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ritchie torres
After Mamdani Victory, Progressives Call for Primary Challenges to Democratic Establishment
"The establishment has never been more weak than they are now," one advocate told potential progressive candidates. "You need to run."
Jun 25, 2025
New York state Assemblymember Zohran Mamdani's victory over disgraced former Gov. Andrew Cuomo in New York City's Democratic mayoral primary was quickly dismissed by some commentators as one that likely wouldn't be replicated in federal elections and that said little about the views of Democratic voters at large.
But the news that Cuomo had conceded on Tuesday night left many progressives eager to continue the momentum started by Mamdani's (D-36) campaign—one characterized by a laser-sharp focus on making life more affordable for working people, a rejection of the outsized influence of billionaires and corporations on elections, and a demand for the Democratic Party to end its insistence that popular economic justice proposals are impossible to achieve in the United States.
Instead of viewing Mamdani's victory as an aberration, said journalist and organizer Daniel Denvir, the left should treat it as "an earthquake" that threatens the entire Democratic establishment—and its prioritizing of wealthy donors over the needs of ordinary voters.
"The left everywhere must dedicate itself to an insurgency against Democratic incumbents," said Denvir. "The Democratic establishment has lost credibility with its base in the face of a fascist threat. The base is looking leftward for new leadership. We are the opposition party."
Several progressive observers urged potential primary challengers to look to other upcoming races in New York, with several expressing hope that New York City Comptroller Brad Lander—another mayoral candidate who was widely praised for boosting Mamdani's campaign by cross-endorsing with him—will continue his political career by fighting for a U.S. Senate or House seat.
New York Democratic centrists including U.S. Rep. Dan Goldman and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer were named as lawmakers Lander could challenge in a primary. Goldman is up for reelection in 2026, and Schumer could face a primary in 2028.
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.), who has angered progressive advocates during President Donald Trump's second term by complaining about their demands for the Democrats to act as an opposition party, and Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-N.Y.), a vehement supporter of Israel who attacked Mamdani and accused him of antisemitism when he spoke out in support of Palestinian rights, were also mentioned as incumbents who should be challenged.
Mamdani won both Jeffries' and Goldman's House district, according to political analyst Armin Thomas.
Organizer Aaron Regunberg pointed to an article published by Politico last week detailing how 40% of Cuomo's endorsements came from lawmakers who had previously called for his resignation when he was accused of sexually harassing more than a dozen women.
"Politico ran this very convenient piece listing out every New York Democrat who needs to get primaried!" said Regunberg.
All the centrists named would likely have vast financial resources at their fingertips should a progressive vie for their seats, with powerful groups like the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) liable to spend heavily on their campaigns—but so did Cuomo, who benefited from a super political action committee that raised $25 million, including from right-wing billionaires.
"But if all of Cuomo's advantages led to a thorough election thrashing, perhaps they weren't advantages," wrote Jeet Heer at The Nation on Wednesday. "Mamdani proved to be a superb campaigner with a message about affordability that resonated with voters... Mamdani's victory is a sign that the Democratic Party establishment is in trouble, and the party is ready for a wider revolt. The next move of progressive Democrats is to start running insurgent candidates in primaries to harness the anger of the moment."
CNN political analyst Harry Enten also acknowledged that "the Democratic establishment" will likely feel threatened by Mamdani's victory, which follows "poll after poll showing Democratic voters fed up with their leaders in Washington."
In his victory speech, Mamdani himself suggested broader lessons should be taken from his campaign, during which he walked the length of Manhattan to talk directly to New Yorkers, spoke to Trump voters in the outer boroughs about their concerns over the cost of living, and advocated for fare-free buses and no-cost universal childcare.
"This is a victory for every New Yorker who has been told they don't have a voice," Mamdani said in his victory speech. "It's proof that organized people can beat organized money."
In a column at Common Dreams Wednesday, writer David Andersson wrote that "Mamdani's win signals a seismic shift in the balance of power between entrenched political institutions and a new generation demanding change. The sheer scale of resources the establishment mobilized—and still fell short—reveals the depth of their fear of losing control over the city's financial and political machinery."
"New York City, and perhaps the nation, is at a turning point," he added.
David Hogg, the anti-gun violence activist who was recently pushed out of his position as vice chair of the Democratic National Committee after he advocated for primary challenges to "asleep-at-the-wheel" Democrats in blue districts, urged young progressives to consider launching their own campaigns.
"It has never been more clear—the establishment has never been more weak than they are now," he said. "You need to run."
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If You're a Democrat Annoyed by Outraged Voters, You Are Doing It Wrong
To most registered Democrats, there’s nothing more important for lawmakers with a “D” after their names to do than battle tooth-and-nail against the Trump-Musk agenda for gutting the government while enriching the wealthy at everyone else’s expense.
Feb 24, 2025
The Capitol’s phone lines have been overwhelmed this month, and some Democrats are complaining about the deluge of calls from voters who implore them to fight the Trump administration. Too often the responses to the calls have amounted to passing the buck rightward.
“It's been a constant theme of us saying, ‘Please call the Republicans,’" Virginia Democratic Rep. Don Beyer explained. Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-N.Y.) is offended by what he’s hearing from constituents. “I reject and resent the implication that congressional Democrats are simply standing by passively,” he said.
Such reactions are political copouts. Those two congressmembers represent deep-blue districts, and both of their states are represented by Democratic senators. Responding to outraged constituents by telling them to “call the Republicans” is a way of dodging responsibility and accountability.
Mere shrugs from Democrats that they’re in the minority won’t wash.
It's easy enough for Torres, Beyer and others in the Democratic caucus to gripe about the volume of irate calls to their offices. And at first glance, telling constituents to contact Republicans instead might seem logical. But that’s actually a way of telling an angry Democratic base not to be a nuisance to Democratic lawmakers.
What’s more, as a practical matter, their constituents often have no way to message GOP members of Congress. The congressional email system doesn’t allow non-constituents to send a message to a representative or senator. And the first thing that a staffer wants to confirm on the phone is whether the caller is in fact a constituent.
Fully half of the nation’s citizens—and a large majority of Democrats—live in states with two Democratic senators. And so, routinely, when Democratic officeholders say that their agitated constituents should leave them alone and “call the Republicans,” it amounts to a brushoff that can be translated from politician-talk as “Stop bugging us already.”
But in primaries next year, some are liable to be held accountable. Few serving Democrats with blue electorates will face tight races in the 2026 general election—but if they’re perceived as wimps who failed to really put up a fight against President Trump, Vice President JD Vance and Elon Musk, incumbents risk facing primary challenges propelled by grassroots anger.
The anger might seem overheated inside Capitol Hill bubbles. But it’s real for millions of engaged activists—the ones who volunteer in droves and can get behind insurgency campaigns with plenty of fundraising, canvassing power and social-media impacts.
Mere shrugs from Democrats that they’re in the minority won’t wash. “The rules of the Senate are designed to protect the rights of the minority, and Democrats have tools to grind Senate business to a halt to delay and defy the Trump-Musk coup,” the activist group Indivisible points out. “The three biggest weapons? Blanket opposition, quorum calls, and blocking unanimous consent -- parliamentary guerrilla tactics that can slow, stall, and obstruct at every turn.”
The needed opposition goes way beyond procedural maneuvers. The tenor and vehemence of public statements every day, from the hundreds of Democrats in the House and Senate, set a tone and convey messages beyond mere words on paper and screens.
The week after Trump’s return to the Oval Office, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) traveled to California and met with donor powerhouses in Silicon Valley, where he reportedly “said Democrats were reaching toward the center, while Trump will swing harder right.” Here we have the prospective next House speaker pledging to move in the direction of a president whom Gen. Mark Milley has described as “fascist to the core.”
Jeffries’ goal of hugging “the center” may play well with rich tech executives, but it shows notable indifference to the large bulk of Democratic voters. Early this month, CBS News reported that its polling shows “the nation's rank-and-file Democrats are increasingly looking for more opposition to President Trump from their congressional delegation.” The trend has been emphatic. Only 35 percent want Democrats in Congress to “try to find common ground with Trump,” while 65 percent want them to “oppose Trump as much as possible.”
Hugging “the center” may play well with rich tech executives, but it shows notable indifference to the large bulk of Democratic voters.
A rally last Thursday at Jeffries’ central Brooklyn office drew hundreds of protesters. One of them, Molly Ornati, an activist with the group 350 Brooklyn Water, said: “He’s acting as though this is a normal part of the political process, when this is a completely never before seen violation of the Constitution, of federal laws, separation of power, democratic principle—all of the key American values. He’s not standing up with the level of outrage that people meant to see, that Democrats want to see.”
The next day, on his latest California trip, Jeffries spoke in the Bay Area and generated headlines like “Hundreds Protest Outside Event With House Minority Leader” and “Oakland to Hakeem Jeffries: Do Your Job!” One of the local TV news reports summed up a theme of the demonstration this way: “Democratic Party has been paying lip service to the working class.”
To most registered Democrats, there’s nothing more important for lawmakers with a “D” after their names to do than battle tooth-and-nail against the Trump-Musk agenda for gutting the government while enriching the wealthy at everyone else’s expense. While Trump’s forces are setting fire to the basic structures of American democracy, Democrats in Congress are widely perceived to be wielding squirt guns. That’s no way to prevent tyranny or win the next elections.
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45 House Dems Help GOP Pass ICC Sanctions Bill to 'Protect Genocidal Maniac'
"As fires rage across Los Angeles, the priority of American officials is to sanction the ICC," said one critic.
Jan 09, 2025
Forty-five congressional Democrats on Thursday voted with the U.S. House of Representatives' Republican majority in favor of legislation to sanction International Criminal Court officials following the tribunal's issuance of arrest warrants for Israel's prime minister and his former defense chief for alleged crimes against humanity in Gaza.
House lawmakers voted 243-140 in favor of H.R. 23, the Illegitimate Court Counteraction Act. Introduced by Reps. Chip Roy (R-Texas) and Brian Mast (R-Fla.), the bill would "impose sanctions with respect to the International Criminal Court (ICC) engaged in any effort to investigate, arrest, detain, or prosecute any protected person of the United States and its allies."
In November, the ICC issued warrants for the arrest of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant, his former defense minister, "for crimes against humanity and war crimes" in Gaza. According to Gaza officials, Israel's 15-month assault and "complete siege" of the embattled coastal enclave have left more than 165,000 Palestinians dead, wounded, or missing, and over 2 million others forcibly displaced, starved, or sickened.
The ICC also ordered the arrest of Hamas leader Mohammed Diab Ibrahim Al-Masri for crimes against humanity and war crimes allegedly committed during the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel and subsequent kidnapping and imprisonment of more than 250 people.
Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-N.Y.)—who according to AIPAC Tracker is the top congressional recipient of campaign contributions from pro-Israel lobbyists including the American Israel Public Affairs Committee—said on social media ahead of Thursday's vote that "the ICC's decision to issue arrest warrants against the leadership of Israel represents the weaponization of international law at its most egregious."
Mast, the new chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, accused the ICC of "legitimizing the false accusations of Israeli war crimes... in order to stop the overwhelming success of Israeli military operations."
However, Congresswoman Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.), one of 140 Democrats who voted against the bill, said on social media that "human rights lawyers and others documenting the worst atrocities committed on this planet are heroes who should be celebrated—not punished when the war criminals they pursue are allies of the United States."
"The way this bill is written, Israeli survivors of the Hamas massacres on October 7th who gave testimony about the crimes they endured could be sanctioned for cooperating with the ICC," she continued. "This bill would also be a significant blow to efforts to secure justice for [Russian President Vladimir] Putin's victims in Ukraine, and for the victims of both genocides in Darfur,
including the one that is ongoing."
"However my colleagues feel about the ICC or how they feel about Netanyahu's atrocities in Gaza, the passage of this bill is a profound mistake," Omar added. "For those reasons, I opposed this bill."
Amnesty International USA called the vote "deeply disappointing."
"The ICC is part of a global system of international justice of which the U.S. was a chief architect at Nuremberg and beyond," added Amnesty—whose main international organization recently accused Israel of genocide and suspended its Israeli branch for alleged anti-Palestinian bigotry. "If the Senate follows suit, it will do grave harm to the interests of all victims globally and to the U.S. government's ability to champion human rights and the cause of justice."
The United States—which supports Israel with tens of billions of dollars in armed aid and diplomatic cover—reportedly worked with Israel to thwart the ICC's effort to arrest Israeli leaders. The U.S. also opposes the South African-led genocide case against Israel currently before the International Court of Justice.
Outgoing U.S. President Joe Biden has condemned the ICC's effort to arrest Netanyahu and Gallant—who despite being a fugitive from justice was warmly welcomed at the White House last month.
During his first term, Republican U.S. President-elect Donald Trump sanctioned top ICC officials and banned them from entering the United States.
Rep. Mike Waltz (R-Fla.), Trump's pick for national security adviser, has threatened a "strong response" to the ICC in retaliation for seeking to arrest the Israeli leaders.
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