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In the middle of a brutal assault, it's difficult to talk about demilitarization. And so, it was with trepidation that I recently convened a conversation about exactly that.
One of my guests, Anastasiya Leukhina, a war refugee from Ukraine, has a degree in peacebuilding from Notre Dame. In regular times, she said, she'd describe herself as a sort of peacenik, but now, "considering the situation and the losses that we have on the ground, we really need military assistance and we really need modern warfare and we need as much of it as we can get, as soon as possible."
The payment of billions of dollars on new weapons systems failed to prevent Russia's invasion. Indeed, Vladimir Putin used NATO's build up as an excuse for it.
More warfare is certainly coming. Even if Russian forces draw back from Kyiv and negotiations reach a deal, the conflict has already seen massive growth in weapons spending by the EU and NATO, even by countries like Germany and Denmark who've been spending down for years. Russian spending is up, and the US leads the pack. The Biden administration's proposed Pentagon budget for 2023 stands at $813 billion. It's bigger in real terms than ever before, as bloated as ever and spending on Ukraine is only a tiny fraction of it.
As Phyllis Bennis of the Institute for Policy Studies pointed out in our conversation, the payment of billions of dollars on new weapons systems failed to prevent Russia's invasion. Indeed, Vladimir Putin used NATO's build up as an excuse for it.
As Phyllis put it, "while there's an inevitable urgency for all things military right now, we know that greater militarization creates more problems after."
The idea of a neutral Ukrainian state gets fainter with every war crime, but if the US and NATO resume their military exercises in Ukraine, the risk of war with Russia will always be with us. In the end, my guests agreed that what's needed for sustainable peace will be an equal investment in the architecture of peace, and not just the president-to-president kind, but the people-to-people sort.
Gesturing to a book on his shelf, published by anti-war activists in 1913, Dmitri Makarov, zooming in from Russia, suggested that in today's interconnected world, we're much better equipped to communicate globally now than we ever were, and every local crisis has global implications.
Could the OSCE, the UN, or the Council of Europe be empowered to monitor and constrain not just Russia's arms deals, but everyone's? Could today's sanctions regime provide a model?
Conversations like this aren't easy but we're going to need more of them. And they won't come on media networks underwritten by arms-makers. That's why I'm happy to be launching season three of the Laura Flanders Show on public television this week.
Scholars of authoritarianism say that mind control begins with the limiting of options, a lopping off of a whole set of realities and choices. Dissenters say that what makes a difference is practice, and this conversation felt to me like practice; practice in holding two things together at the same time: the need to stop this war, and to work across national boundaries to prevent the next one.
You can find my conversation with Ukrainian professor Anastasiya Leukhina, Russian human rights defender, Dmitri Makarov, and Phyllis Bennis, director of the New Internationalism Project at the Institute for Policy Studies, on PBS stations all across the country this week. Or find it on YouTube.
Just six percent of private sector workers belong to a union in the U.S., but that doesn't mean we're short of united action on our economy.
For weeks now, employers and their lobbies have been unified in their lament that a scarcity of workers is the result of overly generous federal unemployment benefits. People would rather stay home and get rich off the public purse, they say, and the stories run everywhere with the help of the Chamber of Commerce.
There may be bosses who back better bridges and airports for their products, but they're not about to invest billions in childcare or elder support for their workers.
As a result, Republican governors in state after state are cutting off the federal aid. They'd rather turn away free money than relieve pressure on the poor.
Employers and their lobbies act as one all the time to keep workers desperate. Take the last few months--after a millions-strong majority voted a new administration into office in part on a pledge to raise wages, the opposition was so strong that a hike wasn't even tried. United opposition has kept the federal minimum wage stuck at $7.25 since 2009, and wages for tipped, teenage, and disabled workers are even lower.
Now the Biden administration's facing united resistance in Congress to passage of the American Jobs Plan. There may be bosses who back better bridges and airports for their products, but they're not about to invest billions in childcare or elder support for their workers. And if you think the anti-affordable child care lobby's strong, you haven't met the mob opposing universal health care, even after a deadly pandemic.
Are workers staying home because they can? It's possible. But three separate studies of the CARES Act (which was twice as generous) say the impact on employment was negligible.
Far more likely, it's lack of child care and public transport and affordable healthcare and continuing fear of Covid that is keeping people home when humanly possible. That, more than laziness, certainly seems to explain why tens of thousands of women have exited the workforce.
Besides, if an extra $300 a week enables some to make ends meet without that stinking $7/hr job at the Dollar Store. Is that so bad?
Even with the bonus, which is due to end in a few more months, workers aren't getting rich. But their employers are, as long as they keep wages down, benefits skimpy, and workers desperate. One for all and all for one--for them, it works. Just don't let anyone pass that pro-union PRO Act.
I like as good meme as much as the next person who likes memes, but I have my qualms about the Bernie mitten moment.
For those who have been paying attention to something else, in the days after the Biden/Harris inauguration, a picture of Vermont's Senator Sanders siting masked and in mittens went viral.
Speedily engineered apps enabled anyone to sit Sanders at their protest, on their trampoline or in their favorite painting. Former labor secretary Robert Reich tweeted Sanders Photoshopped into Edward Hopper's gloomy nighttime diner. I'm not sure why.
With over two million people dead from Covid around the world, and hundreds of millions forced into poverty while the richest thrive, we need radical systems change more than ever.In the Intercept, Naomi Klein mused about the meaning of the meme: was it lefty longing for the presidency that might have been--superficial street cred for unity-seeking centrists--or a defiant display of we-the-people power at a moment of he-the-President consolidation?
I kept remembering what Tony Benn once told me. A long time Labour Party member in the UK, Benn never gave up on the socialist principles of his party's founders. He fought his entire life against the rightward drift into neoliberalism and famously tried, and failed, to become the party leader. On a different ideological landscape, Benn in the UK played a comparable role to the one Bernie plays in the US.
After decades in Parliament, Benn retired in 2001. Opposing wars, standing up for unions, he kept up the protest, but the further he got from power, the more fondly even his enemies began to regard him. Months before his death, I remember him saying, "First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they demonize you, and then there's a pause and then you become a national treasure." He meant it as a warning.
It is not time yet for Bernie Sanders to become a treasure. With over two million people dead from Covid around the world, and hundreds of millions forced into poverty while the richest thrive, we need radical systems change more than ever. It's not just Trump, but also the macho, racist greed and anti-governmentism that he rode in on that needs impeaching.
"If you like the Bernie meme, you're going to love Healthcare For All," tweeted Reich, when he came to his senses.
That's more like it. Like or loathe memes, it's time for Sanders, and more to the point, Sanders-ism, to take its mittens off.
When it comes to cashing in on Covid-19, the race has just begun. Whether you're talking about education or contact tracing or medicine or mind control, an anti-democratic, dystopian future is being charted while we the people are locked down, locked up and locked out.
Google is grabbing our data, Microsoft is coming for our classrooms and Amazon wants to be our one-stop, only shop.
Naomi Klein's latest piece, "Screen New Deal" in the Intercept, describes in chilling detail the way that a no-touch, no accountability pandemic economy has been being divvied up among corporate kingpins since Covid Shock hit in March.
Google is grabbing our data, Microsoft is coming for our classrooms and Amazon wants to be our one-stop, only shop.
Pandemic panic is making possible fast what the hurdle of popular consent made slow. As Klein reminds us, until recently, public pushback against companies like Amazon, Google and Microsoft was surging.
"Presidential candidates were openly discussing breaking up big tech. Amazon was forced to pull its plans for a New York headquarters because of fierce local opposition. Google's Sidewalk Labs project was in perennial crisis, and Google's own workers were refusing to build surveillance tech with military applications," writes Klein.
Now, the very same companies that the public chased out the front door are walking in the back, repackaged no longer as a threat, but as the solution to our personal and national woes.
The future could certainly be bleak, but as Naomi acknowledges, we're not there yet. It's also important to remember that the present as we know it was not always thus.
In 1994, for example, India had a different set of patent laws, which positioned it to become the global supplier of affordable AIDS drugs. It was only the birth of the World Trade Organization and Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) that held them back. In the years that followed, an Indian drug maker and international activists used Indian law to force Big Pharma to cave. A cheap generic drug was able to save millions of lives.
It's not inevitable that our future is dystopic. History is made, not decreed, which is why on May 11th, activists from dozens of different countries launched Progressive International, a global initiative with a mission to unite, organize and mobilize progressive forces. The Laura Flanders Show has joined as a media member.
The future is up for grabs. Let's not let the kingpins be the only ones reaching for it.
Twenty years after turtles and teamsters teamed up to battle the WTO in Seattle, labor strikes and climate strikes are coinciding everywhere but in the media, and that's dangerous. If history is any guide, any minute now, some two-bit pundit or shameless president will pit workers against environmentalists so as to distract us from the real problem: the rich and the greedy and a value system that only cares about profits.
Last Friday, as four million young people marched in the world's capitals for action on climate, countless more were on the picket line supporting autoworkers who are out on strike. Both sets of strikers have guts and smarts and a righteous sense of urgency, but the latter had a fraction of the coverage, so let's be clear: they're all on the same side - the side of a future that we can actually inhabit.
Almost fifty thousand workers went on strike at General Motors Sept 16th after management and UAW negotiators failed to agree on a new contract. GM has bounced back from recession thanks to a taxpayer bailout, government tax breaks and contracts and a brutal restructuring of the workforce. Now, even though the company has made $35 billion in the last few years, they want concessions and yet more plant closures and layoffs.
This strike, the union's first in more than a decade, is about a contract - wages and healthcare and the exploitation of temps - but it's also about communities. When wages are driven into the floor, and the tax base shrivels or factories close, everything from the local school to the local fire department and the public water system takes a hit. The health and wealth of the place and its people are sucked out to make far-off CEOs and shareholders rich.
Working people all across this divided nation have seen it. And that's what's drawing them to round-the-clock picket lines in places like Flint and Detroit and Toledo and Buffalo and Canton, as well as Wentzville, Missouri, Bowling Green, Kentucky and Arlington Texas. Sure, there could be ways, and there are proposals, to transfer those closed plants to green production - light rail, electric batteries, buses, you name it. My personal favorite would transfer the plants to worker ownership. But the big point is, those places are dear to their residents, even if they're of no consequence to big money's media.
Know a union worker, or better yet, be one, and you've seen the toddlers on the line and the kids carrying signs - the same sort of signs, with the same sort of message you'll see all Climate Week. We want a future, a future we can live in, in a society that values people and planet, now and coming up. Call it climate protection or community protection; it's the same struggle, the same fight. And don't let anyone tell you different.
Kali Akuno asks an important question: where would we be as a world today if people of the left had been as organized in 2008 when the financial crash hit as they'd been in 1980 before thirty years of neoliberalism?
Akuno, a co-founder and co-coordinator of Cooperation Jackson in Mississippi, asked this question this past Friday at a panel we were both part of at the annual Left Forum. It resonated with me especially this weekend as I took part in two of New York City's three LGBTQIA marches. I say marches because, indeed, there were several. Lesbians and self-described dykes have, for many years, marched on the day before the big parade. The Dyke March is always a raucous, disobedient alternative to the staid and commercial official Pride Parade. This year, self-defined queers held a third march and rally too, for everyone seeking to reclaim some of Stonewall's more radical and liberatory legacy.
Multiple marches spring from a multi-faceted history. After all, what's remembered as the Stonewall Uprising took place over several nights with several different factions. Fifty years ago, things kicked off riotously early in the morning of June 28th when fed-up patrons--mostly young trans women, butch dykes and drag queens of color--fought off a police raid, refusing arrest. That night, a crowd gathered, curious, excited and eager to be part of something.
The night after that, when most of the most famous pictures were snapped, an even bigger group showed up and faced off against an even bigger mass of police, including the infamous Tactical Unit in riot gear. By the third day, the Village was in uproar, with more protest and organizing and also a backlash. More conservative gays, who'd been lobbying politely for their rights for years, pleaded for quiet: "WE HOMOSEXUALS PLEAD WITH OUR PEOPLE TO PLEASE MAINTAIN PEACEFUL AND QUIET CONDUCT ON THE STREETS OF THE VILLAGE," they posted on a sign on the boarded up, broken bar window.
And that's the tension that has been with us ever since. Are rights things to be granted by the powerful to the deserving few, contingent on their obedience, someone's convenience and adherence to the prevailing rules and conventions? Or are rights rather, as revolutionaries of very many stripes have said over many, many generations, "unalienable, endowed at birth"-- which is to say, unconditional?
We would have fewer marches if we had more agreement. Meanwhile, I ask myself Kali's question in a slightly amended form: where would we be today if more people were comfortable with being just a little bit uncomfortable and excited and eager to be part of something? Or, to put it another way, because Pride's about nothing if it's not about heart, if more of us loved ourselves, and one another, unconditionally?
Losing Barcelona. That was the headline on the story in Jacobin this week. A local vote in a far-off city; had I not just returned from Barcelona, I might have left it at that. possibilitiy
The truth is, US media give us so little coverage of goings-on elsewhere, and so little context as to why Americans should care, there's little incentive to keep up; but Barcelona's different. For close to a decade now, it's been what my friend Sol Trumbo Vila calls a beacon for the possibilities of transformative change at the city level.
Led by former housing activist Ada Colau, who was elected Mayor in May 2015, Barcelona's government has been in the hands of a movement that had become a political party--Barcelona en Comu.
Led by former housing activist Ada Colau, who was elected Mayor in May 2015, Barcelona's government has been in the hands of a movement that had become a political party--Barcelona en Comu. They won office on a pledge to "develop the city as a commons," meaning a place for people, not a profit center for speculators and extractive corporations. In office, Colau halted new hotels, stopped thousands of foreclosures, supported worker owned cooperatives, and formed the state's largest publicly-owned utility. They also encouraged a free, neutral, cooperatively owned broadband network called Guifi.net that offers low price WiFi and a prize-winning alternative to the telecom giants.
Colau established new systems of governance with more local consultation. Did she solve all the problems of an austerity-hit city hemmed in by bans on borrowing, hiring and expanding the public budget? No. Did she figure out ways to work with others without disappointing their base? Not always. Most damaging was their fence-sitting on the Catalan independence question. Having seen the footage of heavily armed federal police literally batoning people as they clung to their forbidden ballot boxes, I get it why separatist Ernest Maragall may have scored 4,800 more votes than Colau in this May's vote.
But Losing Barcelona? Maragall and Colau actually stood neck and neck in council seats when the Jacobin article appeared. They were both left of center parties. Colau could have teamed up with him to stay in government but lose the Mayor's post, or she could have partnered with more left-of-center winners--Pedro Sanchez's socialist party (PP), which came in second after a high profile surge in national elections earlier in the month. In the end, Colau was re-elected mayor by the city council with the support of the Socialists and the backing of former French prime minister, Manuel Valls.
So, Losing Barcelona? Even if Colau had lost the election, the commons agenda is seeded deep into the city. In an interview, even crusty Maragall endorsed support for cooperatives and digital democracy and the Fearless Cities network that Colau and others helped to start.
And at the level of principle, Colau has not finished making change yet. Having polled her base last weekend, Colau put the question to the people. Barcelonans had the chance to vote on what deal she should make. Let the people decide. Putting that principle into practice has got to be a win, no matter what.
Eighty years ago this April, Spain fell under a thirty-year dictatorship after Right beat Left in a brutal civil war. That history feels acutely alive to me today, and not just because, for the first time in my life, I'm in Spain.
General Franco's rebels, backed by Mussolini and Hitler and the religious extremists of the day, defeated the Republic and its cobbled-together army of anarchists, communists and internationalists over three years (1936-39). My grandfather, Claud Cockburn, was there with the fighting in Spain's central plains and in the city of Barcelona as it was hanging on, watching bombs hit the northern mountains that I've been looking at for days.
Today, Spain is holding steady. Prime minister Pedro Sanchez and his socialist party expanded power in regional and national elections and became the biggest social democrat block in the EU. The nationalist populists did less well than they bragged they'd do in most of Europe, but the Left's parties generally did the same, and progressives are relying on the Spanish and Portuguese to hold the bigots at bay in Brussels while, from Brazil to Bethlehem and Bombay to DC's Beltway, the stink of fascism is in the air.
It was windy yesterday, and between rain showers, we talked about being buffeted by old tensions: nationalism vs internationalism, authoritarianism vs democracy, elitism vs cooperation, patriarchy and racism vs intersectionality and the common good.
"The story of resilience resonates," said Loren Harris, Chief Program and Strategy Officer with the Kenneth Rainin Foundation in Oakland, which supports organizations working in the arts, education, and health. History is part of what draws internationalists like Harris back to this region. Another is its experiment in solidarity.
"In the twentieth century, it was monarchy that was crashing. Today, it's the rule of capital," said the Democracy Collaborative's Marjorie Kelly,* who, with Harris, was part of a delegation to study the area's co-operatives.
Claud described the co-ops and free clinics that helped Barcelonans survive under siege. For the past four years, Barcelona en Comu has been continuing that tradition, expanding public assets and public decision-making under the city's first female mayor, activist Ada Colau. Here in Basque country, which was occupied and punished by Franco, a liberation theologian preached job creation through cooperation and birthed the Mondragon Federation, now the biggest network of worker-owned cooperatives in the world. Recently, the OECD reported that this co-op rich community has one of the narrowest wealth gaps on the continent, which is to say, the rich extract less relative to the poor--or put another way, the place is more fair.
In Barcelona, Claud read from the wall posters: "We want prosperity for the whole people and we know this is possible within our democratic republic; that is why we defend the Republic, just as we defend the rightful liberties of Catalonia, the Basque country, Galicia and Morocco."
As ever, Spain's Left has fissures. This Sunday, a Catalan separatist edged out Ada Colau in the race for Mayor. Left voters are a majority, but their parties are divided here, and globally, as they've been before.
There's no war in these mountains--no Guernica being bombed tonight. Still, I recall Claud describing how stakes pile high slowly as the barometer moves to storm.
As one onlooker told Claud almost 80 years ago, "I suppose you and I think the rich are going to sit quiet and--what's the phrase--accept the verdict of the people? Like hell they are."
Which way is the barometer moving? Next stop for me is Barcelona.
*Marjorie Kelly's forthcoming book with Ted Howard, The Making of a Democratic Economy: Building Prosperity for the Many, Not Just the Few will be out inJuly from Berrett-Koehler Publishers.
A collusion crisis. That's what the money media are facing since the Attorney General released his summary of the Special Prosecutor's report. Barr says Mueller says he found no proof of a Russia/Trump campaign conspiracy to subvert US democracy. Oh no! How are cable companies going to keep their ratings up with an audience that's collusion-hooked?
The media has no reason to worry. There's plenty of collusion in plain sight, and it wouldn't take a twenty-two month inquiry to find Trump conspiring with enemies of US democracy, if only the US media spent a fraction of the time they've spent covering Russia-gate looking at Trump's relationship with killer corporations and hate groups.
Let's start with the Trump administration's collusion with big business. After two deadly airplane crashes, Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao admitted to Congress this week that, as a matter of routine, the administration largely leaves aviation employees at Boeing to regulate safety standards on Boeing aircraft like the (safety-switch-optional) 737 Max.
While polls show that the majority of Americans say protection of the environment should be a priority, the Trump administration colludes with industry lobbyists to do exactly the opposite, granting, for example, nearly all the items on a wishlist drawn up by the American Petroleum Institute within Trump's first year in office.
The capture of government by private interests didn't start with Trump, but under him, the process is all but complete. Collusion between the administration and corporations is expansive and systematic, no matter how any one votes.
Isn't it collusion when an administration puts at least 41 fossil fuel industry flacks in jobs where they can strip public regulationss to boost private profits?
If it's collusion when it's with the Kremlin, why is it cronyism when the White House consorts with corporations to hijack the world's most powerful public office to serve (undisclosed) private interests?
The capture of government by private interests didn't start with Trump, but under him, the process is all but complete. Collusion between the administration and corporations is expansive and systematic, no matter how any one votes.
When it comes to elections, let's not forget Trump's collusion with thugs.
Fifty-five years after the Civil Rights Act, many Americans still struggle to exercise their vote. In the run up to the midterms, Trump's Justice Department demanded millions of voter records in in obvious collusion with vote suppressors in North Carolina. Suppression shrinks turnout, and so does intimidation. A new study from the University of North Texas shows a staggering 226% rise in hate crimes in counties where Trump held rallies in 2016. Reports of hate crimes are up all over the country, apparently egged on by a President who boasts of assaulting women himself and refuses to condemn rallies by white supremacists.
In New York last week, in the preliminary hearing of a man accused of defacing the African American Burial Ground with graffiti that read "Kill" followed by a racist slur, the defense attorney simply compared his client's actions to the President's. When looked at side-by-side, his argument went, his client's vandalism and hate speech were not only par for the course, but they were clearly the less serious threat.
Undermining elections? Obstructing justice? There's no shortage of evidence that the Trump administration colludes with enemies of democracy of every sort. Sad to say, he's not the first. But he could be the first to distract so many people, so long, so effectively, with a collusion chase that misses the obvious. Is it over yet?
It's that time of year again--when we're encouraged to celebrate Black history, and soon it will be Women's History Month--the time when people like me ask, "What about the rest of the year?"
This season, Black History Month coincides with the start of the presidential primary campaigns. On the Democratic side, we're already seeing journalists stretching for their pencils to divvy the candidates up. So far, the main divides they've identified seem to stem from which of the contenders lead with race and gender justice, and which want to sock it to the corporations.
This primary campaign is not going to be about where Democrats stand on things like abortion and marriage and voting rights, but rather on where they stand on property rights and public ownership and workplace democracy and taxes.
But those social vs economic distinctions aren't going to hold up for long when every last Democrat, for all their faults, is a civil rights paragon in contrast to the Klan-endorsed guy in the White House.
No, this primary campaign is not going to be about where Democrats stand on things like abortion and marriage and voting rights, but rather on where they stand on property rights and public ownership and workplace democracy and taxes. Much as they're out of practice, journalists are going to have to grapple with economics.
So far, this hasn't gotten more granular than asking candidates if they call themselves Democratic Socialists. We're going to have to do better than that.
Just as we need to get beyond the superficial celebration of abolitionist heroes to take a look at the ideas and assumptions that underpin white supremacy, so, too, we need to look at the lens through which we think about wealth.
Conveniently, the questions aren't that different. Are our life choices and outcomes determined by ourselves alone in an objective world free of bias? Are our successes affected by our individual character alone or also by social structures--things like systematic privilege? If the former, a few reforms will do; if the latter we need to shake things up.
Donald Trump is already throwing around invective about socialists. At the very least, we need a Socialist History Month to sort things out. May would be fine. Much better than that, we need to take a long, hard look at the ideology that underpins what we call capitalism. On that, like it or not, the clock is quite clearly ticking. If we have to have such a long campaign season, let's make it a season of great debates.