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Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
Take over the party from the inside, from the bottom up.
What if, lacking an organized resistance to fascism like we have had in previous eras (the civil rights movement, SDS, BLM, the Wobblies), the Democratic Party itself could play the role of producing radical, positive transformation across America?
Sound crazy? It’s actually happened twice.
The first time was in the 1930s, when Franklin Roosevelt’ New Deal literally flipped our politics and the American economy upside down, turning us from a raw, harsh capitalist system to a democratic socialist system with Social Security, legalized unions, unemployment insurance, a minimum wage, workplace safety rules, massive infrastructure construction, and millions of Americans being employed directly by the government to end poverty.
It happened again in the 1960s, with Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society, producing Medicare, Medicaid, the civil rights act, the voting rights act, food stamps, low income housing, National Public Radio, a transformation of our educational system for the better, USAID, Job Corps, VISTA, Head Start, a major Social Security expansion, The National Endowment for the Arts, and what was essentially free college.
Sunday, I was on Ali Velshi’s show on MSNBC a conversation about protest movements. I pointed out that back in the 60s, when I was in SDS, there were a number of groups that were quite active, particularly on college campuses, but today most of them have been gutted or banned.
Black Lives Matter has disintegrated, the movement against Israel’s slaughter in Gaza has led to universities rolling over and capitulating, and the #MeToo and abortion rights movements are essentially leaderless.
Which leaves the Democratic Party, as I mentioned on Ali’s show. Billionaires and racists turned the Republican Party into a neofascist protest party over the past decade; progressives and those of us who want to preserve democracy in America need to similarly says control of and radicalize the Democratic Party in the tradition of FDR and LBJ.
There is a vital lesson progressives must learn, which is how the far right took control of the Republican Party over a decade ago and forced the entire Conservative establishment to lurch so far to the Right that they’ve even dumped people like Liz Cheney and George W. Bush.
If progressives hope to have any shot at influencing today’s Democratic Party and kicking out the corporate sellout Democrats and replacing them with real-deal progressives, then we need to get to work right now to do exactly what the Tea Party did a decade and a half ago to take power.
And it starts in our own backyards.
Let me introduce you to the now-defunct Concord Project, a right-wing organization that, a decade ago, was in charge of helping the Tea Party’s Successful effort to take over and radicalize the GOP.
The Concord Project expanded their get-out-the-vote strategy beyond just traditional phone banking, canvassing, and putting up “vote Republican” signs. Instead, they decided to infiltrate local politics by encouraging Tea Partiers and conservatives more generally to become “Precinct Committee Members.”
Here’s their pitch in their own words from one of their Obama-era YouTube training videos:
“What’s the most powerful political office in the world? It is not the President of the United States. It’s Precinct Committeeman.”
So why is a Precinct Committeeman (or person) so important?
“First, because precinct committeemen and only precinct committeemen get to elect the leaders of the political parties; if you want to elect the leadership of one of the two major political parties in this country, then you have to become a precinct committeeman.”
As in the oldest and most basic governing reality in a republic: true and effective political power flows up from the bottom.
It starts with Precinct Committeemen and women — people who are either appointed or win local elections with very few votes at stake, in some cases only 10 or 20 votes — to gain positions that pretty much anyone can hold but which wield enormous power.
It’s Precinct Committee Persons who elect district, county, and state party officials and delegates, who choose primary nominees that then go on to hold elected office, and who help draft a party’s platform.
They’re also generally the first people who elected officials meet with when they come back into the district. And those officials listen carefully to what Precinct Committee persons have to say.
So, the Concord folks told their people, if far right Tea Partiers moved in and took over Precinct Committee seats then they’d also be able to nominate a slew of Tea Partiers to hold higher offices within the Republican Party and for primaries.
And those Tea Party Republican Party primary candidates would then be winnowed down in the primary to one Tea Party Republican to run against the Democrat in the general election. This way, Tea Partiers would end up dominating the GOP.
That was their pitch: take over the party from the inside, from the bottom up. And it worked.
Control the primaries — as the Precinct Committee Members do — and you control the ultimate candidate, the election, and ultimately the nation, as we’ve seen repeatedly since the Tea Party era.
This is from a video they posted in January of 2010, with the same Concord Project Representative encouraging people in the Tea Party to do exactly what I just described:
“This video is for all the people out there in the Tea Party movement, the 9/12ers, just good decent people who are really fearful of what’s going on in the country and want to do something to fix things and they’re not sure what to do. Well, I’ve got a solution for you. The best way to ensure that conservatives win that all-important primary election is to become a real ball player in the ball game of politics. And that ball game is called party politics.
“And this is a secret, they don’t want the party establishments, any incumbents don’t want you to know about this and that’s why I’m telling you about it. Only precinct committeemen get to vote for, to elect party leaders. Only precinct committeemen can vote to endorse candidates.”
Again, that was in 2010, 11 months before that year’s elections.
In 2008, half of the Republican Party’s Precinct Committeemen positions around the country were vacant.
But by 2011, motivated by the efforts of people like the Concord Project, the Tea Party (which has now mostly morphed into MAGA) had swept in to fill the gaps: They’d filled up the Republican Party.
And we saw the results of the Precinct Committee takeover first in 2012 and more and more vividly in every election since: the GOP is now being driven largely from the bottom up by activists who’ve taken over the party and are also running for school boards and other local offices.
In 2012, after this campaign to get movement conservatives into the GOP, Tea Party candidates got onto nearly every ballot around the country and picked up 87 new seats in the US House of Representatives and 9 new seats in the Senate.
And even though the Tea Party didn’t then control a majority within the GOP in Congress like MAGA does now, they did control the Republican Party’s platform because they had control of the Precinct Committees.
Progressives and believers in democracy who want to fight Trump’s fascism need to do the same thing, only within the Democratic Party.
The rules about how to become a Precinct Committee Person vary from state to state, so step one is to show up at your local Democratic Party, sign up, and find out who the players are and what the rules are.
Even the names of these positions vary, as former Ohio Democratic Party Chairman David Pepper notes on his excellent Substack newsletter Pepperspectives:
“In Cincinnati, we call them ‘precinct executives.’ Elsewhere, they are called ‘committeemen’ or ‘committeewomen.’ In other places, ‘ward chairs.’ Whatever they’re called, they are the basic unit of each city or county party structure in the country.”
If we’ve learned one thing over the last few years, it’s that the Democratic Party shifted to the corporate “center” with Clinton and Obama and its establishment has been highly resistant to adopting real progressive change or elevating genuine progressives (like AOC) to senior/leadership positions.
And as we see right now in the Party’s leadership’s apparent inability to call out Trump and his parade of horribles, this unwillingness to stand up and fight is leading to the dismantling of programs that progressives fought so hard for over the entire last century.
We have been too often losing these fights, and to win them takes more than union protests in Wisconsin, a march on Trump’s birthday, or even voting, although those are all important.
But to really take power, like the Tea Party did in one short year, it will take an infiltration of the Democratic Party itself through claiming Precinct Committee positions, as well as simply showing up regularly at the meetings.
If this year, starting now, we execute the same strategy the Tea Party did when the billionaires funding it first set out to take over the GOP, then we can move the Democratic Party back to its progressive roots and finally see the progressive reforms — and election victories — that we’ve been fighting for.
We have 16 months before the 2026 midterm elections and your mission is to show up at your local Democratic Party headquarters and begin the infiltration.
Good luck and get started!
In the wake of today’s grim Supreme Court decision imperiling American citizenship for millions, he exemplified what a citizen could and should be.
A point of personal privilege, as they say: I want to take a minute to mark the death and life of Bill Moyers, first because he was a friend and an integral if quiet part of the climate fight, but also because I think—more than almost anyone else—he puts our strange moment in stark relief. In the wake of today’s grim Supreme Court decision imperiling American citizenship for millions, he exemplified what a citizen could and should be.
I knew who Bill Moyers was, of course, my whole conscious life. He’d been an omnipresent figure in the 1960s, coming to D.C. as a key aide to Vice President Lyndon Johnson only to quickly peel off to help found the Peace Corps. When LBJ wound up in the Oval Office, Moyers became one of his core advisors, helping shape the Great Society programs, before he finally broke with his mentor over Vietnam. Then he remade himself into the most important television journalist of his time, with a devoted following at CBS and then PBS.
But he really emerged into my thinking in the early 1990s when I was writing a book called The Age of Missing Information, which was an effort to understand how the mediated lives we were living shaped our minds and world. It was something between an experiment and performance art: I found the largest cable system in the world (a hundred channels in Fairfax,Virginia) and taped everything that came across them for for 24 hours—that meant I had 2,400 hours of tv, which I spent a year watching. A miserable year—there was so little sustenance. Except for Mister Rogers, and for Bill Moyers (who were not unalike, come to think of it). He interviewed a poet, and it was thoughtful and real and human, an oasis in that desert. No wonder he was beloved; no one save perhaps Edward R/ Murrow ever used the impoverished medium that is television with as much grace and skill. (Thirty Emmys, by the way.)
Bill Moyers was the preeminent interviewer of his time because he was so good at listening—that’s what effective interviewing really is. And listening is the thing most out of fashion in the people who rule over us now.
And then, a few years later, still in my 30s, through a series of coincidences, I got to work with him much much more closely; he’d asked me to join the board of the Schumann Foundation, the philanthropy that he ran for many years even as he continued his documentary career. Schumann was an unusual operation—the two brothers (heirs to the IBM fortune) who’d founded it were on the board too, and they were as generous as it was possible to be. When Bill decided an idea was worth, say, $200,000, they would invariably propose $400,000 instead. And so a great deal of important media and progressive work for several decades was funded essentially through his good graces.
I left the board, in fact, to avoid a conflict of interest because they wanted to make the grant that would help found 350.org; without it the first global grassroots climate campaign would not have gotten off the ground. And when the time came to start Third Act, the Schumann Foundation, then in the final throes of “spending down” their assets, made a small but key grant to give us the chance to explore the idea. I was a volunteer in these organizations, but not everyone can be a volunteer; Moyers understood that, and helped make sure that we, and others, had the wherewithal to pay decent wages to people doing hard and important work. He was instinctively generous.
But that’s not what sticks in my mind right now. It’s his other qualities: a deep empathy, a deep curiosity, and a deep commitment to reality as the basis for understanding the world. Those are not to be taken for granted—he’d grown up in the segregated south, for instance. But he cultivated them his whole life, till they were his nature. And they are, I think, the exact and polar opposite of our current political dispensation—the people defunding Black colleges and renaming naval vessels to make sure they don’t honor diversity, the people shutting down satellite feeds so we can’t see the Arctic melting, the people fixated on rounding up the poorest and most vulnerable among us.
Bill Moyers was the preeminent interviewer of his time because he was so good at listening—that’s what effective interviewing really is. And listening is the thing most out of fashion in the people who rule over us now. President Donald Trump, above all, just talks and talks and talks some more, in CAPITAL letters.
Moyers, by contrast, was not just an architect of, but also the exemplar of, the postwar liberal order in America, one of the best reflections of its virtues (and doubts). He represents a literacy now passing, an unpretentious sophistication that marked America at its intellectual best. I know, from many conversations in recent years, just how saddened and alarmed he was by the turn our world has taken, but I also know that he was constantly thinking of ways to make the future work. Which is, after all, our job.
The transformation of the Democratic Party from a working class party to one of prosperous elites can’t be ignored or wished away. It is one reason why this election is so close and why an extremist may capture the electoral college. But it doesn't have to be this way.
In 1964, Senator Barry Goldwater, the Republican from Arizona, captured his party's presidential nomination and unabashedly conducted an extremist, right-wing campaign. He opposed civil rights legislation and New Deal social welfare programs. He implied a willingness to use nuclear weapons, saying he would give U.S. field commanders and the NATO Supreme Commander the freedom to launch them without presidential approval.
As Goldwater famously said in his acceptance speech at the Republican convention, “Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice! Moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.”
The Johnson campaign exploited Goldwater’s extremism with what may be the most effective and chilling TV ad of all time.
If you watch the famous campaign ad, you’ll see a very young girl standing in a field, pulling petals off a daisy while counting them out one by one. Then, we hear the voice of a military commander (with a strong southern accent) doing a similar countdown that ends in a nuclear explosion which takes over the screen. The ad finishes with a voice-over, Lyndon Johnson offering a few pious words about love and peace. Johnson is never seen. Goldwater is never mentioned.
Lyndon Johnson crushed Goldwater 61.1 percent to 38.5, winning 486 electoral votes to 52.
This year’s election also features a self-declared extremist. Yet today, the presidential race is a toss-up. Trump’s extremism promotes lies about immigrants eating pets and the poisoning of our blood. Trump calls Democrats the enemy within and he praises those who stormed the capital on January 6th. And in total violation of the history of American electioneering, he continues to argue that the 2020 election was stolen from him. A vast majority of Republicans agree with him. Goldwater and his party of 1964 look like centrists in comparison.
Given Trump’s blatant extremism, how can the election be so close? Why isn’t Harris 20 points ahead? What is so different between now and 1964?
Hillary Clinton, in 2016, provided an explanation, shared by many, that about half of all Trump voters are bigots:
You know, to just be grossly generalistic, you could put half of Trump's supporters into what I call the basket of deplorables. (Laughter/applause) Right? (Laughter/applause) They're racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, Islamophobic – you name it.
Voters are willing to elect Trump, the ultra-extremist, because he voices their fears about the rise of women, people of color, and the LGBTQ+ communities. More than anything, they and Trump want to make America white again!
If that theory is correct, we’d expect white working-class voters to be very illiberal on those issues and to have become even more so over the last several decades. We tested that theory in my book, Wall Street’s War on Workers, tracking 23 divisive social issues questions found in long-term voter surveys. It turns out that in 13 of the questions, the responses shifted in a more liberal direction over the years, and none of the 23 became more illiberal. Here are two stunning examples:
“Should gay or lesbian couples be legally permitted to adopt children?”
Said Yes in 2000: 38.2%
Said Yes in 2020: 76.0%
“Should legal status be granted to all illegal immigrants who have held jobs and paid taxes for at least 3 years and have not been convicted of any felony crimes?”
Said Yes in 2010: 32.1%
Said Yes in 2020: 61.8%
If the deplorable argument is wanting, as our research suggests, what is a better explanation for the enormous support Trump is receiving?
A disclaimer is in order. It’s impossible to address all the factors in one short article. But this question shouldn’t be ignored, so here goes.
Let’s start with trust in government. In 1964, an amazing 77 percent of Americans agreed that “they trust the government to do what is right just about always/most of the time.” In 2024 it was 22 percent.
That means the incumbent President in 1964, Lyndon Johnson, was viewed as the leader of a government that protected it’s people. Kamala Harris, as the current incumbent Vice-President, is mostly viewed as a leader of a government that is not protecting the average person. Harris is perceived as part of the establishment, the elites who have benefited during the years of runaway inequality, while Trump is perceived as its wrecking ball.
But that displeasure with government today suggests another set of explanations, including the collapse of unionization and the rise of job insecurity facing working people over the past four decades. More than 29 percent of the total U.S. workforce were union members in 1964. Add in their families and at last half of all Americans had close union connections. Today, 94 percent of all private sector workers are not in unions.
As a result, nearly all workers have had little or no protection against the mass layoffs that have regularly afflicted the country since the 1970s, even when the economy is prospering. During the Johnson years, the union ecosystem was so dense that Democratic politicians had no choice but to appeal to the interests of working people. They had to be the party of workers whether they liked it or not.
But starting with Bill Clinton, unions became small enough to ignore. Appealing to and appeasing Wall Street and corporate interests became central to the Democratic Party’s path to power. They wrongly believed that workers had no place else to turn.
And white workers, in particular, fled the Democrats. The research for my book strongly suggests that the main culprit was mass layoffs and the failure of the Democrats to address them.
Take Mingo County, West Virginia, with a population 25,000. It had 3,300 coal mining jobs in 1996. In that year Bill Clinton received 69.7 percent of the vote. By 2020, Mingo County had lost 3,000 of those coal mining jobs, and Joe Biden received only 13.9 percent.
Is this cherry-picking one country to make a point? No. For Wall Street’s War on Workers, we tested all the counties in the Blue Wall states of Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.
Our findings showed that as the county mass layoff rate went up, the Democratic vote declined. In short, the Democrats are being blamed for failing to protect working-class people from the destruction of their jobs. While working people may not know all the details about stock buybacks and leveraged buyouts, they know that Wall Street has been walking all over them and the Democrats have done little to stop them.
In discussing with my colleagues why this election is so different than 1964, one noted that the problem may be that Harris didn’t have enough time to mount a full campaign. But another jumped in and said, maybe she had too much time. Say what?
“She’s a corporate Democrat,” my colleague responded, meaning that the more Harris campaigns the more she sends that corporate-friendly signal to working-class voters. When they say she isn’t specific enough about her plans, they’re also saying she isn’t speaking directly enough to them about their issues.
The transformation of the Democratic Party from the party of the working class to the party of prosperous elites can’t be ignored or wished away. It is one reason why this election is so close and why an extremist may capture the electoral college. If Trump wins, he will surely wield his axe against government, and that is certain to negatively impact the most vulnerable among us.
It doesn’t have to be this way. My research and that of the Center for Working Class Politics show that a strong progressive populist message is very attractive to working people, especially in the Blue Wall states. It’s a damn shame that so many Democratic politicians can’t see the writing on the wall.Don't let history fool you. Trump can be destroyed, but only if those in a position of power show the courage that's needed. It’s now up to Biden's inner circle and the leaders of the Democratic Party to make the correct decision.
By showing his age and fragility in the debate, President Joe Biden did us all a big favor. There now is a possibility, still slight but higher than before, that he will bow out of the race and not run again.
On November 20, 2023, I wrote a column—titled "Who Has the Courage to Tell Joe Biden Not to Run?"—that asked Biden to drop out. I took heat for that, even from my friends and colleagues. I heard all kinds of arguments, ranging from “He’s a great president and deserves another term,” to “It’s too late to do anything about it.” I was also accused of being a defeatist and some said that my attitude would weaken Biden and help Trump win.
After Biden gave his energetic State of the Union address, the finger wagging accelerated: “See, Biden clearly has the wherewithal to crush Trump,” friends said. I was not convinced. But, after Biden’s Thursday night debate performance, a lot more people became unconvinced. He looked old and spoke even older, that was undeniable.
It’s now up to Biden and the leaders of the Democratic Party. Do they have the guts to tell Biden not to run? Do any of the younger presidential hopefuls have the nerve to speak out? Does Biden have the guts to withdraw?
It is past time to listen to what the Democratic rank and file have been saying all along. They want someone younger to do combat with Trump. While I’m usually a poll skeptic, Biden’s approval numbers are pathetic. The president stood at just 37 percent as of June 24, and that number hardly budged even after the surprisingly strong SOTU address. That polling weakness, I believe, reflects less on the president’s job performance than on how he looks and acts on the job.
Unfortunately, the primaries have been completed and no significant Democrat has showed the nerve to oppose him. That leaves it up to Biden to decide, and in the aftermath of the debate debacle, he and his team say they’re running harder than ever... right over the cliff!
But that could change if his poll numbers further deteriorate and if enough Democratic leaders feel they might lose as well in the fall if Biden heads the ticket.
Pundits have encouraged the Democrat’s cowardice by claiming that defeat always follows when a sitting president is challenged by one of his own party. The poster child for this story is 1968, when Democratic Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota took on President Lyndon Johnson in the primaries. McCarthy’s strength led Johnson to withdraw, and for party regulars to engineer the nomination of Vice President Hubert Humphrey. This ended with the victory of Richard Nixon in the general election.
That’s not the way I see it. I challenge all comers to a historical duel about 1968 politics. I think that election was entirely winnable by Humphrey had he taken a mild anti-Vietnam War position a bit sooner during his fall campaign.
That pivotal year is worth reviewing. In 1968, there were 536,000 U.S. troops in Vietnam killing and being killed in large numbers. The Tet Offensive showed the American public that the Johnson administration had been lying when describing our success conducting the war. It was clear that America was not winning. McCarthy challenged the sitting president with a strong anti-war message, appealing to the support of young people in the growing anti-war movement. (About one million men were drafted into the armed forces from 1965 to 1968.) Thousands flocked to his campaign, going door-to-door in New Hampshire where McCarthy gained 42 percent of the Democratic primary vote. The next primary was to take place in Wisconsin and following his New Hampshire scare Johnson knew he was sure to lose. On March 30, LBJ dropped out of the race, and on April 2 McCarthy won Wisconsin by 57 to 35 percent.
With Johnson out, Humphrey became the Democratic Party establishment candidate, but then Robert Kennedy jumped in, making it a three-man race. On April 4, Dr. Martin King Jr. was assassinated in Memphis and riots broke out in 100 cities across the country, leading to 43 deaths and the mobilization of National Guard units and the military occupation of several U.S. cities. Disruption and chaos had the upper hand, and by the time of the California primary, on June 4, it was clear that Kennedy, would defeat McCarthy and become the leader of the anti-war Democrats. Sadly, he was assassinated that night in Los Angeles, greatly weakening the anti-war electoral efforts.
The August 26-29 Democratic convention, held in Chicago, turned into a riot, a police riot, as the Chicago police—under the control of Mayor Richard Daley—viciously attacked the generally peaceful anti-war demonstrators. Anti-war convention delegates, and even CBS’s Dan Rather, were beaten as Daley turned his political machine into a ramrod for the Humphrey campaign. The carnage was broadcast live on TV.
After Kennedy’s murder it was a forgone conclusion that Humphrey would become the Democratic nominee. But the key political event at the tumultuous convention turned out to be the vote on a rather mild peace plank for the Democratic Party platform, something that the Kennedy and McCarthy delegates hoped to salvage for their efforts. But LBJ, pulling the strings, refused to compromise and the plank was narrowly defeated.
I try to avoid the prediction game, but I am willing to go out on a limb on this one: If Biden stays in, we get Trump. If a younger Democrat becomes the nominee, Trump will get crushed.
That fall, Vice President Humphrey ran against the former Vice President Nixon, who based his campaign on law and order, scaring the newly concocted “Silent Majority,” and criticizing the riots and anti-war demonstrations that were ripping through the country. Nixon also claimed to have a plan to end the war in Vietnam that he would reveal at his inauguration, which turned out to be an appealing lie. Humphrey, an organization man nearly to the end, stayed loyal to the unpopular LBJ positions and fell behind by 44 to 27 percent in a September 27 Gallop poll.
On September 30, 1968, Humphrey finally broke ranks with LBJ in a nationwide speech. He announced that he would put an end to the bombing in Vietnam and would call for a ceasefire. This brought McCarthy and many of his supporters, as well as Kennedy supporters, into the Humphrey campaign, quickly narrowing the gap. But with only a month to go Humphrey didn’t quite get there: Nixon won 43.4 percent to Humphrey’s 42.7 percent, with segregationist George Wallace netting 15.5 percent.
I believe any objective analyst would conclude that had Democrats supported the peace plank at the convention or had Humphrey offered his peace plan sooner, he would have won. So please don’t use 1968 to tell us that if Biden withdraws, the Democrats are sure to lose, (which is what Kaitlin Collins said on CNN the night after the debate.)
I try to avoid the prediction game, but I am willing to go out on a limb on this one: If Biden stays in, we get Trump. If a younger Democrat becomes the nominee, Trump will get crushed.
It’s now up to Biden and the leaders of the Democratic Party. Do they have the guts to tell Biden not to run? Do any of the younger presidential hopefuls have the nerve to speak out? Does Biden have the guts to withdraw?
President Biden, we thank you for your service. Now give us the chance to thank you again for protecting democracy by stepping aside.
On whistling past the graveyards of foreign misadventures and the political peril of war-weary voters.
With just a few minor changes, President Biden’s recent op-ed in the Washington Post could have been taken from a half-century-old time capsule. “The United States is the essential nation,” he writes. “The world looks to us to solve the problems of our time. That is the duty of leadership, and America will lead.”
It’s a blast from the past, and not in a good way. The op-ed speaks of wars to fight and enemies to defeat, from Russia to the Middle East, with the U.S. once again serving as global police.
Pax Americana is back.
In the face of global outrage, the president has proposed a “humanitarian pause” in U.S.-backed violence. While that would be welcome, the president’s words show us that he’s had no change of heart. “The world looks to us to solve the problems of our time,” the op-ed asserts. Most of the world would be happy if we didn’t create any more problems than we already have.
The op-ed tells us that the president holds an obsolete view of the world as a stage, with the U.S. as chief protagonist in a Manichean struggle between the forces of light and those of darkness. America’s enemies represent “pure, unadulterated evil” who are “fighting to wipe a neighboring democracy off the map’ (as if Israel were a democracy), while the U.S. is a planetary Dudley Do-Right who will “stand up to aggressors and make progress toward a brighter, more peaceful future.”
The word “law” only appears once, and “diplomacy” isn’t mentioned at all.
Biden’s op-ed brought to mind the words of Lyndon Johnson, who said:
“For today we Americans share responsibility not only for our own security but for the security of all free nations, not only for our own society but for an entire civilization, not only for our own liberty but for the hopes of all humanity.”
Those words were spoken nearly sixty years ago. They have not aged well.
“Will Israelis and Palestinians one day live side by side in peace,” President Biden writes, “with two states for two peoples?” But the dream of a two-state solution has been crushed under the weight of 700,000 Israelis on Palestinian land, subsidized by a rightwing government that built illegal settlements under the passive gaze of U.S. politicians like Biden.
Lyndon Johnson said this about Vietnam in 1965: “We will not be defeated. We will not grow tired. We will not withdraw, either openly or under the cloak of a meaningless agreement.”
But in the end, after all the killing, that’s exactly what happened. It will probably happen again.
LBJ presided over the creation of Medicare and the passage of the Voting Rights Act, but the growing unpopularity of the war in Vietnam forced him to step down rather than face defeat.
Biden’s op-ed is another attempt to paint the administration’s multiple military sprees as a single, unified, glorious mission. That mission is failing in its goals and harming U.S. interests at home and abroad.
In that way, at least, Biden’s presidency increasingly resembles LBJ’s. Johnson presided over the creation of Medicare and the passage of the Voting Rights Act, but the growing unpopularity of the war in Vietnam forced him to step down rather than face defeat. The result was the presidency of Richard Nixon, whose one-and-a-half terms altered the trajectory of American history.
It’s odd. When we were protesting Johnson in high school, he seemed like an old man. But Johnson was 59 years old when he withdrew from the 1968 race, more than two decades younger than Joe Biden will be next November. This president cannot afford too many missteps.
Biden has won some policy victories, but the public doesn’t seem to be feeling them. His age also has voters worried. And yet, despite these weaknesses, he’s thrown caution to the winds on military adventurism. In that, he seems to be following in his younger predecessor’s footsteps.
In Israel’s case, it reflects longstanding loyalty on his part – a loyalty that is not reciprocated by Benjamin Netanyahu, who humiliates him virtually every chance he gets. But Biden is a true believer. He said this in a 1986 clip that will almost certainly be recycled in next year’s campaign:
“It’s about time we stop apologizing for our support for Israel. There’s no apology to be made, none. It is the best $3 billion investment we make. If there weren’t an Israel, the United States of America would have to invent an Israel to protect her interests in the region.”
In other words, let’s fight them over there so we don’t have to fight them over here.
But Biden’s $3 billion “investment” is approaching $17 billion this year, and it’s becoming increasingly clear that — like the nation’s wasteful military adventures in Iraq and Afghanistan— it’s likely to create more enemies than it kills.
Biden has won some policy victories, but the public doesn’t seem to be feeling them.
The public isn’t buying it. The latest NBC News poll shows that his handling of Israel and Gaza is crushing his already shaky poll numbers. As NBC reports:
President Joe Biden’s approval rating has declined to the lowest level of his presidency — 40% — as strong majorities of all voters disapprove of his handling of foreign policy and the Israel-Hamas war, according to the latest national NBC News poll.
“The erosion for Biden is most pronounced among Democrats,” NBC adds, “majority of whom believe Israel has gone too far in its military action in Gaza, and among voters ages 18 to 34, with a whopping 70% of them disapproving of Biden’s handling of the war ...”
The NBC report continues:
What stands out in the new survey is the shift among voters ages 18 to 34. In September, 46% of these voters said they approved of Biden’s job performance. Now? Biden’s approval rating dropped to 31% among these voters.
Biden is losing groups he can’t afford to lose. He’s already seen his support plunge from 59 percent to 17 percent among Arab Americans, a critical voting bloc in several swing states. Now he’s losing young voters. These numbers are likely to get worse as voters hear more about the mass killing of innocents in Gaza with American weapons.
Biden is losing groups he can’t afford to lose.
That’s undoubtedly why the White House tried to conceal the kinds of weapons we’ve been sending Israel, but Bloomberg News got the list. They include 36,000 rounds of 30mm cannon ammunition, 1,800 M141 bunker-buster munitions, precision-guided munitions, drones, small-diameter bombs, and 155mm artillery shells.
As Bloomberg reports, over 30 relief organizations asked Austin not to send these weapons, especially the 155mm shells. ‘In Gaza, one of the world’s most densely populated places, 155mm artillery shells are inherently indiscriminate,’ the organizations said. ‘These munitions are unguided and have a high error radius.’
Too late. Austin had already declared that “U.S. security assistance to Israel will flow in at the speed of war.”
When it comes to military interventions, Biden is spending money hand over fist. This chart from the Council on Foreign Relations outlines the amount spent and publicly disclosed through July 31:
Biden’s new supplemental spending bill would provide another $66 billion in aid for Ukraine ($44.4 billion of which is military), an additional $14.3 billion in direct military aid for Israel, and $7 billion for a buildup in the South China Sea.
The projected total in direct military assistance to Ukraine alone is greater than the 2022 military budget of any nation on Earth except the U.S. and China—and the U.S. spends nearly three times as much as China.
That leaves the president and his party vulnerable to right-wing appeals like this one from Tucker Carlson:
Unlike so many of our elected leaders, (Trump voters) have been to America recently. They know what it looks like. Have you seen it? If you've got a few days this summer, find out. Take a road trip and see for yourself. Drive 500 miles in any direction and then come home. How are things looking? …
There are potholes and Jersey barriers everywhere. Looks like Tegucigalpa before the Chinese decided to rebuild the infrastructure of Honduras ... And you wonder as you see all of this, where did all the money go? It's certainly not here. Well, it's in Washington ... And of course, a huge chunk of it went to Ukraine, to Zelensky and his friends.
Whatever one’s feelings about Ukraine, it’s hard to deny that rhetoric like this could resonate with a war-weary and economically insecure electorate.
One, Two, Three, Many Vietnams
Biden’s relentless militarism, especially in Israel, is markedly driving down his already weak poll numbers. His support for Ukraine has not yet hurt him among his party’s base, but that could change. The conflict is at a stalemate even as he calls for $66 billion in additional aid. What happens next?
Biden’s relentless militarism, especially in Israel, is markedly driving down his already weak poll numbers.
Americans largely support Ukraine’s independence, as they should, but the public’s patience is not unlimited. They may demand diplomacy instead of war, especially as the fighting drags on—and especially if they learn that the U.S. alliance appears to have blocked a diplomatic settlement early in the conflict. That’s something Republicans will be eager to tell them about.
Americans’ compassion for Ukraine may take a different form as they watch its people continue to die in a war that’s not making progress. The Defense Secretary’s stated goal of using Ukrainians to “weaken” Russia’s military strength may start to look as inhumane as it is wasteful.
The most striking thing about U.S. involvement in the bombing of Gaza is how rapidly public support for it has fallen. In that sense, Israel’s assault has already become Biden’s Vietnam. By next November, his expenditures in Ukraine could become another.
The most striking thing about U.S. involvement in the bombing of Gaza is how rapidly public support for it has fallen.
Vietnam was originally a popular war, too, but the ongoing loss of life, the expense, and its well-publicized brutality eroded its support and ended LBJ’s presidency. It’s true that, unlike Vietnam, today’s conflicts don’t involve U.S. soldiers. But there is a greater sense of economic distress today—and a smart Republican will play on fears of a nuclear confrontation with Russia.
Support for Vietnam didn’t fade overnight. It took the 1968 Tet Offensive to drive the percentage of voters supporting the war down into the 30’s. Today, at least one Ukrainian general acknowledges the war is a stalemate.
Many things could go wrong. The president might have to invest more—far more—into the war than he has yet promised. He could risk a direct confrontation with Russia. Ukraine could experience a battlefield defeat similar to the Tet Offensive.
Or all those things could happen.
Unfortunately, Biden also seems to share LBJ’s hostility to criticism. He reportedly refers to Democratic strategist David Axelrod as a “prick” for questioning his re-electability, to which Axelrod responded:
“I don’t care about them thinking I’m a prick — that’s fine ... I hope they don’t think the polls are wrong because they’re not.”
Some professional Democrats insist the polls are wrong. They’re downplaying Biden’s weaknesses and counting on the unpopularity of Donald Trump to secure his re-election. That’s whistling past the graveyard – which in this case is “a graveyard for children.” Trump is a shrewd debater who has postured himself as an adversary of the military/industrial “deep state.”
And Trump may not even be the 2024 nominee. I fear Nikki Haley more than I do Trump, and polls already show her outperforming Trump by 10 points in the general election. If Trump is convicted of a crime between now and Election Day, polls show his support dropping significantly. Meanwhile, Haley has become more polished and could overwhelm Biden on the debate stage.
Supercut: NBC Goes to War! Turns GOP Debate into Bloodlust Contestyoutu.be
None of this is to suggest that Republicans offer a better alternative on military issues. While they’re skeptical about Ukraine, the GOP candidates who are not named Trump are even more bellicose than the current White House occupant. (I made the video above to illustrate that.)
But their extremism won’t necessarily save Joe Biden from LBJ’s fate. It’s foolish to predict an election that’s twelve months away, as Democratic officials often remind us. But it’s even more foolish to ignore today’s poll numbers—or yesterday’s lessons—about presidents who blindly pursue the path of war.
Republicans compete for lethal prizes.
In its obituary coverage of Jesuit anti-war activist Father Daniel Berrigan, the New York Times recalled its story of Berrigan's 80th birthday in 2001, entitled "A Jesuit Lion of Protest Turns 80, Unrepentant." Why, the newspaper implied, had Berrigan not yet repented for his deeds, even at age 80? The implicit question was and is absurd. Berrigan's death -- and his astoundingly worthy life -- begs us to ask why America still has not repented for its sins of arrogance and violence.
Berrigan's "sins" were to protest the Vietnam War and the subsequent wars of the current generation -- Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and Libya. He did so creatively and bravely, and always peacefully vis-a-vis other human beings. Yes, he deployed homemade napalm -- to burn files of a Selective Service draft office in Catonsville, Md., in May, 1968. Yes, he brandished hammers -- to bang symbolically on nuclear missiles under construction in GE plants in Prussia, Penn.,, in September 1980. His mission was never violence; it was awareness, most of all moral awareness.
America is quick to ask other countries to repent their sins and to remember their evil deeds. It is quick to haul other leaders to the International Criminal Court. But it is chronically incapable of looking inward. It is not Berrigan who should have stood repentant, but America's foreign policy establishment, the one still very much in power and at war in many countries where we do not belong.
Yes, the Vietnam War is remembered as a debacle and a defeat, but not as the moral sin it was and that Berrigan bravely protested. The war is described as misguided and by the right-wing as poorly led and even prematurely ended. But it was profoundly immoral, an act of prolonged violence stoked by unconscionable arrogance, ignorance, lies and manipulation by political leaders. Phony theories of "falling dominoes" and of a unified and insatiable world communist movement were kept alive mainly because of electoral politics, especially the fears held by Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon of hardliners who could not countenance losing a war, despite the fact that the war was without merit and should never have been fought.
Berrigan was of course profoundly right, and right from the earliest days of the military escalation in the mid-1960s. In the end, US war-making killed more than one million Vietnamese. Yes, more than 1 million Vietnamese. Fifty-five thousand American soldiers died. Millions of Americans had their lives disrupted and countless ruined. A trillion dollars or more (in today's prices) were wasted for absolutely nothing other than wanton destruction. Less than a generation after Vietnam's "fall" to communism, the United States ended its unilateral trade embargo and soon afterward signed a Bilateral Trade Agreement (2001). The United States has invested more than $1 billion in Vietnam's factories, and happily imports Vietnamese fabrics, coffee, and other products. Today, "communist Vietnam" is a US partner in the so-called Trans-Pacific Partnership and a major voice against China's potential encroachments in the South China Sea.
The more recent wars, in Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya, and elsewhere (in covert operations) are just as fruitless and immoral as in Vietnam. They wreak havoc and deaths, with no positive results. A half-century ago, Berrigan protested against a war driven by the politicians' fears of "losing to the communists." More recently, he protested against wars driven by the politicians' fears of "losing to the terrorists."
Yet in all of these wars we have continually failed to recognize the core truth: we have been our own worst enemy. Our failing is a moral one because it reflects our society's collective unwillingness to look deeply into our motives despite their harrowing life-and-death implications. Even after Barack Obama acknowledged that the NATO-led war in Libya led to a colossal debacle, we have yet to have a serious national debate about it, much less even a second look.
Hillary Clinton is an oddity and a serious worry. Despite the fact that she entered politics as a student activist against the Vietnam War, she has morphed into one of the leading hawks of our time. While Obama has clearly agonized over the Middle East wars, Clinton has consistently and blithely called for their escalation. During the past 20 years she has shown no hesitation in launching wars, no repentance when they have become disasters, and no evident learning from one war to the next. Americans remain unaware of how these wars have directly unleashed the demons of radical jihadists and terrorism, indeed some of it directly financed by the US (as in Afghanistan), and others financed by America's ostensible allies, Saudi Arabia and Turkey.
Father Berrigan was therefore a special gift to America, a remarkably brave moral voice who persistently tried to warn America about the high costs of arrogance. His was the kind of voice that the American establishment reproaches and jails, the kind that puzzles the New York Times because he stood "unrepentant." Berrigan raised moral issues about the United States that are as urgent and pressing today as they were almost a half-century ago he set alight the draft files in Catonsville.
Several months removed, it now seems clear that the Democratic debate on October 13 contained an illuminating moment that has come to embody the 2016 Democratic Primary and the key differences between its two candidates. Confronting Bernie Sanders's insistence that the United States has much to learn from more socialized nations, particularly the Nordic Model, Hillary Clinton was direct: "I love Denmark. But we are not Denmark. We are the United States of America."
"America's twenty-first-century 'exceptions' appear as dubious distinctions: gun violence, carbon emissions, mass incarceration, wealth inequality, racial disparities, capital punishment, child poverty, and military spending." The implication behind this statement--the reasoning that ideas and institutions (in this case, social and economic programs) that are successful in other nations are somehow practically or ideologically inconsistent with Americans and American principles--speaks to a longstanding sociopolitical framework that has justified everything from continental expansion to the Iraq War: American exceptionalism. Rooted in the writings of Alexis de Tocqueville and the mythology of John Winthrop's "City Upon a Hill," the notion that the history and mission of the United States and the superiority of its political and economic traditions makes it impervious to the same forces that influence other peoples has coursed through Abraham Lincoln's "Gettysburg Address," the Cold War rhetoric of John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, and the foreign policy declarations of Barack Obama.
Despite particular historical trends--early and relatively stable political democracy, birthright citizenship, the absence of a feudal tradition, the relative weakness of class consciousness--historians have critiqued this "American exceptionalism" as far more fictive than physical, frequently citing the concept as a form of state mythology. Although different histories lead naturally to historical and perhaps even structural dissimilarities, America's twenty-first-century "exceptions" appear as dubious distinctions: gun violence, carbon emissions, mass incarceration, wealth inequality, racial disparities, capital punishment, child poverty, and military spending.
Yet even when American exceptionalism has never been more challenged by empirically validated social and economic data and in public conversation, the concept continues to play an elemental role in our two-party political discourse. The Republican Party is, of course, awash with spurious, almost comically stupid dialogue about a mythic American past--"making America great again"--the racial and ethnic undertones of which are unmistakable. Those same Republicans have lambasted Obama and other high-profile Democrats for not believing sufficiently in their brand of innate, transhistoric American supremacy.
But this Americentrism is not the sole province of the GOP. We need to look no further than bipartisan support for the military-industrial complex and the surveillance state to see that national exceptionalism and its explicit double standard toward other nations resides comfortably within the Democratic Party as well. Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ecuadorean President Rafael Correa censured Obama's use of the term in the fall of 2013, with the latter likening it to the "chosen race" theories of Nazi Germany. Hyperbole notwithstanding, academics often associate American exceptionalism with military conquest. After all, it has deep roots in the Manifest Destiny ethos that spurred the Mexican War, drove the continental and trans-Pacific expansion, and emerged as a paternalistic justification for voluminous military interventions in Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East. As Dick Cheney suggests, "the world needs a powerful America." In this unilateral missionizing zeal, Clinton proves most typical. As historian Michael Kazin argues in a recent piece for The Nation: "Hillary Clinton is best described as a liberal. Like every liberal president (and most failed Democratic nominees) since Wilson, she wants the United States to be the dominant power in the world, so she doesn't question the massive sums spent on the military and the other branches of the national security state."
"Clinton's brand of American exceptionalism goes beyond the issue of American military dominion and into mid-century social liberalism and, more specifically, the neoliberalism that has since replaced it."
However, Clinton's brand of American exceptionalism goes beyond the issue of American military dominion and into the policy potentials of mid-century social liberalism and, more specifically, the neoliberalism that has since replaced it. Indeed, since George McGovern's failed presidential bid of 1972, neoliberals, moving decidedly rightward on economic issues, have consistently employed exceptionalist code to fight off movements, ideas, and challengers from the left. The victims include leftist efforts toward both American demilitarization and the expansion of a "socialistic" welfare state. Socialist feminist Liza Featherstone and others have denounced Clinton's uncritical praise of the "opportunity" and "freedom" of American capitalism vis-a-vis other developed nations. "With this bit of frankness," Featherstone explains, referring to the former Secretary of State's "Denmark" comments, "Clinton helpfully explained why no socialist--indeed, no non-millionaire--should support her. She is smart enough to know that women in the United States endure far more poverty, unemployment, and food insecurity than women in Denmark--yet she shamelessly made clear that she was happy to keep it that way." Indeed, Clinton's denunciation of the idea that the United States should look more like Denmark betrayed one of the glaring fault lines within the Democratic Party and between Clintonian liberalism and Sandersite leftism. It also revealed a more clandestine strain of American exceptionalism common among liberals and the Democratic Party elite in which "opportunity" serves as a stand-in for wider egalitarian reform. As Elizabeth Bruenig highlighted in The New Republic: "Since getting ahead on one's grit is such a key part of the American narrative, it's easy to see how voters might be attracted to Clinton's opportunity-based answer to our social and economic woes, though it leaves the problem of inequality vastly under-addressed. Indeed, a kind of American exceptionalism does seem to underpin much opportunity-focused political rhetoric."
This preference for insider politics (rather than mass movements involving direct action) and limited, means-tested social programs speaks to a broader truth about modern liberalism: it functions in a way that not only doesn't challenge the basic tenets of American exceptionalism, it often reinforces them. Whether vindicating war and torture and civil liberties violations, talking past the War on Drugs and the carceral state, or exhibiting coolness toward the type of popular protest seen during Occupy Wall Street, with its direct attacks on a sort of American Sonderweg, establishment Democrats are adept at using a more "realistic" brand of Americentrism to consolidate power and anchor the party in the status quo. The 2016 Democratic Primary has seen progressive ideas, including universal health care, tuition-free college, and a living minimum wage, all hallmarks of large swaths of the rest of the developed world, delegitimized through some mutation of liberal exceptionalist thinking. These broadminded reforms are apparently off limits, not because they are not good ideas (though opponents make that appraisal, too), but because somehow their unachievability is exceptional to the United States.
"Broadminded reforms are apparently off limits, not simply because they are not good ideas... but because somehow their unachievability is exceptional to the United States." All this is not to exclude (despite his "democratic socialist" professions) Sanders's own milder brand of "America first," most evident in his economic nationalism, but to emphasize that American exceptionalism and the logical and practical dangers it poses exist in degrees across a spectrum of American politics. Whatever his nationalistic inclinations, Sanders's constant reiteration of America's need to learn from and adapt to other nations' social, economic, and political models demonstrates an ethno-flexibility rarely seen in American major party politics. "Every other major country..." might as well be his official campaign slogan. This bilateral outlook does not fit nearly as neatly within Clinton's traditional liberal paradigm that, from defenses of American war and empire to the, uses American exceptionalism tactically, dismissing its conservative adherents as nationalist overkill yet quietly exploiting the theory when politically or personally expeditious.
In looking beyond our national shores and domestic origin sources for fresh and functional policy, Sanders seems to grasp that, from the so-called "foreign influences" of the Republican free soil program or Robert La Follette's Wisconsin Idea or even Lyndon Johnson's Great Society, American high politics have been at their most morally creative and sweepingly influential not only when swayed by direct action and mass movements, but also when the constraints of ethnocentrism and exceptionalism less impede them. The "We are not Denmark" sentiment might appear benign, lacking as it does the bluster of Republican claims to national supremacy and imaginary "golden age" pasts and what economist Thomas Picketty has termed a "mythical capitalism." But it is the "seriousness" and very gentility of liberal Americentrism that underscores the power, omnipresence, and intellectual poverty of cultural dismissal. "I still believe in American exceptionalism," Clinton has proclaimed in pushing for U.S. military escalation in Syria. Indeed, she does, and it is not relegated to foreign policy.
More than fifty years after their 'jail, no bail' strategy helped galvanize the fight against racial inequality, serving as a model for other protesters nationwide and spurring larger actions like the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in 1963 and the march from Selma to Montgomery in 1965, nine African-American civil rights activists will finally, later this month, have their names cleared.
On the morning of January 31, 1961, a group of African-American demonstrators, most of whom were students at nearby Friendship College, converged on the McCrory's Variety Store in downtown Rock Hill, South Carolina.
Ten young men went inside and sat down at the all-white lunch counter, while others--men and women--stayed outside with picket signs. The 10 activists at the lunch counter ordered hamburgers and soft drinks; they were denied service and asked to leave. When they refused to get up, the men were dragged from the establishment, arrested, taken to the city jail, and tried for trespassing.
According to a narrative at the website of Friendship College (which closed its doors in 1981):
These young men, along with many other Rock Hill demonstrators, had been arrested for trespassing several times during the previous year; each time they paid their bail and were released. But on this occasion in January 1961, they had decided ahead of time that if arrested, they would not accept bail but would serve out their sentences. By so doing they would not only break the cycle of continually paying money into an unfair legal system but also bring attention to the segregated nature of lunch counters and other public places in Rock Hill and elsewhere.
All but one of the men--who was concerned about possibly losing his athletic scholarship at Friendship--refused to allow the NAACP to pay their bail; on February 2, 1961, they began serving out 30-day sentences on the county prison farm.
Next week, 16th Circuit Solicitor Kevin Brackett will convene a special court hearing to have their records exonerated.
According to The Herald of Rock Hill:
Brackett will argue in court that the law in 1961 was unjust, so their convictions were unjust. He will ask that the convictions be vacated.
Circuit Court Judge John C. Hayes III--nephew of the Judge Hayes who convicted the Friendship Nine 54 years ago--will sign the order.
The Friendship Nine finally will have no criminal records.
While the 'Friendship Nine,' as they soon came to be known, served out their sentences, other protesters and supporters converged on the prison--including members of the influential Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, who were also arrested, jailed, and then refused bail. Over the course of the next year, further demonstrations and arrests followed in Rock Hill, as well as in other cities throughout the U.S., with protesters across the country adopting the 'jail, no bail' strategy--first utilized by the Nashville Student Movement--rather than helping to subsidize a system that supported segregation and inequality.
On Monday, the city of Rock Hill unveiled new street signs honoring the civil rights activists. The signs declare that Rock Hill has "No Room for Racism" and list the names of the Friendship Nine members: Willie Edward McCleod, James Frank Wells, Clarence Henner Graham, Thomas Walter Gaither, David 'Scoop' Williamson, Robert Lewis McCullough, Mack Cartier Workman, W.T. 'Dub' Massey, and John Alexander Gaines.
On Saturday, three members of the Friendship Nine were grand marshals in the Martin Luther King, Jr. Day parade in York, South Carolina, just a few miles from Rock Hill.
In a speech to the crowd, Willie 'Dub' Massey called on young people and organizers to take proactive steps against racism and injustice: "If you're still acting like somebody owes you something," he said, "you gotta stop that mess and you gotta get it right."
For more on the Friendship Nine and their momentous civil disobedience, watch an excerpt from the 'Jail, No Bail' documentary produced in 2011 by South Carolina ETV:
'Jail, No Bail' Idea Stymied Cities' Profiting From Civil Rights ProtestersRead the transcript: https://to.pbs.org/hMvAHq Fifty years ago, the "Jail, No Bail" strategy became a new tactic in the fight for civil ...