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Lindsey M. Williams (202) 342-1903
lmw@whistleblowers.org
Today, the National Whistleblowers Center (NWC) issued the following statement:
Whistleblower Protection for Federal Employees -- Let's Get it Right
The
new Congress gives whistleblower advocates an opportunity to make a new
start on the Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act ("WPEA"). The
National Whistleblowers Center (NWC) today calls on legislators and
advocates to get it right this time. Legal protections for federal
employees should be enhanced without any provisions that would take away
presently existing rights. If any poison pills are included in new
legislation, federal employees will continue to suffer when they
raise concerns about waste, fraud and abuse in the federal government.
The
obituaries over the defeat of the WPEA in the last Congress (S. 372),
have taken on an air of nostalgia over
how the forces of "good" were defeated by one lone anonymous Senate
"hold," that somehow caused a major landmark whistleblower rights bill
for federal employees to be defeated. It is a great political story --
if only it was half-true. In reality, the final, compromised version of
S. 372 was the worst and weakest whistleblower
protection law approved by the Senate or the House over the past 30
years. It was fatally flawed and divisive legislation.
The May 14th letter stated:
It is crucial that Congress restore and modernize the Whistleblower Protection Act by passing all of the following reforms:
* Grant employees the right to a jury trial in federal court;
* Extend meaningful protections to FBI and intelligence agency whistleblowers;
* Strengthen protections for federal contractors, as strong as those provided to DoD
contractors and grantees in last year's defense authorization legislation; [S. 372 completely violated this demand. No protections for federal contractors were included in the bill]
* Extend meaningful protections to Transportation Security Officers (screeners); [TSA employees were covered - this request was honored]
* Neutralize the
government's use of the "state secrets" privilege; [No reform of the "state secrets" privilege was contained. This devastating "privilege" that permits the government to throw
out valid whistleblower cases was not reformed or "neutralized"]
* Bar the MSPB from ruling for an agency before whistleblowers have the opportunity
to present evidence of retaliation;
[S. 372 not only failed to fix this problem, but it increased the
problem by giving the MSPB power to summarily dismiss whistleblower
cases without the current right to a hearing on the merits]
* Provide whistleblowers the right to be made whole, including compensatory
damages; [S. 372 honored this demand]
* Grant comparable due process rights to employees who blow the whistle in the course
of a government investigation or who refuse to violate the law; [S. 372 did not include this reform]
* Remove the
Federal Circuit's monopoly on precedent-setting cases. [S. 372 did
not include this reform. The removal of the Federal Circuit's monopoly
was limited to a five year time period, and
even within that short scope of opportunity, the Office of Personnel
Management could transfer cases filed in other circuits back to the
Federal Circuit]
The demands set forth in the
May 14, 2009 letter signed by over 290 public interest groups were not
"pie in the sky" utopian dreams. There were pragmatic demands that
Congress has listened to and repeatedly enacted into law for other
groups of whistleblowers. These are the types of rights that should have
been included in the final version of S. 372. Below is a comparison of
nine weak provisions contained in S. 372 with the strong versions of
reform most recently
enacted in the employee protection provisions of the Food Safety Act
passed by Congress in December of 2010:
1. Right to Court Access
and Jury Trial
S.372
Only federal
employees who suffered severe retaliation were eligible for court access
and a trial by jury, and S. 372 provided no court access whatsoever for
FBI or intelligence agency employees. Additionally, S. 372 created
this right as experimental for five years and the right would disappear
after 5 years. No other whistleblower law contains these limitations.
Food Safety Act
Any employee who suffers an adverse action is entitled to a jury trial in court.
2. Exhaustion of Administrative Remedies
S. 372
If Merit Systems Protection Board ("MSPB") issues final ruling in 270 days, right to jury trial could be
lost forever.
Food Safety Act
Employees
preserve all other rights they have by law to have a case heard in
federal court by a jury regardless of administrative
rulings. Whistleblowers will have a right to court access and a jury
trial in all cases if they want.
3. Scope of Protected Activity
S. 372
For
the first time in any federal law, the law excluded "minor" violations
of law from protection. The law created a "good faith" defense for
managers that would be raised in almost every case alleging violations
of law.
Food Safety Act
Employees have the right
to blow the whistle on any and all violations of federal law, and there
is no "good faith" exception for managers.
4. Preliminary Reinstatement
S. 372
The
Office of Special Counsel
continues to lack the power to order an employee back into his or her
job if the OSC finds retaliation. OSC must file a petition for a stay
with the Merits Systems Board.
Food
Safety Act
The administrative investigatory agency
(Department of Labor) has the authority and is required to order an
employee back into his or her job if, on the basis of the preliminary
investigation, OSHA finds retaliation.
5. Cases Heard by Administrative Law Judges
S. 372
A
proposal to have real Administrative Law Judges (ALJs) assigned to hear
the whistleblower cases was rejected. Thus, the current system of MSPB
"Administrative Judges" (who are not subject to any judicial
qualifications whatsoever, and do not even have to be attorneys) remains
in place.
Food Safety Act
If a case is heard
at the administrative level, the cases are assigned to
statutory ALJs, i.e. Administrative Law Judges who are appointed under
the ALJ Act, who must meet mandatory qualifications to be a judge and
who are provided extraordinary job protections
guaranteeing their judicial independence.
6. Burden of Proof
S. 372
If
a case is heard in court, the burden of proof for the agency is lowered
from clear and convincing to preponderance of the evidence, and it
becomes much harder for an employee to win. Specifically, the
long-standing "contributing factor" test is repealed for cases that
proceed to court. Thus, instead of employees only having to prove that
retaliation was a "contributing factor" in the adverse action, employees
would have to demonstrate that retaliation was the "motivating"
factor. Moreover, employees would always bear the burden of proof that
the employer's reason for terminating the employee was a pretext.
Under the "contributing factor" test, that burden of proof would have
shifted to the employer to demonstrate, by "clear and convincing
evidence," that the employee should not have been
fired. S. 372 is the first federal whistleblower law passed in over ten
years to repeal the "contributing factor" test in whistleblower court
cases.
Food Safety Act
Federal courts are required to apply the pro-whistleblower "contributing factor" test.
7. All-Circuit Review
S. 372
S. 372 would have permitted all-circuit review of administrative decisions only if
the federal government permitted such reviews. Under S. 372 the Office
of Personnel Management was empowered to file a motion and have any
appeal transferred to the Federal Circuit for review. There was no
limitation placed on this power. Also, all-circuit review was
considered
"experimental" and after five years even the limited right would be
extinguished.
Food Safety Act
Employees would
have real all-circuit review. Employers did not have the
power to have cases transferred to a pro-employer circuit. In fact,
every real judicial circuit would have jurisdiction to hear cases, except the Federal Circuit, which is a special court designed to hear only limited cases. There was no sunset provision in the law.
8. Cut-Backs in Existing Rights
S. 372
This
law contained two drastic reductions in the rights currently enjoyed by
federal employees. First, Administrative Judges within the MSPB were
authorized to grant summary dismissals of cases solely on the basis of
agency affidavits. Under current law in place since 1978 such summary
dismissals by the MSPB have been barred. Second, the scope of protected
disclosures was reduced
(i.e. reporting "minor" violations of law would not longer be
protected). Prior to S. 372 whistleblower advocates never approved reductions in current rights, but instead tried to
strengthen existing laws.
Food Safety Act
The
bill only added rights. It also contained a provision guaranteeing that
rights currently existing under state laws were not impacted, and
guaranteeing that no private contract could reduce rights.
9. National Security Exemption
S. 372
With
the full support of S.372-advocates, the House of Representatives
cutout all of the limited protections for national security
whistleblowers who work at intelligence agencies that were proposed.
These employees remain without any coverage under the federal
Whistleblower Protection Act. If this cut-back had been approved by the
Senate, the possibility of passing a new whistleblower law
just covering national security employees was viewed as hopeless, if not
completely impossible.
Other laws
No other
federal whistleblower law exempts national security
employees, or creates this dual structure of protection. For example,
under the False Claims Act, federal contractors are all equally covered,
regardless of whether the contractor is working on a top-secret
national security project or a highway grant. There is equal protection
for all employees covered under other laws.
It is time to stop lamenting over what
happened with S. 372. It is time to stop pointing fingers and placing
blame. It is time to stop obsessing over the past. It is time for the
whistleblower advocacy community to look forward and work together. It
is time to demand that President Obama fulfill his promise to
whistleblowers, and that Congress do its job to fully protect all
federal employees who
report waste, fraud and abuse.
Links:
NWC Statement "Whistleblower Protection for
Federal Employees -- Lets Get it Right"
May 14, 2009 Letter from Public Interest Groups
Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act (S. 372) passed by Senate on December 10, 2010
Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act (S. 372) passed by House on December 22, 2010
Petition for a National Whistleblower Protection Act
Since 1988, the NWC and attorneys associated with it have supported whistleblowers in the courts and before Congress and achieved victories for environmental protection, government contract fraud, nuclear safety and government and corporate accountability.
"They are willing to keep the government shut down, they are so determined to make you pay more for healthcare," said Democratic Sen. Chris Murphy.
US Sen. Chris Murphy said Saturday that the GOP's rejection of Democrats' compromise proposal to extend enhanced Affordable Care Act tax credits for a year in exchange for reopening the federal government shows that the Republican Party is "absolutely committed to raising your costs."
" Republicans are refusing to negotiate," Murphy (D-Conn.) said in a video posted to social media, arguing that President Donald Trump and the GOP's continued stonewalling is "further confirmation" that Republicans are uninterested in preventing disastrous premium increases.
"They are willing to keep the government shut down, they are so determined to make you pay more for healthcare," the senator added.
An update on the shutdown.
Senate Republicans continue to refuse to negotiate. House Republicans refuse to even show up to DC.
Democrats just made a new reasonable compromise offer. And if Republicans reject it, it's proof of how determined they are to raise health premiums. pic.twitter.com/JUBPMMXKC7
— Chris Murphy 🟧 (@ChrisMurphyCT) November 8, 2025
More than 20 million Americans who purchase health insurance on the ACA marketplace receive enhanced tax credits that are set to expire at the end of the year if Congress doesn't act. So far, the Republican leadership in the Senate has only offered to hold a vote on the ACA subsidies, with no guarantee of the outcome, in exchange for Democratic votes to reopen the government.
People across the country are already seeing their premiums surge, and if the subsidies are allowed to lapse, costs are expected to rise further and millions will likely go uninsured.
“Clearly, the GOP didn’t learn their lesson after the shellacking they got in Tuesday’s elections,” said Protect Our Care president Brad Woodhouse. “They would rather keep the government shut down, depriving Americans of their paychecks and food assistance, than let working families keep the healthcare tax credits they need to afford lifesaving coverage. Good luck explaining that to the American people."
In a post to his social media platform on Saturday, Trump made clear that he remains opposed to extending the ACA tax credits, calling on Republicans to instead send money that would have been used for the subsidies "directly to the people so that they can purchase their own, much better healthcare."
Trump provided no details on how such a plan would work. Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.), who was at the center of the largest healthcare fraud case in US history, declared that he is "writing the bill now," suggesting that the funds would go to "HSA-style accounts."
Democrats immediately panned the idea.
"This is, unsurprisingly, nonsensical," said Murphy. "Is he suggesting eliminating health insurance and giving people a few thousand dollars instead? And then when they get a cancer diagnosis they just go bankrupt? He is so unserious. That's why we are shut down and Americans know it."
Polling data released Thursday by the health policy group KFF showed that nearly three-quarters of the US public wants Congress to extend the ACA subsidies
"More than half (55%) of those who purchase their own health insurance say Democrats should refuse to approve a budget that does not include an extension for ACA subsidies," KFF found. "Notably, past KFF polls have shown that nearly half of adults enrolled in ACA marketplace plans identify as Republican or lean Republican."
"Why would corporations spend millions on Trump's ballroom or Bitcoin? Because they're getting billions in unlegislated tax breaks," said one Democratic lawmaker.
The Trump administration is quietly waging an all-out regulatory war on a Biden-era corporate tax that aimed to prevent large companies from dodging their tax liabilities while reporting huge profits.
The corporate alternative minimum tax (CAMT) was enacted as part of the Inflation Reduction Act, Democratic legislation that former President Joe Biden signed into law in 2022. The CAMT requires highly profitable US corporations to pay a tax of at least 15% on their so-called book profits, the figures reported to shareholders.
As the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy has explained: "Many of the special breaks that corporations use to avoid taxes work by allowing companies to report profits to the IRS that are much smaller than their book profits. Corporate leaders prefer to report low profits to the IRS (to reduce taxes) and high profits to the public (to attract investors)."
But since President Donald Trump took office in January, his administration has issued guidance and regulatory proposals designed to gut the CAMT. The effort is a boon to corporate giants and rich private equity investors at a time when the Trump administration is relentlessly attacking programs for low-income Americans, including Medicaid and nutrition assistance.
The New York Times reported Saturday that "with its various tax relief provisions, the administration is now effectively adding hundreds of billions of dollars in new breaks for big businesses and investors" on top of the trillions of dollars in tax cuts included in the Trump-GOP budget law enacted over the summer.
"The Treasury is empowered to write rules to help the IRS carry out tax laws passed by Congress," the newspaper added. "But the aggressive actions of the Trump administration raise questions about whether it is exceeding its legal authority."
Why would corporations spend millions on Trump's ballroom or bitcoin?
Because they're getting billions in unlegislated tax breaks.
We've gone from a system where the rich must pay taxes for public services, to one where they must pay the president for private favors.
— Tom Malinowski (@Malinowski) November 8, 2025
The administration's assault on the CAMT has drawn scrutiny from members of Congress.
In a September 8 letter to US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, a group of Democratic lawmakers and Sen. Angus King (I-Maine) warned that the administration's guidance notices "create new loopholes in the corporate alternative minimum tax for the largest and wealthiest corporations."
"Most troubling, Notice 2025-27, issued this June, allows companies to avoid CAMT if their income—under a simplified accounting method—is below $800 million," the lawmakers wrote. "The Biden administration previously set the safe harbor threshold precisely at $500 million in its proposed CAMT rule after calculating that a higher safe harbor threshold would risk exempting corporations that should be subject to CAMT under statute."
"Now, less than nine months later and with zero justification, this new guidance summarily asserts that an $800 million safe harbor will not run that risk," they continued. "We are seriously concerned that this cursory loosening of CAMT enforcement will simply allow more wealthy corporations to avoid paying their legally owed share."
"This is insane," said US Rep. Pramila Jayapal. "Trump is jumping through hoops to block SNAP."
The US Supreme Court late Friday temporarily blocked a lower court order that required the Trump administration to fully fund Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits as the government shutdown drags on with no end in sight.
One wrinkle in the case is that the Supreme Court order, which came after the Trump administration appealed the lower court directive, was handed down by liberal Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson. Her brief order came after the Massachusetts-based US Court of Appeals for the 1st Circuit opted not to swiftly intervene in the case.
Jackson, who is tasked with handling emergency issues from the 1st Circuit, wrote that her administrative stay in the case will end 48 hours after the appeals court issues a ruling in the case.
The justice's order came after states across the US had already begun distributing SNAP benefits after a district court judge directed the Trump administration to release billions of dollars in funds by Friday.
"Some people woke up Friday with the money already on the debit-like EBT cards they use to buy groceries," NPR reported.
Steve Vladeck, a law professor at Georgetown University, wrote Friday that "it may surprise folks that Justice Jackson, who has been one of the most vocal critics of the court's behavior on emergency applications from the Trump administration, acquiesced in even a temporary pause of the district court's ruling in this case."
He continued:
But as I read the order, which says a lot more than a typical “administrative stay” from the Court, Jackson was stuck between a rock and a hard place—given the incredibly compressed timing that was created by the circumstances of the case.
In a world in which Justice Jackson either knew or suspected that at least five of the justices would grant temporary relief to the Trump administration if she didn’t, the way she structured the stay means that she was able to try to control the timing of the Supreme Court’s (forthcoming) review—and to create pressure for it to happen faster than it otherwise might have. In other words, it’s a compromise—one with which not everyone will agree, but which strikes me as eminently defensible under these unique (and, let’s be clear, maddening and entirely f-ing avoidable) circumstances.
The Trump administration has fought tooth and nail to flout its legal obligation to distribute SNAP funds during the shutdown as low-income Americans grow increasingly desperate and food bank demand skyrockets.
"This is insane," US Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) wrote after the administration appealed to the Supreme Court. "Trump is jumping through hoops to block SNAP. Follow the law, fund SNAP, and feed American families."
Maura Healey, the Democratic governor of Massachusetts—one of the states that quickly moved to process SNAP benefits following the district court order—said in a statement that "Trump should never have put the American people in this position."
"Families shouldn’t have had to go hungry because their president chose to put politics over their lives," said Healey.
Feeding America, a nonprofit network of hundreds of food banks across the US, said Friday that food banks bought nearly 325% more food through the organization's grocery purchase program during the week of October 27 than they did at the same time last year.
Donations to food banks, which were underresourced even prior to the shutdown, have also skyrocketed. The head of a Houston food bank said the organization is in "disaster response mode."
"Across the country, communities are feeling the real, human impact the shutdown is having on their neighbors and communities,” said Linda Nageotte, president and chief operating officer at Feeding America. "Families, seniors, veterans, and people with disabilities are showing strength through the hardship, and their communities are standing beside them—giving their time and money, and advocating so no one faces hunger alone.”