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Corporate CEO paychecks continuing to go gangbusters while the corporations these execs run are—at best—just treading water.
Every day’s headlines now seem to bombard us with ever more outrageous Trumpian antics. Who could have possibly imagined, for instance, that a president of the United States would turn the White House lawn into a Tesla auto showroom?
But these antics actually do serve a useful social and political purpose—for President Donald Trump’s fellow deep pockets and the corporations they run. Trump’s kleptocratic arrogance and audacity have shoved the institutionalized thievery of Corporate America’s ever-grasping top execs off into the shadows.
Those shadows could hardly be more welcome. American corporate executive compensation, as the business journal Fortune has just detailed, is now “surging amid a roaring bonus rebound.”
Heads CEOs win, in other words, tails they never lose.
One example: Tyson Foods CEO Donnie King has seen his annual executive rewards leap from $13 million in 2023 to $22.7 million in 2024. To keep King smiling, Tyson’s board of directors has also extended his CEO contract into 2027 and guaranteed him “a post-employment perk that includes 75 hours of personal use of the company jet as long as he sticks around on the board.”
And what in the way of wonders has Tyson’s King been working to earn all this? Not much, concludes a new Compensation Advisory Partners analysis. Anyone who had $100 invested in Tyson shares at the end of fiscal 2019 today holds a nest egg worth just $80.54. Tyson’s most typical workers aren’t doing particularly well either. They took home $43,417 in 2024, 525 times less than the annual compensation that CEO Donnie King pocketed.
Over at Moderna, Big Pharma’s newest big kid on the corporate block, chief exec Stéphane Bancel saw his 2024 annual pay jump 16.4% over his 2023 compensation despite a 53% drop in Moderna’s annual revenue.
Back in 2022, at Covid-19’s height, Bancel personally collected over $392 million exercising stacks of the stock options he had been sitting upon. Between that year’s start and 2024’s close, Moderna shares plummeted from just under $254 each to under $42.
Moderna’s transition to our post-Covid world, the Moderna board acknowledges, has been “more complex than anticipated.” That complexity, the board apparently believes, in no way justifies denying Bancel his rightful place among Big Pharma’s top-earning CEOs. Bancel’s near $20-million 2024 payday is keeping him well within hailing distance of all his Big Pharma peers.
How can corporate CEO paychecks be continuing to go gangbusters while the corporations these execs run are—at best—just treading water? Lauren Peek, a partner at Compensation Advisory Partners and a co-author of the firm’s latest CEO pay analysis, has an explanation.
Corporate board compensation committees, Peek observes, want to keep their top execs adequately incentivized. These board panels simply cannot bear the sight of their CEOs getting down in the dumps. So what do these panels do? They exclude from their final CEO pay decisions any negative economic factors that CEOs can’t directly determine. But these same corporate panels never take into account unexpected positive economic factors that their CEOs had no hand in creating.
Heads CEOs win, in other words, tails they never lose.
Among those winners: Disney chief exec Robert Iger. His 2024 total pay jumped to $41 million, up nearly $10 million from his 2023 compensation. Disney’s total shareholder return, over that same year, didn’t even reach halfway up the total return that Disney’s peer companies recorded.
Disney hardly rates as an outlier among the 50 major publicly traded corporations that the recently released Compensation Advisory Partners report puts under the microscope. The median revenue growth of these 50 firms dropped to 1.6% in 2024, less than half their 2023 rate. Their earnings remained virtually flat as well. But their CEO compensation climbed an average 9%.
“With financial performance largely flat across these early Fortune 500 filers,” notes an HR Grapevine analysis of the Compensation Advisory Partners findings, “board-level decisions to maintain or raise executive bonuses may prompt further scrutiny from investors and stakeholders alike.”
“For ‘shop-floor’ employees,” adds the HR Grapevine, “news of CEO wage hikes despite average financial performances will undoubtedly prompt a good deal of rumination about their own levels of compensation.”
Equilar, an information services firm specializing in corporate pay, has also been busy analyzing the latest trends in CEO remuneration. Equilar’s latest look at corner-office compensation has found that median CEO pay within the corporations that make up the Equilar 500 jumped up from $12 million in 2020 to $16.5 million last year.
CEO-worker pay gaps have increased even more significantly. At the median Equilar 500 corporation, CEOs pocketed 186.5 times the pay of their most typical workers in 2020 and 306 times that pay in 2024. At America’s larger corporations—those companies sitting at the 75th percentile of the Equilar 500—CEOs made 307.5 times their typical worker pay in 2020 and last year collected 527 times more.
A key driver of this ever-widening CEO-worker pay gap? The sinking compensation going to typical corporate workers, as Equilar’s Joyce Chen concluded last week in an analysis for the Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance. These median workers took home $66,321 in 2020, but just $57,299 last year.
But top execs aren’t just shortchanging workers at pay-time. They’re also pressuring those workers to squeeze and defraud clients and customers at every opportunity, as former Wells Fargo bank manager and investigator Kieran Cuadras has just vividly detailed.
Nearly a decade ago, Cuadras relates, a mammoth phony accounts scandal at Wells Fargo led to fines totaling $20 million against the bank’s then-CEO John Stumpf. But those fines, she points out, hardly made a dent in the estimated $130 million that Stumpf “walked away with in compensation when he resigned.”
Wells Fargo’s current CEO, Charles Scharf, appears to be doing his best to follow in Stumpf’s footsteps. Scharf’s gutted risk and complaint departments are cutting corners “to create the illusion of fewer complaints.” The reality: Those departments are closing complaint cases prematurely. In 2024, these and other sneaky moves helped Scharf pocket a sweet $31.2 million .
Our nation’s political leaders, says Wells Fargo employee and customer advocate Kieran Cuadras, need “to step up and do something about a CEO pay system that rewards executives with obscenely large paychecks for practices that harm workers and the broader economy.”
Where to start that stepping up? Lawmakers ought to be levying new taxes on corporations “with huge gaps between their CEO and worker pay,” Cuadras posits, and increasing an already existing tax on stock buybacks.
Moves like these, she astutely sums up, “would encourage companies to focus on long-term prosperity and stability rather than simply making wealthy executives and shareholders even richer.”
"Nonprofit hospitals should be providing more charity care to those who desperately need it, not less," said the senator. "And if they refuse to do so, they should lose their tax-exempt status."
Nonprofit U.S. hospitals are legally required to provide affordable medical care for low-income patients, but many are failing to do so, while taking advantage of major tax benefits and enriching executives, according to a report released Tuesday by Sen. Bernie Sanders.
"In 2020, nonprofit hospitals received $28 billion in tax breaks for the purpose of providing affordable healthcare for low-income Americans," noted Sanders (I-Vt.), a Medicare for All advocate who chairs the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP) Committee.
The report explains that "in return for the tax benefits, the federal government requires those hospitals to operate for the public benefit by providing a set of community benefits, which includes ensuring low-income individuals receive medical care for free or at significantly reduced rates—a practice known as 'charity care.'"
However, as Sanders stressed, "despite these massive tax breaks, most nonprofit hospitals are actually reducing the amount of charity care they provide to low-income families even as CEO pay is soaring."
"In recent years, nonprofit hospitals have provided less charity care even as these hospitals saw a steady increase in their revenues and operating profits."
The report—which takes aim at 16 of the largest nonprofit hospital systems in the country—found that such hospitals "spent only an estimated $16 billion on charity care in 2020, or about 57% of the value of their tax breaks in the same year," and "have made information about their charity care programs difficult to access, leaving many patients unaware that they may qualify for free or discounted care."
Meanwhile, "in 2021, the most recent year for which data is available for all of the 16 hospital chains, those companies' CEOs averaged more than $8 million in compensation and collectively made over $140 million," according to the publication. "CommonSpirit Health led the way, with a combined $32 million compensation package for the outgoing and incoming CEOs. In the same year, the company spent only 1.5% of its revenue on charity care."
Of the chains examined, the Methodist Hospital led the group in terms of percent of revenue spent on charity care, at 8.05%. However, the report also begins with a story from a patient at one of those hospitals:
In 2007, Carrie Barrett needed a heart catherization after experiencing chest pain and shortness of breath. She went to a Methodist Le Bonheur (Methodist) hospital in Memphis, Tennessee, and walked out with the needed procedure completed and a $12,019 bill for her medical stay. Ms. Barrett made less than $12 an hour and had no hope of paying back that bill. But the hospital not only refused to help Barrett afford her bill, it instead piled on interest and sent the bill to collections. By June 2019, Ms. Barrett owed over $33,000, nearly three times the original cost of the procedure and more than twice what she earned in a year.
Stories like Ms. Barrett's are far too common. But they are even more egregious when the hospital is a nonprofit that is required to be "organized and operated exclusively for charitable purposes."
"In recent years, nonprofit hospitals have provided less charity care even as these hospitals saw a steady increase in their revenues and operating profits," the report says. "One study found 86% of nonprofit hospitals spent less on charity care than they received in tax benefits between 2011 and 2018."
"Another recent study found that nonprofit hospitals increased their average operating profit by more than 36%, from about $43 million to almost $59 million, between 2012 and 2019," the document details. "In the same time period, the hospitals almost doubled the cash balances they held in reserve, from an average of about $133 million to more than $224 million."
As hospitals stash cash and line the pockets of executives, many patients are putting off care. The publication points out that "in 2022, about 1 in 7 Americans delayed or went without hospital services due to high costs," and that "those delays create much higher risks of more serious conditions, worse health outcomes, and higher costs for patients."
For those who initially go to the doctor, unpaid bills may prevent them from getting more care later, due to hospital policies. For example, Allina—which spent just 0.346% of its revenue on charity care—previously "blocked employees from scheduling future appointments for patients who had outstanding bills exceeding $4,500," according to the report.
"Even when patients entered into payment plans, Allina blocked them from making appointments until the entire debt was cleared. These practices result in patients being denied needed care, including children who could not receive the necessary medical forms to enroll in day care or school," the document adds. "Only after extensive reporting detailing Allina's practices did the hospital change its policies."
Current conditions are "absolutely unacceptable," declared Sanders.
"At a time when 85 million Americans are uninsured or underinsured, over 500,000 people go bankrupt because of medically related debt, and over 60,000 Americans die each year because they cannot afford to go to a doctor when they need to, nonprofit hospitals should be providing more charity care to those who desperately need it, not less," he argued. "And if they refuse to do so, they should lose their tax-exempt status."
The report calls on Congress and the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to "hold nonprofit hospitals accountable for the benefits they reap and their moral obligation to serve as pillars of accessible healthcare in their communities," and offers some steps they both could take.
Federal lawmakers could ensure hospitals offer charity care at levels consistent with tax breaks, establish standards for financial assistance programs, and define the community engagement necessary to justify nonprofit status, the report says, while "the IRS could address the administrative gaps that allow nonprofit hospitals to benefit off of the people they are failing to help."
Workers at Tesla plants all labor without union contracts, earning per hour about one-third less than what workers at Detroit’s unionized auto makers are making.
Elon Musk, the world’s single richest individual, believes in sharing the wealth. Or so Tesla chief financial officer Zachary Kirkhorn can certainly attest.
Kirkhorn announced earlier this month that he’s stepping down after four years as Tesla’s CFO. Over those four years, Kirkhorn has pocketed some $590 million, a tidy sum that averages out to an annual take-home not all that far from $150 million.
But Musk’s share-the-wealth inclinations, Tesla workers can attest, don’t extend much beyond Tesla’s executive suites. Workers at Tesla plants all labor without union contracts. They earn per hour from Tesla about one-third less than what workers at Detroit’s unionized Big Three auto makers are making.
UAW President Shawn Fain has tagged this auto industry got-to-be-more-competitive pitch “nothing more” than a prescription for “a continued race to the bottom in a quest to follow the lowest bidder to pay poverty wages.”
Workers at those Big Three firms―General Motors, Ford, and Chrysler, now part of the new auto group Stellantis―are now feeling Tesla’s low-wage pressure. Their union, the United Auto Workers, has begun bargaining a new Big Three contract, and those negotiations, a Reuters analysis noted last month, most definitely have Musk’s Tesla as a shadow participant.
Tesla’s shadow, adds Reuters, has essentially replaced the looming presence of the “Japanese automaker Toyota and its lean production system.”
That analogy between today’s Testa and yesterday’s Toyota only goes so far. The Tesla and Toyota shadows have impacted Detroit’s top auto execs in strikingly different ways. Toyota posed a personal threat to Detroit auto execs. Tesla offers those execs a personal opportunity.
Toyota’s threat came on the executive compensation front. Japanese corporate chiefs have over recent decades consistently made substantially less than their U.S. counterparts. In 2012, for instance, Toyota’s top exec pocketed $1.8 million. Ford’s CEO that same year took home nearly $21 million.
This past June, Toyota’s top-paid exec, Akio Toyoda, saw his annual compensation rise to an all-time Toyota executive pay record. His take-home: $6.9 million. The 2022 total take-home of GM’s CEO: $29 million.
The mega millions that go to Tesla’s top execs, by contrast, provide top execs at America’s unionized auto companies a much more personally useful payday benchmark. The UAW, these execs are now demanding, must allow their companies to be “competitive” with the likes of Tesla.
UAW President Shawn Fain has tagged this auto industry got-to-be-more-competitive pitch “nothing more” than a prescription for “a continued race to the bottom in a quest to follow the lowest bidder to pay poverty wages.”
The UAW has a counter proposal for this summer’s bargaining. Detroit’s auto CEOs, the union points out, have seen their compensation rise 40% over the past four years. The UAW is now calling for a 40% raise for Big Three auto workers over the next four years.
A new contract that incorporates that notion would bring significant gains for auto workers. But even more significant gains―for all U.S. workers―could start flowing if U.S. lawmakers started linking the massive subsidies currently flowing to Corporate America to the stunningly wide pay gaps between U.S. workers and corporate top execs.
Tesla’s exiting chief financial officer Zach Kirkhorn earlier this year told reporters his company was expecting federal tax credits ranging up to $250 million per quarter in 2023, as much as $1 billion for the entire year. All those subsidy dollars, as matters now stand, will be disproportionately enriching the already rich. That doesn’t have to be the case.
In the quarter-century after World War II, the vast majority of major U.S. corporations paid their top execs no more than 20 or 30 times what their workers were taking home. Today’s top corporate execs routinely make more in a day than their workers can make in a year.
We could help change that if we pressed our lawmakers―at all levels―to limit corporate eligibility for government subsidies to companies that maintained modest gaps between executive and worker compensation. Corporations that can afford to pay their top execs hundreds of times more than what they pay their workers, we need to make politically clear, can afford to do without our tax dollars.