importance of using it when appropriate. Our system depends on trust and goodwill. Breaking of norms and disregard for decency have huge, long-term costs. No one can be immune from our laws; everyone must be held to account. If Congress does not uphold that principle, it will have done more damage to our democracy than Russia could ever hope to.
The clear and undisputed facts about Mr. Trump's attempt to impede an FBI investigation demand an immediate impeachment inquiry by the House of Representatives.
These facts are not in serious dispute -- indeed, two of them are simply the president's own televised words. Other recent revelations are similarly concerning:
The facts that we know already exceed standards for presidential impeachment for obstruction of justice set in 1974 and 1998.
The first article of impeachment recommended by the House Judiciary Committee in 1974 stated that President Nixon, "in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of president of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has prevented, obstructed, and impeded the administration of justice." The Committee specifically accused Nixon of "interfering or endeavouring to interfere with the conduct of investigations by ... the Federal Bureau of Investigation" and "endeavouring to misuse the Central Intelligence Agency."
When House Republicans impeached President Bill Clinton in 1998, they cited his alleged obstruction of an investigation into a matter far less consequential than possible collaboration with a successful Russian attack of American democracy. One of two articles of impeachment passed by the House asserted that Clinton, "in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has prevented, obstructed, and impeded the administration of justice." Explaining his support for Clinton's impeachment, Virginia Rep. Bob Goodlatte said: "the president knowingly engaged in a calculated pattern of lies, deceit, and delay in order to mislead the American people [and] impede the search for truth." Rep. Goodlatte now serves as chair of the House Judiciary Committee, which has responsibility for conducting impeachment hearings.
The facts we already know -- facts that are not in dispute, including the president's own televised statements -- easily meet the standards for impeachment set by Congressional Republicans in 1998, many of whom are still in office.
The president of the United States has admitted firing an FBI Director over an investigation into Russian election interference on his behalf -- the most serious foreign attack on American democracy since our nation's founding. We must demand answers to many grave questions arising from this crisis, but the most urgent is this: How are Congressional Republicans going to hold to account a president whose efforts to obstruct an FBI investigation clearly meet the standards for impeachment articulated by Congressional Republicans fewer than twenty years ago?
This country and this world are at a monumental crossroads. US voters have an opportunity to beat back the forces of fascism and confront the billionaires who are rigging the economy, our media system, and our democracy, making it increasingly impossible for ordinary people to get by. We’re not just talking about the election. We’re talking about what must be done once these fascist elements are vanquished from power. We need a bolder set of solutions than what either major party has so far been willing to offer and a working-class movement ready to fight like hell for it. Trump didn't emerge from nowhere. The conditions that fueled MAGA authoritarianism were created by decades of radical neoliberal economic policies and a corrupt political system dominated by corporate interests. They slashed taxes on the super-rich, promising that the benefits would trickle down. They said giveaways to the corporate titans would make life more affordable for the rest of us. It was all bullshit. And when a bitter, betrayed populace searches for someone to blame, right-wing demagogues have little trouble finding scapegoats. People know when they're being lied to, but you won't hear any of this from the corporate media. Only independent journalism—powered and funded by people who believe in building a better world—can deliver truly trustworthy daily news. If you share our vision, please contribute whatever you can to sustain our work. |
Former FBI Director James Comey's explosive testimony before the Senate Intelligence Committee began with an unambiguous declaration that the president of the United States lied about his firing. He went on to raise serious questions about Trump's efforts to impede an FBI investigation into possible collusion between Trump or his associates and the Russian government. These questions require immediate investigation by an independent commission free of Trump's interference.
While there is much that requires further investigation, we cannot continue to stick our heads in the sand in avoidance of what is already known. Impeachment of an elected president is an act of enormous magnitude that must not be undertaken lightly or in response to routine political disagreements or policy differences. But the seriousness of the remedy speaks not only to the danger of its misuse, but to the importance of using it when appropriate. Our system depends on trust and goodwill. Breaking of norms and disregard for decency have huge, long-term costs. No one can be immune from our laws; everyone must be held to account. If Congress does not uphold that principle, it will have done more damage to our democracy than Russia could ever hope to.
The clear and undisputed facts about Mr. Trump's attempt to impede an FBI investigation demand an immediate impeachment inquiry by the House of Representatives.
These facts are not in serious dispute -- indeed, two of them are simply the president's own televised words. Other recent revelations are similarly concerning:
The facts that we know already exceed standards for presidential impeachment for obstruction of justice set in 1974 and 1998.
The first article of impeachment recommended by the House Judiciary Committee in 1974 stated that President Nixon, "in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of president of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has prevented, obstructed, and impeded the administration of justice." The Committee specifically accused Nixon of "interfering or endeavouring to interfere with the conduct of investigations by ... the Federal Bureau of Investigation" and "endeavouring to misuse the Central Intelligence Agency."
When House Republicans impeached President Bill Clinton in 1998, they cited his alleged obstruction of an investigation into a matter far less consequential than possible collaboration with a successful Russian attack of American democracy. One of two articles of impeachment passed by the House asserted that Clinton, "in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has prevented, obstructed, and impeded the administration of justice." Explaining his support for Clinton's impeachment, Virginia Rep. Bob Goodlatte said: "the president knowingly engaged in a calculated pattern of lies, deceit, and delay in order to mislead the American people [and] impede the search for truth." Rep. Goodlatte now serves as chair of the House Judiciary Committee, which has responsibility for conducting impeachment hearings.
The facts we already know -- facts that are not in dispute, including the president's own televised statements -- easily meet the standards for impeachment set by Congressional Republicans in 1998, many of whom are still in office.
The president of the United States has admitted firing an FBI Director over an investigation into Russian election interference on his behalf -- the most serious foreign attack on American democracy since our nation's founding. We must demand answers to many grave questions arising from this crisis, but the most urgent is this: How are Congressional Republicans going to hold to account a president whose efforts to obstruct an FBI investigation clearly meet the standards for impeachment articulated by Congressional Republicans fewer than twenty years ago?
Former FBI Director James Comey's explosive testimony before the Senate Intelligence Committee began with an unambiguous declaration that the president of the United States lied about his firing. He went on to raise serious questions about Trump's efforts to impede an FBI investigation into possible collusion between Trump or his associates and the Russian government. These questions require immediate investigation by an independent commission free of Trump's interference.
While there is much that requires further investigation, we cannot continue to stick our heads in the sand in avoidance of what is already known. Impeachment of an elected president is an act of enormous magnitude that must not be undertaken lightly or in response to routine political disagreements or policy differences. But the seriousness of the remedy speaks not only to the danger of its misuse, but to the importance of using it when appropriate. Our system depends on trust and goodwill. Breaking of norms and disregard for decency have huge, long-term costs. No one can be immune from our laws; everyone must be held to account. If Congress does not uphold that principle, it will have done more damage to our democracy than Russia could ever hope to.
The clear and undisputed facts about Mr. Trump's attempt to impede an FBI investigation demand an immediate impeachment inquiry by the House of Representatives.
These facts are not in serious dispute -- indeed, two of them are simply the president's own televised words. Other recent revelations are similarly concerning:
The facts that we know already exceed standards for presidential impeachment for obstruction of justice set in 1974 and 1998.
The first article of impeachment recommended by the House Judiciary Committee in 1974 stated that President Nixon, "in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of president of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has prevented, obstructed, and impeded the administration of justice." The Committee specifically accused Nixon of "interfering or endeavouring to interfere with the conduct of investigations by ... the Federal Bureau of Investigation" and "endeavouring to misuse the Central Intelligence Agency."
When House Republicans impeached President Bill Clinton in 1998, they cited his alleged obstruction of an investigation into a matter far less consequential than possible collaboration with a successful Russian attack of American democracy. One of two articles of impeachment passed by the House asserted that Clinton, "in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has prevented, obstructed, and impeded the administration of justice." Explaining his support for Clinton's impeachment, Virginia Rep. Bob Goodlatte said: "the president knowingly engaged in a calculated pattern of lies, deceit, and delay in order to mislead the American people [and] impede the search for truth." Rep. Goodlatte now serves as chair of the House Judiciary Committee, which has responsibility for conducting impeachment hearings.
The facts we already know -- facts that are not in dispute, including the president's own televised statements -- easily meet the standards for impeachment set by Congressional Republicans in 1998, many of whom are still in office.
The president of the United States has admitted firing an FBI Director over an investigation into Russian election interference on his behalf -- the most serious foreign attack on American democracy since our nation's founding. We must demand answers to many grave questions arising from this crisis, but the most urgent is this: How are Congressional Republicans going to hold to account a president whose efforts to obstruct an FBI investigation clearly meet the standards for impeachment articulated by Congressional Republicans fewer than twenty years ago?