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Israel should immediately end its arbitrary detention of
Palestinians protesting the separation barrier, Human Rights Watch said
today. Israel is building most of the barrier inside the West Bank
rather than along the Green Line, in violation of international
humanitarian law. In recent months, Israeli military authorities have
arbitrarily arrested and denied due process rights to several dozen
Palestinian anti-wall protesters.
Israel has detained Palestinians who advocate non-violent protests
against the separation barrier and charged them based on questionable
evidence, including allegedly coerced confessions. Israeli authorities
have also denied detainees from villages that have staged protests
against the barrier, including children, access to lawyers and family
members. Many of the protests have been in villages that lost
substantial amounts of land when the barrier was built.
"Israel is arresting people for peacefully protesting a barrier
built illegally on their lands that harms their livelihoods," said
Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. "The
Israeli authorities are effectively banning peaceful expression of
political speech by bringing spurious charges against demonstrators,
plus detaining children and adults without basic due process
protections."
Demonstrations against the separation barrier often turn violent,
with Palestinian youths throwing rocks at Israeli soldiers. Israeli
troops have regularly responded by using stun and tear gas grenades to
disperse protesters, and the Israeli human rights group B'Tselem has
documented the Israeli military's use of live and rubber-coated bullets
on several occasions. Violence at demonstrations may result in the
arrest of those who participate in or incite violence, but it does not
justify the arrest of activists who have simply called for or supported
peaceful protests against the wall, Human Rights Watch said.
In December 2009, military prosecutors charged Abdallah Abu Rahme, a
high-school teacher in the West Bank village of Bil'in who is a leading
advocate of non-violent resistance, with illegal possession of weapons
in connection with an art exhibit, in the shape of a peace sign, that
he built out of used Israeli army bullets and tear gas canisters. The
weapons charge states that Abu Rahme, a member of Bil'in's Popular
Committee against the Wall and Settlements, used "M16 bullets and gas
and stun grenades" for "an exhibition [that] showed people what means
the security forces employ."
A military court also charged him with throwing stones at soldiers
and incitement for organizing demonstrations that included stone
throwing. An Israeli protester, Jonathan Pollack, acknowledged
Palestinian youths often have thrown stones but told Human Rights Watch
that he had attended "dozens" of protests with Abu Rahme and had never
seen him throw stones. Abu Rahme remains in detention.
The Israeli military in August detained Mohammed Khatib, a leader of
the Bil'in Popular Committee and the Popular Struggle Coordination
Committee, which organize protests against the separation barrier, and
charged him with "stone throwing" at a Bil'in demonstration in November
2008. Khatib's passport shows that he was on New Caledonia, a Pacific
island, when the alleged incident occurred. He was released on August
9, 2009, on condition that he present himself at a police station at
the time of weekly anti-wall protests, effectively barring him from
participating, his lawyers said.
The military detained him again and charged Khatib with incitement
on January 28, 2010, a day after the Israeli news website Ynet quoted
him as saying: "We are on the eve of an intifada." His lawyer said that
security services justified the detention on the grounds of "incitement
materials" confiscated from his home, which proved to be records of his
trial. He was released on February 3. Khatib has published articles
calling for non-violent protests, including in the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, and The Nation magazine.
Khatib has also been active in lobbying for divestment from companies
whose operations support violations of international law by Israel in
the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
Military authorities also detained Zeydoun Srour, a member of the
Popular Committee against the Wall in Ni'lin, on January 12, charging
him with throwing stones during a demonstration, despite a letter from
his employer and stamped and dated forms signed by Srour showing that
he was working his normal shift at the time of the alleged incident.
"Israel's security concerns do not justify detaining or prosecuting
peaceful Palestinian activists," Whitson said. "The Israeli government
should immediately order an end to ongoing harassment of Palestinians
who peacefully protest the separation barrier."
Mohammad Srour, also a member of the Popular Committee in Ni'lin,
was arrested on July 20 by the Israeli army while returning from
Geneva, where he appeared before the United Nations Fact-Finding
Mission on the Gaza Conflict (the Goldstone Commission). Srour's
testimony to the UN mission described the fatal shooting by Israeli
forces of two Ni'lin residents on December 28, 2008, at a demonstration
against Israel's military offensive in the Gaza Strip. Srour was taken
to Ofer prison for interrogation and was released on bail three days
later without having been charged. In its report to the Human Rights
Council, the Goldstone Commission expressed its concern that Srour's
detention "may have been a consequence of his appearance before the
Mission."
Cases brought against Palestinians for throwing stones and cases
under the military's overbroad incitement law frequently raise serious
due process concerns, Human Rights Watch said. Prosecutions of
anti-wall activists have been based on testimony from witnesses who say
their statements were obtained under coercive threats. A16-year-old
witness against Mohammed Khatib testified on January 4 that he signed a
false statement claiming that Khatib was throwing stones at a
demonstration only after his interrogator "cursed me and told me that I
should either sign or he would beat me," according to a military-court
transcript.
Another 16-year-old from Bil'in said he signed a false statement
alleging that Bil'in's Popular Committee members incited others to
throw stones because his interrogator threatened to accuse him of "many
things that I did and they were not true, that I had gas grenades,
Molotovs, that I threw stones, and I was afraid of that."
Other Palestinians detained in anti-wall demonstrations have also
alleged coercion by Israeli interrogators. A man whom lawyers say is
mentally challenged testified on January 21 that he had falsely
confessed to throwing a Molotov bomb at an Israeli army jeep after
soldiers placed him inside a cockroach-infested cell, threatened to
throw boiling water on him, and burned him with lit cigarettes,
according to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz. The Israeli military had no record of a jeep being attacked, Haaretz reported.
The detained activists are from Ni'lin, Bil'in, and several other
Palestinian villages inside the West Bank that have been directly
affected by Israel's separation barrier. The barrier - in some places a
fence, in others an eight-meter-high concrete wall with guard towers -
was ostensibly built to protect against suicide bombers. However,
unlike a similar barrier between Israel and Gaza, it does not follow
the 1967 border between Israel and the West Bank. Instead, 85 percent
of the barrier's route lies inside the West Bank, separating
Palestinian residents from their lands, restricting their movement, and
in some places effectively confiscating occupied territory, all
unlawful under international humanitarian law.
Lawyers for detained activists also told Human Rights Watch of cases
in which Israeli security services raided several West Bank villages
that have been the site of anti-wall demonstrations and detained and
interrogated residents, including children, and denied them access to
lawyers and family members. Israeli military orders require allowing
detainees to contact lawyers before interrogation and allowing detained
children to have family members present.
Nery Ramati, a lawyer representing several detainees, told Human
Rights Watch of three cases in which Israeli authorities refused to
allow him to speak to boys in detention, all ages 14 and 15, from the
villages of Bil'in and Budrus, or to allow the boys' relatives to be
present, before their interrogation at the Shaar Benyamin police
station. Military courts authorized the detention of one boy for a
month for allegedly throwing stones at the separation barrier. The
court ruled that there was no alternative to detention, but ignored the
fact that Israeli movement restrictions had prevented the boy's father
and uncle from presenting evidence of an alternative to detention to
the court. The boy was held in jail for an entire month, until his
uncle was able to come from Ramallah.
In several cases, Israeli military authorities took children to a
building operated by the Israeli Shin Bet security agency in the Ofer
military camp to which lawyers and family members are denied access.
Under international treaties to which Israel is a party, children may
be detained only as a last resort and for the shortest possible period
of time.
Under laws applicable in Israel and to Israeli settlers in the West
Bank, a child is anyone under 18 years old, a standard consistent with
international law. Military laws applicable to Palestinians in the West
Bank, however, define anyone over 16 as an adult. Israeli law requires
the prosecution to justify that the detention of an Israeli child is
"necessary" to prevent the child from committing illegal acts until the
trial is over, requires the court to consider documentation from a
social worker about how detention will affect the child, and limits the
period of pre-sentence detention to nine months. Israeli military laws
provide none of these safeguards for Palestinian children and allow
pre-sentence detention of up to two years.
Israeli military authorities in recent months placed two anti-wall
activists in administrative detention, failing to charge them with any
crime and detaining them on the basis of secret evidence they were not
allowed to see or challenge in court. The military detained Mohammad Othman,
34, an activist with the "Stop the Wall" organization, on September 22,
2009 when he returned to the West Bank from a trip to Norway, where he
spoke about the separation barrier and urged boycotting companies that
support Israeli human rights violations. An Israeli military court
barred Othman from seeing his lawyer and family for two weeks during
his 113-day administrative detention, before his release on January 12.
The Israeli authorities also detained Jamal Juma'a, 47, the
coordinator of the "Stop the Wall" campaign, on December 16, 2009 and
denied him access to his lawyer for nine days, except for a brief visit
at a court hearing during which Juma'a was blindfolded. Israel barred
international observers from attending a court hearing before Juma'a's
release on January 12. Both men publicly advocated non-violent protest,
including an article Juma'a published on the Huffington Post website on October 28, 2009.
Israeli military authorities have also repeatedly raided the West
Bank offices of organizations involved in non-violent advocacy against
the separation barrier. In February, the military raided the offices of
Stop the Wall and the International Solidarity Movement, both located
in Ramallah. (Israel ostensibly ceded Ramallah and other areas of the
West Bank to the control of the Palestinian Authority under the Oslo
Agreements of 1995.)
Background
Israeli military authorities have detained scores of Palestinians,
including children, involved in protests against the wall. According to
the Palestinian prisoners' rights group Addameer, 35 residents of
Bil'in have been arrested since June 2009, most during nighttime raids;
113 have been arrested from the neighboring village of Ni'ilin in the
last 18 months.
Israel applies military orders, issued by the commander of the
occupied territory, as law in the West Bank. Article 7(a) of Military
Order 101 of 1967 criminalizes as "incitement" any act of "attempting,
whether verbally or otherwise, to influence public opinion in the Area
in a way that may disturb the public peace or public order." Military
Order 378 of 1970 imposes sentences of up to 20 years for throwing
stones.
Both Israeli and international courts have found the route of the
separation barrier in the West Bank to be illegal. The International
Court of Justice ruled in a 2004 advisory opinion that the wall's route
was illegal because its construction inside the West Bank was not
justified by security concerns and contributed to violations of
international humanitarian law applicable to occupied territory by
impeding Palestinians' freedom of movement, destroying property, and
contributing to unlawful Israeli settlement practices. Israel's High
Court of Justice has ruled that the wall must be rerouted in several
places, including near Bil'in and Jayyous, because the harm caused to
Palestinians was disproportionate, although the rulings would allow the
barrier to remain inside the West Bank in these and other areas.
The activists whom Israel has arrested in recent months organized
protests in areas directly affected by Israel's separation barrier. In
Jayyous, home to Mohammad Othman. the wall cut the village off from 75
percent of its farmland, with the aim of facilitating the expansion of
a settlement, Zufim, on that land, the Israeli human rights
organization B'Tselem says. "Stop the Wall" supported marches by
civilian protesters against the separation barrier in Jayyous. In
response to a petition from the village, Israel's Supreme Court ordered
the Israel Defense Forces to re-route the wall around Jayyous on the
grounds that the prior route was due to Zufim's expansion plans. The
Israeli military rerouted the wall in one area around Zufim after a
court proceeding, but has not rerouted the barrier elsewhere.
Abdallah Abu Rahme is from Bil'in, a village where the wall cut off
50 percent of the land. The Israeli settlement of Mattityahu East is
being built on the land to which the village no longer has access. In
September 2007, after years of protests organized by Bil'in's Popular
Committee, Israel's Supreme Court ruled that the separation barrier in
Bil'in must be rerouted to allow access to more of Bil'in's land, and
the military recently began survey work preliminary to rerouting the
barrier.
Human Rights Watch is one of the world's leading independent organizations dedicated to defending and protecting human rights. By focusing international attention where human rights are violated, we give voice to the oppressed and hold oppressors accountable for their crimes. Our rigorous, objective investigations and strategic, targeted advocacy build intense pressure for action and raise the cost of human rights abuse. For 30 years, Human Rights Watch has worked tenaciously to lay the legal and moral groundwork for deep-rooted change and has fought to bring greater justice and security to people around the world.
"He’s the Jim Cramer of Iran war predictions," said one critic.
Conservative commentator Dave Rubin, who for months has been a top booster of President Donald Trump's illegal war with Iran, was inundated with mockery on Sunday after a viral video exposed months' worth of his failed predictions about the conflict.
The video, which was posted on social media Saturday, begins with Rubin telling viewers to not listen to any of the prognostications being made by critics of the war, which Trump launched in late February without any authorization from Congress.
"I'm pretty good with predictions," Rubin says. "And my prediction here is that everything the media is now going to say about Iran—it's going to close the Strait of Hormuz, and energy prices are going to go crazy—none of this is going to come to pass."
Iran war: greatest hits from the last 12 weeks pic.twitter.com/9pgXyvmsgF
— Dave Rubin Clips II (Parody) - Retired Jan.20/2025 (@DaveClips) May 24, 2026
The video then cuts to Rubin wrongly predicting that gas prices during the conflict "will continue to come down," before switching to claims that Iran lacks the military capability to keep the Strait of Hormuz closed in the face of US military power.
"If the United States wants to keep the Strait of Hormuz open, which it does," says Rubin, "and Donald Trump says we'll escort ships through if we have to, it's going to stay open."
From there, the video shows Rubin hyping of the prospect of Iranian dissident Reza Pahlavi swooping in to take over the country after the war, and then getting fooled by a fake artificial intelligence-generated video of Iranians giving thanks to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for bombing their country.
The video compilation of Rubin's failed predictions drew immediate ridicule from critics.
"He’s the Jim Cramer of Iran war predictions," joked Krystal Ball.
Commentator Adam Mockler wrote of Rubin that "it’s brutal watching him make failed predictions week after week."
Journalist Glenn Greenwald argued that the video should be the last nail in the coffin of whatever credibility Rubin had left.
"Imagine having sat through and listened to all of this Israeli propaganda, which turned out to be (predictably and completely) false," commented Greenwald, "and then thinking there was some value in continuing to listen to this person."
The Bulwark's Tim Miller said that while he knew Rubin was "a smooth-brained hack," he still "couldn’t even fathom how bad these war takes would be."
Political analyst Omar Baddar, meanwhile, said the video should erase any doubt that Rubin is "the dumbest man on the internet."
The Trump administration last week sued Minnesota after it passed a law banning prediction markets from operating in the state.
A Sunday report in The New York Times revealed how the Trump administration is using a key government agency to shut down any efforts to regulate online betting markets such as Kalshi and Polymarket.
According to the Times, the administration has stacked the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) with industry insiders who have systematically "mowed down" staffers at the agency who have expressed interest in providing oversight on prediction markets.
Among other things, the report documented how multiple officials at CTFC have been put on leave simply for asking questions about the betting markets' ties to members of President Donald Trump's family or for having past experience enforcing regulations related to cryptocurrencies.
What's more, the Times found that even being an industry insider isn't enough to guarantee good standing in the agency. Brian Quintenz, who was tapped by Trump to lead CTFC last year, saw his nomination withdrawn after he drew the ire of Cameron and Tyler Winklevoss for refusing to support their cryptocurrency exchange's complaint against the agency.
Revelations about industry insiders rolling over regulators at CTFC come as the Trump administration is fighting any attempts by states to regulate prediction markets.
As explained in a Thursday report from CNBC, the Trump administration is "fighting a multi-front battle to stop the state actions and assert its regulatory authority," with CTFC arguing that it is "the only entity that can regulate" betting platforms.
16 different states are engaged in legal proceedings against the platforms, and Minnesota last week passed a law to ban them outright, which immediately drew a lawsuit from the administration.
The new Minnesota law, which is scheduled to take effect in August, bans prediction markets "from hosting, creating or advertising in the state," according to ABC News.
In an interview with ABC, Minnesota state Rep. Emma Greenman (D-63B) said she authored the legislation because she has grown increasingly concerned about young people in the state seeing their finances drained from placing online bets.
"We're seeing studies come out that say [the companies] are targeting 18- to 21-year-olds," said Greenman, "and we are seeing gambling starting younger and younger."
CFTC Chair Michael Selig last month warned states against trying to regulate prediction markets, which he said would "circumvent the clear directive of Congress."
"Our message to Wisconsin is the same as to New York, Arizona, and others," said Selig. "If you interfere with the operation of federal law in regulating financial markets, we will sue you."
"Nothing was accomplished by Operation Epic Fury except putting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in charge of Iran and the Strait of Hormuz," said one critic of the war.
President Donald Trump revealed on Saturday that he is mulling a deal that would end his illegal war with Iran, and some hawks within the Republican Party are expressing alarm.
According to a Sunday report in The New York Times, many details of the agreement to end the war remain murky, with the fate of Iran's enriched uranium up in the air. US and Iranian officials have also given contradictory messages about the proposed deal's contents, suggesting there is much work still to be done before any agreement is finalized.
Regardless, three hawkish GOP senators on Saturday raised major concerns about the contents of the deal, warning against accepting any agreement that will leave Iran in a stronger position than before Trump illegally launched a war against it without any authorization from Congress in late February.
"If it is perceived in the region that a deal with Iran allows the regime to survive and become more powerful over time, we will have poured gasoline on the conflicts in Lebanon and Iraq," wrote Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC), who lobbied Trump to attack Iran repeatedly before the start of the war. "A deal that is perceived to allow Iran to survive and possess the ability to control the [Strait of Hormuz] in the future will put Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Shia militias in Iraq on steroids.
Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), another longtime Iran hawk, said he was "deeply concerned" about what he's been hearing about the deal and expressed particular worry about Iran getting relief from US sanctions while still maintaining the ability to shut down the Strait of Hormuz.
"If the result of all that is to be an Iranian regime—still run by Islamists who chant 'death to America'—now receiving billions of dollars," Cruz wrote, "being able to enrich uranium and develop nuclear weapons, and having effective control over the Strait of Hormuz, then that outcome would be a disastrous mistake."
Sen. Roger Wicker (D-Miss.) was even blunter in his condemnation of the reported agreement.
"The rumored 60-day ceasefire—with the belief that Iran will ever engage in good faith—would be a disaster," Wicker wrote. "Everything accomplished by Operation Epic Fury would be for naught!"
Ben Rhodes, a former deputy national security adviser for President Barack Obama, challenged Wicker's claims that Trump's illegal war had achieved anything of value.
"Nothing was accomplished by Operation Epic Fury," Rhodes wrote, "except putting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in charge of Iran and the Strait of Hormuz."
Rhodes' criticism was echoed by Stephen Wertheim, senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, who wrote that "everything accomplished by Operation Epic Fury is already for naught."
Ali Vaez, director of the Iran Project at the International Crisis Group, accused the Iran hawks of being delusional for thinking further bombing would force Iran to capitulate.
"DC's Iran hawks got two wars, nearly every conceivable sanction designation, a blockade, threw a wrench in global economy," Vaez wrote, "and will still claim that just a little more pressure and a touch more bombing will magically yield the concessions they still won't be satisfied with."