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It is difficult not to conclude, both from Smith’s repeated rejections of divestment from genocide and from its punitive responses to student activists, that its leadership hopes to produce graduates who will fit smoothly into the current US ruling class.
On June 4, 2026—after nearly 1,000 days of genocide in Gaza—Smith College asserted that the concern of Smith students and alumni about the college’s complicity in shipping weapons into the genocide, “is not directly aligned with the college’s core mission, values, operations, and strategic priorities.” This despite pride that Smith’s leadership takes in its divestment from companies doing business in apartheid South Africa in 1985-86.
This statement came from Smith’s Advisory Committee on Investor Responsibility (ACIR), a subcommittee of the Investment Committee of the Board of Trustees. The ACIR’s statement rejected a 32-page proposal (“Smith College Ethical Investment Policy & Procedure”), submitted in November 2025 by Smith Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Alums for Justice in Palestine (AJP). The proposal requested that Smith divest its $2 billion endowment of stock in corporations supplying weapons and other support for Israel’s genocide of the Palestinian people and create an ethical and transparent investment policy.
This is the second time that Smith’s Board of Trustees has refused to divest from genocide. In 2024, after a 13-day occupation of the College Hall administration building by some 50 members of SJP, the ACIR ruled that SJP’s earlier divestment proposal, “did not meet the threshold for taking action.” (To see, in their entireties, the November 2025 AJP-SJP Ethical Investment Policy and the ACIR rejection of it, as well as an alum sign-on letter pledging to withhold donations to Smith until it divests, please visit the linktr.ee of Smith AJP.)

As Smith AJP and SJP pointed out in a June 10 press release, the ACIR’s denial came amid the US-Israeli war against Iran; ongoing strikes in Lebanon and Gaza in violation of ceasefire agreements; and land theft and violent displacement of Palestinians and Lebanese by Israel in Lebanon, Gaza, and the West Bank. Between February and June 2026, US-Israeli attacks have killed at least 3,468 people in Iran and 3,371 people in Lebanon, displacing over a million in Lebanon. Since October 2023, the US-Israeli genocide of Palestinians in Gaza has taken at least 100,000 lives and probably many more, a significant number of them women and children. New reports document Israel’s targeted killing of children in Gaza (under the age of 18) and deliberate reproductive genocide in Gaza. Between 9-10,000 Palestinians, including children, are imprisoned by Israel—often without charge or any legal recourse and under the direst of conditions including torture and rape. Earlier this year, the Israeli Knesset passed a racist death penalty law applying only to Palestinians.
Smith will celebrate its students, alumni, faculty, and staff who fought courageously for Smith’s future and for a just and safe future for Palestinians and all people. One day, Smith officialdom will cite it as a reason to attend the college.
Israel has damaged or eradicated more than 81% of built infrastructure in Gaza, including 22 of 38 university campuses. This scale of destruction is enabled by companies the AJP-SJP Ethical Investment Policy would have eliminated from Smith’s portfolio (see the United Nation’s list from 2025 for examples). Many of these entities are also guilty of human rights violations in the United States. Palantir, for example, is one of the largest contractors for the Department of Defense and Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Ending economic support for imperial violence around the world is “a necessary step to end the genocide and dismantle the global system that has allowed it,” explains Francesca Albanese, UN special rapporteur for the Palestinian Territories.
A close look at the June 4, 2026 ACIR statement rejecting the November 19, 2025 AJP-SJP Ethical Investment Policy provides a clear understanding of the failed leadership of Smith College:

Trustee claim: In one portion of its response regarding the “societal significance” of the AJP-SJP proposal, the ACIR stated:
In explaining the societal significance of the issue at the heart of their proposal, the petitioners cite the broad impacts of global human rights violations tied to weapons production and proliferation and the relationship to harming women. [We] concluded that such human rights violations are significant to society at large and can cause broad economic, environmental, health, or social impact. This is true not only of the violations occurring in Palestine, but of similar violations occurring throughout the globe. The proposal aligns with ACIR’s principles and guidelines on this matter.
Apparently not entirely comfortable with this ethical assertion, the ACIR then rushed to contradict itself by denying the AJP-SJP contention that “academic institutions carry an outsized symbolic and structural role capable of reshaping market demands.”
“While Smith’s endowment could be considered large in the context of higher education endowments,” the ACIR opined, “it is not large enough in the context of the broader investment arena to influence demand in any noticeable way… [therefore we] conclude that the proposed action would not measurably affect social change.”
Reality: In making this remarkably limp, amoral, and contradictory assertion, the ACIR ignores a common-sense argument presented to it in the AJP-SJP proposal:
Smith has a chance to make history by taking a principled stance against mass atrocities devastating racialized peoples worldwide and becoming the first historically women’s college and "Seven Sister" to do so—joining institutions such as King’s College, Cambridge; the California Institute of the Art; and the University of San Francisco in committing to an ethical investment policy.
A current student said, “You cannot be an institution that raises up the voice of activist alums, using them as examples of what this institution creates and stands for, and continue to invest in the war machine that these activists spend their lives advocating against.”
SJP noted that the ACIR recently added a new statement to its website: “The endowment is not a tool for responding to global events.” In fact, however, the ACIR itself was created because of student organizing to combat global climate change—which in turn led to Smith’s announcement in 2019 that it would divest from fossil fuel companies within 15 years.
And what about SJP-AJP’s expression of explicit concerns, throughout the Ethical Investment Policy, about the genocide in Gaza? Here, the ACIR doubled down on its hedging. While it acknowledged that SJP and AJP expressed concern about the genocide in Gaza, it deflected, noting that there are many human rights violations “occurring throughout the globe.” This is an all-too-familiar talking point used by Zionists trying to deflect attention from the Gaza genocide.
At this point, the ACIR threw on the brakes, refusing to refer to the Israeli-US slaughter in Gaza as a genocide at all. Instead, it referred to the genocide as "violations occurring in Palestine" and "the issue," and then stated that those “violations” and that “issue” fail to rise to a level of sufficient alignment with the “values” and “priorities” of the college.
The UN Special Committee on Israeli Practices, the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the International Association of Genocide Scholars, the Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention, Genocide Watch, Amnesty International, Doctors Against Genocide, Human Rights Watch, Doctors Without Borders (Medecins Sans Frontieres), Physicians for Human Rights-Israel, B’Tselem, and other organizations have officially concluded that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza.
Is the leadership of the College unaware that numerous expert global organizations identify the war on Gaza as a genocide?
Do the Trustees know better than the organizations listed above?
Does the leadership of Smith College deny that genocide is occurring in Gaza?
Trustee claim: In the June 4 rejection, the ACIR argued that 1) because Smith’s weapons investments are commingled with other stocks, divestment “would force the college to exit premier, diversified commingled (investment) funds…; 2) “Additionally, the endowment does not include direct investments in any businesses, so divesting from specific businesses is not possible”…; and 3) [divestment] would impair the Investment Office’s ability to retain top-tier asset managers, a direct conflict with the board’s legal obligations to steward the financial health of the endowment in perpetuity.”
Reality: All three parts of the above statement are an obfuscation (arguably, deliberate attempts to mystify the investment process), amounting to outright falsehood. And, it would seem, Smith’s Trustees are laboring under outdated understandings of ethical investment practices—which they don’t seem to be laboring under where divestment from fossil fuels is concerned.
We interviewed an investment professional who confirmed what all honest investment professionals know and that can easily be researched—Smith’s assertion regarding commingled investments is a “red herring.” “A competent investment manager,” she said, “can readily create accounts that filter out weapons makers and other corporations that are complicit in genocide.”
In addition, the expert pointed out, “Investing in corporations implicated in ‘grave human rights abuses’ fails commonly accepted ESG (environmental, social, and governance) risk assessments intended to protect investors and society at large.”
Among the genocide-complicit companies Smith invests in through commingled funds are Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon RTX, L3Harris (now partnering with Palantir on various projects), Northrup Grumman, Hexcel, and General Dynamics. Case closed.
A further reality around financial-fiduciary ethics and responsibility must be grappled with by the Smith College community: In rejecting the November 2025 AJP-SJP Ethical Investment Policy, the ACIR failed to acknowledge that at least 10 of the 30 members of the Board of Trustees have financial connections with Israel. The following sample is indicative of this reality among at least one-third of the Trustees:
Trustee claim: In its June 4 rejection of the divestment proposal, the ACIR contended that it “does not meet the necessary threshold of community consensus,” apparently at least in part because some in the Smith community do not support it. This begs the question, how does one define consensus?
Reality: The Ethical Investment Policy was developed by Smith community members over the course of more than 14 months. This process was led by current and former students in direct consultation with faculty and other Smith community members, as well as via meetings with the administration throughout the summer of 2025. During the 14 months that the proposal was being developed, including in the six months after its submission in November of 25, Smith community members took many actions demonstrating support for it. In so doing, they established broad-based consensus for both divestment and for an ethical and transparent investment policy that culminated in an eight day People’s University on Chapin Lawn in May.
In the spring of 2024, after the SJP occupation of College Hall, a campus-wide student body referendum was held in which 89% voted for divestment. AJP circulated a statement among alums in which signatories pledged not to donate to the college until it agrees to divest—over 830 alums representing 50 years of graduating classes have signed the pledge thus far.
SJP circulated two petitions for divestment, one in November of 2025 and one in the spring of 2026. Each petition was signed by slightly more than 500 people. In the second spring 2026 round, 56 campus organizations also signed the petition.

It is important to note that since the 2024 occupation of College Hall, the Smith administration and Board of Trustees joined with the leadership of many US colleges and universities angered by student activism for Palestine in the spring of 2024 by taking steps to limit speech and “expressive activity” on campus. In October of 2025, president Sarah Willie-LeBreton issued a new “Policy Governing Time, Place, and Manner of Expressive Activity.” The euphemistically titled policies are repressive and draconian. According to many at Smith, they were not developed in full consultation with the Smith community, as Willie-LeBreton claimed in a campus-wide message. Fourteen members of the editorial board of The Sophian objected to the policy and its manner of development and implementation.
The new policy, the impact of which the ACIR does not acknowledge in its rejection of the Ethical Investment Policy, has instilled fear among Smith students and the broader college community and dampened activism.
An example of the impact of the new policy: During the eight day SJP-established “People’s University” on Chapin Lawn in May of this year, students faced intimidation tactics by the college. Some Smith Campus Safety officers and administrators followed students entering and leaving the People’s University; used surveillance cameras, student card readers, and cell phone locators to track student movements; and addressed students by their names despite their use of face masks and head coverings to shield their identities from the administration and its Conduct Board.
One student stated: “We remain committed to pursuing change at Smith, despite efforts to silence us. The school has begun the process of punishing individuals and Smith SJP as a whole for the People’s University. On June 4, three minutes before communicating the ACIR’s rejection of the November 25 proposal, the school emailed SJP that we would be required to appear before Smith’s ‘Conduct Board’ in the fall to determine our punishment. The Conduct Board process is a very isolating experience, but we are working hard to protect our community in the face of administrative attacks.”
It is difficult not to conclude, both from Smith’s repeated rejections of divestment from genocide and from its punitive responses to student activists, that the leadership of the college hopes to produce graduates who will fit smoothly into the current US ruling class, with all of its racist, imperialist, militarist, extractivist, and even genocidal values.
We are horrified that the Smith administration and Board of Trustees are comfortable with limiting their students’ First Amendment rights and seeking to deter them from the justice- and human-rights-based consciousness and activism so deeply needed on campus and in the wider world the students will soon move into.
As residents of the Western Massachusetts communities in which Smith is embedded, we are profoundly concerned with the future of the college and its students. We are urgently committed to the popular uprisings—so often led, throughout history, by students—needed to end the mass killing by Israel and the US in Palestine, Lebanon, Iran, Yemen, and elsewhere. Tragically, however, through the June 4 ACIR statement, Smith College expresses,
We echo Katherine Sullivan, class of 1975:
I can’t think why a liberal arts institution like Smith College, founded on lofty ideals and now committed to such noble aims as equity, inclusion, diversity, and excellence, would want to be invested in weapons or technologies of war, genocide, and environmental devastation. Ever. Let’s put our money where our mouths are. Let’s invest in green technologies, innovative health and medical initiatives, and other activities that benefit humankind. Let’s be a light in this dark world.
Ultimately, we know, as author Omar El Akkad stated in the title of his 2025 book on Gaza’s genocide—One Day, Everyone Will Have Always Been Against This—that Smith will celebrate its students, alumni, faculty, and staff who fought courageously for Smith’s future and for a just and safe future for Palestinians and all people. One day, Smith officialdom will cite it as a reason to attend the college. May that day come soon.
But it will not come under the college’s current leadership. At this juncture, nearly 1,000 days into the current genocide in Gaza, we call on the Smith Board of Trustees to resign, and for the college to undertake a process that will lead to truly democratic and ethical governance and education.
By hosting the proposed Defence, Security, and Resilience Bank, Canada risks transforming war from a political decision subject to public scrutiny into a financial product.
Canada is set to host the headquarters of the proposed Defence, Security, and Resilience Bank, or DSRB, a new multinational institution designed to mobilize tens of billions in financing for military and security projects among allied nations. In short, what we are seeing is the quiet normalization of something far more consequential: the permanent financialization of war.
The structure being envisioned for DSRB closely resembles other multilateral financial institutions. It would raise capital on global markets, issue bonds, and extend loans to governments and defense companies. That means funding for military supply chains, weapons systems, and defense infrastructure would increasingly flow through financial markets rather than direct public expenditure. In doing so, war itself risks being transformed from a political decision subject to public scrutiny into a financial product embedded in portfolios.
And so, with remarkable efficiency, we may be arriving at a point where, whether you like it or not, you are investing in war. Not because you consciously chose to, but because modern finance rarely asks for permission. It integrates. It diffuses. It embeds. Just as complex mortgage-backed securities seeped into pension funds and retirement portfolios before the 2008 Financial Crisis, instruments tied to defense financing could quietly become part of the same financial plumbing that underpins everyday savings. Deposits in major banks, such as Royal Bank of Canada or Toronto-Dominion Bank, feed into broader lending and investment pools. If those banks help underwrite DSRB bonds or finance defense projects, then ordinary savings are, at least indirectly, part of the system. You won’t need to opt in. The system will do it for you.
Once you are in that system, try opting out. Go ahead—divest. In theory, it sounds simple. In practice, it is anything but. Large pension funds, such as the Canada Pension Plan Investment Board or the Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan, operate within a web of financial relationships that makes complete divestment extraordinarily complex. If DSRB bonds are rated as safe investment-grade assets, they could easily find their way into fixed-income portfolios. Even if funds choose to avoid them directly, indirect exposure remains: through banks that underwrite the bonds, through ETFs that bundle defense assets, and through lending syndicates that finance defense contractors. “All the king’s horses and all the king’s men” of global finance, institutions like JPMorgan Chase and Deutsche Bank, are already lining up behind this model. When the entire financial stack aligns like this, divestment becomes less a matter of choice and more a question of how far you are willing, or even able, to disentangle yourself from the system.
The DSRB starts to look like a "World Bank for Warfare."
What emerges is not just a new bank, but a new layer of abstraction between citizens and the consequences of war. Traditionally, military spending is debated, however imperfectly, through parliaments and public scrutiny. A financialized model shifts that process into capital markets, where decisions are driven less by voters and more by risk assessments, yield expectations, and institutional incentives. Over time, this risks normalizing war as an investable asset class, something to be priced, traded, and held in portfolios rather than questioned in public forums.
That transformation carries consequences. One of the most immediate concerns is that such a bank could normalize or even facilitate controversial military interventions. If borrowing costs for defense spending are lowered, the financial barriers to launching military operations also fall. History offers a sobering precedent. The Iraq War was widely condemned after the central justification, claims of weapons of mass destruction, collapsed under scrutiny. Yet the war had already been financed, executed, and justified through institutional momentum. A system like DSRB could make such momentum easier to sustain, not harder. When capital is readily available, restraint becomes less likely.
Over time, this could make war financing a permanent feature of the global system. What used to be occasional becomes routine, and what was once debated becomes taken for granted. In that sense, the DSRB starts to look like a "World Bank for Warfare."
Equally concerning is the question of democratic oversight. Traditional military spending must pass through national parliaments, where budgets are debated by elected representatives. A multilateral financial institution operates differently. By raising funds on global capital markets and deploying them through loans and financial instruments, DSRB could create a layer of decision-making that sits at arm’s length from voters. The result is a subtle but significant shift from public accountability to financial abstraction. Decisions about long-term military financing could become less visible, less contested, and ultimately less democratic.
What makes this shift particularly jarring is where it is happening. Canada has long cultivated an image of a country that prioritizes diplomacy, multilateralism, and peacekeeping. Yet by stepping forward to host the DSRB, it is positioning itself not just as a participant in global security, but as a financial hub for its expansion. The very country that has emphasized de-escalation is now spearheading an ecosystem designed to sustain long-term militarization.
In a world where defense financing is deeply embedded in financial markets, peace does not simply reduce risk; it disrupts revenue.
The implications extend beyond symbolism. By helping institutionalize a system capable of mobilizing upwards of $100-135 billion in defense financing, Canada is effectively tying part of its economic future to the expansion of military spending. That alignment carries risks. When financial systems are built around a particular sector, they begin to depend on its growth. We have seen this dynamic before, most notably in the housing market prior to the 2008 Financial Crisis, when an entire economic ecosystem became reliant on ever-expanding real estate values.
Apply that same logic to the realm of defense, and the parallels become difficult to ignore. A system that depends on continuous military spending creates subtle but powerful incentives: to maintain high levels of defense budgets, to expand procurement programs, and to sustain the geopolitical tensions that justify both. Over time, what begins as risk management can evolve into dependence. A system built to finance war risks becoming a system that depends on it.
Then comes the uncomfortable question: What happens if the wars actually stop?
In a world where defense financing is deeply embedded in financial markets, peace does not simply reduce risk; it disrupts revenue. If the assumptions underpinning defense-linked investments are built on sustained spending and ongoing tension, then de-escalation could trigger a recalibration across portfolios, institutions, and markets. The consequences would not remain confined to defense companies or financiers. They would ripple outward to pension funds, public investment vehicles, and the everyday savings of millions who never consciously chose to participate in this system.
This is where the analogy to the 2008 Financial Crisis becomes more than rhetorical. Before that collapse, housing was treated as a permanently expanding asset class. Financial innovation spread exposure across the system, embedding risk in places few fully understood. When the underlying assumptions failed, the fallout was systemic. Homes were lost. Savings evaporated. Institutions faltered.
Now imagine a similar architecture built around militarization. A world in which conflict is not just a geopolitical reality, but a financial dependency. Where instability is quietly priced into the system as a driver of returns. And where, if that instability recedes, the economic consequences are felt far beyond the battlefield.
At that point, the challenge will not just be moral or political, it will be structural. Governments may find themselves trying to stabilize a system that has grown dependent on the very thing it claims to minimize: war. And there may come a moment when the system simply breaks, and it becomes impossible to put Humpty Dumpty back together again.
In the midst of the torrent of lies and repressive practices emanating from Washington, the use of research to guide strategy and support organizing is more important than ever.
I have spent the bulk of my career—on and off since the late Carter administration—following the money that drives war and repression. What I have finally learned after so many decades of doing research on the war machine is that while research is critical, it must be in the service of a smart strategy backed by a lot of hard work by organizers from all walks of life.
My interest in using research to promote social change was sparked by my years at Columbia University in the 1970s, when I was a researcher and advocate in the divestment movement targeting the apartheid regime of South Africa and a participant in other social justice movements like the boycott in support of the United Farmworkers Union and the opposition to the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile.
Henry Kissinger’s justification for the US-backed coup in Chile that put Augusto Pinochet in power still sticks in my mind: “I don’t see why we need to stand by and watch a country go Communist due to the irresponsibility of its own people.”
So much for the land of the free and the beacon of global democracy.
The US role in the coup was eventually recounted by many media outlets, but for me the first and most important was the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA), which devoted several issues of its magazine, then called The Latin America and Empire Report, to the origins of the coup, including the role of US corporations. I was so impressed with their research and commitment that I applied to work at NACLA after graduating from Columbia in January 1978. They wisely demurred, since my background on Latin America was largely limited to what I had read in their own reports. Still, their skill in deploying detailed research to debunk the official lies that surrounded the coup stuck with me.
My real schooling in research, however, came in the anti-apartheid movement, starting with the divestment campaign at Columbia and expanding into my work with national anti-apartheid organizations like the American Committee on Africa (ACOA). Again, research was front and center. In order to make effective demands for divestment, we needed to know which companies were supporting the apartheid regime, and which of those companies our universities held stock in. ACOA was of great help in this, including through Richard Knight, who worked in a back room of their offices at 198 Broadway and had what may well have been the messiest desk in the history of progressive politics. But if my memory serves me correctly, he seemed to be able to remember exactly where he put a given document in one of the many piles of paper that obscured his desktop. The work he did, along with colleagues at ACOA, helped fuel the student divestment movement, along with research by students on campuses around the country.
Another key group at that time was Corporate Data Exchange (CDE). Tina Simcich, who worked at CDE and was also part of the New York Committee to Oppose Bank Loans to South Africa (COBLSA), did the definitive research on which banks were lending to the apartheid regime.
At Columbia, we made an interesting discovery that put the lie to the university’s position on divestment. In response to demands to divest from firms involved with the apartheid regime, university leaders argued that, if there were objections to the actions of companies they were invested in, they felt it would be more productive to support shareholder resolutions seeking to change their conduct than to divest from those companies’ stocks.
if there were not people organizing for change, my research would be little more than a peculiar hobby.
But after digging around in past Columbia University documents, we found a memo from a prior year in which the university had responded to a request to support a shareholder resolution on behalf of trade unionists in Chile, some of whom had been murdered by the Pinochet regime. The university’s position then proved to be precisely the opposite of what it said just a few years later when asked to divest from companies involved in South Africa: They didn’t think it was productive to engage in shareholder resolutions. If there was an ethical issue with one of their holdings, their preference was to divest from the stock of that company.
Although it was a small instance of hypocrisy, it was nonetheless revealing. At that point, the university had been determined to do absolutely nothing to hold companies that were complicit in repression accountable. Our divestment campaign of the mid-1970s did not succeed, but in 1985, another cohort of student activists did finally persuade Columbia to divest. The next year, in 1986, Congress passed comprehensive sanctions on South Africa, overriding a veto attempt by President Ronald Reagan.
Obviously, research was only partly responsible for our success. It was research in the service of organizing and sound strategy that won the day. The fact that the liberation movements in South Africa, including the African National Congress and the Black Consciousness Movement, were calling for divestment greatly strengthened our case. And inspiring organizers and speakers like the incomparable Prexy Nesbitt and the late Dumisani Kumalo, a South African exile who went on to be liberated South Africa’s first representative to the United Nations, played a huge role, as did thousands of campus activists, religious leaders, trade unionists, state and local officials, and heads of pension funds.
Eight years later, in 1994, Nelson Mandela was sworn in as the first president of a free South Africa. The vast bulk of the credit for that historic change goes to the people of South Africa, but the divestment campaign and the larger global boycott of the apartheid regime played an important supporting role, a role much appreciated by activists in South Africa.
As for me, my work in the anti-apartheid movement shaped my career. I worked for a while as part of the collective that put out Southern Africa magazine, an independent journal that supported the anti-apartheid movement and the liberation movements in Southern Africa. The original editor was Jennifer Davis, the brilliant exiled South African economist who went on to direct ACOA. I wrote articles about the divestment campaign, violations of the arms embargo on South Africa, and the role of US firms in propping up the apartheid regime. The skills and values I learned there were far more important to my career than my philosophy degree from Columbia, an institution whose leaders have now covered themselves in shame by cracking down on students speaking out against US-financed Israeli genocide in Gaza.
Our work against apartheid was inspired in part by the generation of 1968, whose research exposed the role of companies fueling the war in Vietnam, including Dow Chemical, which produced napalm that was used to kill and maim untold numbers of people. We were also influenced by publications like “Who Rules Columbia,” as well as a handy publication on how to research the corporate ties of one’s university, published by the ever-relevant and crucial NACLA. And groups like National Action Research on the Military-Industrial Complex (NARMIC) were invaluable for peace activists from the anti-Vietnam War period onward.
Other influences on me from that generation of researchers and analysts included Michael Klare, whose reports and books like Supplying Repression, War Without End: American Planning for the Next Vietnams, and Rogue States and Nuclear Outlaws: America’s Search for a New Foreign Policy were foundational in forming my understanding of US military spending and strategy. And my perspective on the domestic factors driving Pentagon spending began with The Iron Triangle, written by my friend and mentor Gordon Adams (now Abby Ross).
Activists pushing universities to divest from companies profiting from Israel’s war in Gaza have made connections with the earlier generation of researchers described above, from webinars with members of NARMIC to essays that link to documents like “Who Rules Columbia?”
A key organization in the middle of current efforts is Little Sis—a powerful research organization whose name is based on the idea that they are the opposite of Big Brother. They facilitate research and make connections on a wide range of issues, but at this moment one of their most important products is a webinar they did with Dissenters, a youth anti-militarism group based in Chicago, on how to research the corporate ties of universities. It’s a tutorial on researching university ties to war profiteers, going well beyond the issue of stock holdings in arms makers to look at the connections of trustees, financial institutions, and other relevant ties to weapons makers.
As the Trump administration stops collecting some kinds of data and destroys other kinds altogether, the job of research will be ever more difficult.
Groups of dedicated students within the ceasefire and anti-genocide movements on US campuses have done excellent work in researching the corporate ties of their own universities. I appeared on Santita Jackson’s radio show in February 2025 and connected with Bryce Greene, a student at the University of Indiana involved in the ceasefire-Gaza movement there. He and his fellow students were researching the military ties of the university, and they wanted me to review their research to see if they were missing anything. As it happened, they had dug up far more information than I would have, in part because of local connections. Their biggest find was related to the university’s ties to the Naval Surface Warfare Center (NSWC), Crane Division, which provides technical support for everything from missile defense systems to Special Operations Forces. University professors had gone back and forth between Crane and campus, and Crane had a direct presence at the school. Students then started a “keep Crane off campus” campaign.
Researchers focused specifically on Israel and Gaza include the American Friends Service Committee, which has a web page on “Companies Profiting from the Gaza Genocide,” and No Tech for Apartheid, which, among other things, reaches out to workers at Google and Amazon to encourage them to take a stand against technology from tech firms going to support the Israeli war effort. One of the most valuable current resources is the United Nations report, From the Economy of Occupation to the Economy of Genocide, produced under the supervision of Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, which describes its purpose this way:
This report investigates the corporate machinery sustaining Israel’s settler-colonial project of displacement and replacement of the Palestinians in the occupied territory. While political leaders and governments shirk their obligations, far too many corporate entities have profited from Israel’s economy of illegal occupation, apartheid and now, genocide. The complicity exposed by this report is just the tip of the iceberg; ending it will not happen without holding the private sector accountable, including its executives.
The most effective current model for using data to shape the debate on security issues is the Costs of War Project at Brown University. Their work on the costs of America’s post-9/11 wars ($8 trillion and counting), the number of overseas US counterterror missions, the cost of US military aid and military operations in support of Israel (over $22 billion in the first year of the war in Gaza) is routinely cited in the press and by political leaders, and provides fuel for activists in their writing and public education efforts.
The best current example of merging research, organizing, and strategy is the new Poor People’s Campaign, cochaired by Reverend William Barber of Repairers of the Breach and Reverend Liz Theoharis of the Kairos Center. Their campaign was inspired by the effort of the same name announced by Martin Luther King Jr. in November 1967. King was assassinated before his campaign came to fruition, but the National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO) and other groups picked up the work of making its signature event, The Poor People’s March on Washington, happen.
One of the bedrock principles of the current Poor People’s Campaign is that the people most impacted by poverty should lead the movement. But cultivating such leadership, especially among those who have been excluded from the halls of power and influence for so long, requires an ongoing process of research, education, and training. Theoharis, director of the Kairos Center and cochair of the Poor People’s Campaign, underscores this point in her new book on the history of poor people’s organizing, coauthored with Noam Sandweiss-Back:
Without a continual process of learning, reflecting, and growing intellectually, our organizing is reduced to mobilizing, an exercise in moving bodies without supporting existing leaders and developing new ones... mobilizing people is important, but when it becomes our sole focus, we sacrifice long-term power for short-term action.
As Theoharis notes, King made a similar point in Where Do We Go From Here?:
Education without social action is a one-sided value because it has no true power potential. Social action without education is a weak expression of pure energy… Our policies should have the strength of deep analysis beneath them to be able to challenge the clever sophistries of our opponents.
In the midst of the torrent of lies and repressive practices emanating from Washington, the use of research to guide strategy and support organizing is more important than ever. But as the Trump administration stops collecting some kinds of data and destroys other kinds altogether, the job of research will be ever more difficult. That can be partially compensated for by drawing on the collective knowledge of researchers, organizers, and community members alike, taking our lead from people who are on the front lines of dealing with repressive policies.
Occasionally, when I am giving a talk on how to reduce the influence of the war machine, I point out that, if there were not people organizing for change, my research would be little more than a peculiar hobby. That is only a slight exaggeration. We need to bring together researchers, organizers, and strategists, taking our lead from members of impacted communities, to work in partnership against the challenges we now face on a daily, at times hourly, basis.
This means the content of our work may take different forms. Rather than reports and briefings, we may need to rely on music, storytelling, art, and ritual to share insights on the political terrain and tales of resistance and revival in these times of escalating crisis. This may become even more to the point as traditional forms of protest continue to be criminalized.
We have a rich history to guide and inspire us, but the task is ours.
Divestment efforts must increase significantly to balance out the US push to keep the Israeli economy from imploding.
In an important step toward the economic isolation of Israel due to its genocide in Gaza, Norway's Government Pension Fund Global has decided to divest from yet more Israeli companies.
Norway's sovereign wealth fund is the world's largest, with total investments in Israel once estimated at $1.9 billion. The decision to divest was taken gradually but is consistent with the Norwegian government's growing solidarity with Palestine and rising criticism of Israel.
Taking a leading role along with Spain, Ireland, and Slovenia, Norway has been a vocal European critic of the Israeli genocide and man-made famine in Gaza, actively contributing to the International Court of Justice's investigation into the genocide, and formally recognizing the state of Palestine in May 2024. This diplomatic and legal stance, coupled with its financial divestment, represents a coherent and escalating effort to hold Israel accountable for the ongoing extermination of Palestinians.
The Israeli economy was already in a state of freefall even before the genocide. The initial collapse was related to the deep political instability in the country, a result of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his extremist government's attempt to co-opt the judicial system, thus compromising any semblance of "democracy" remaining in that country. This resulted in a significant lowering of investor confidence.
The war and genocide, beginning on October 7, 2023, only accelerated the crisis, pushing an already fragile economy to the brink. According to reports from the Israel Ministry of Finance, foreign direct investments in Israel fell by an estimated 28% in the first half of 2024 compared with the same period in 2023.
Any supposed recovery in foreign investments, however, was deceptive. It was not the outcome of a global rallying to save Israel, but rather a consequence of a torrent of US funds pouring in to help Israel sustain both its economy and the genocide in Gaza, along with its other war fronts.
Israel's gross domestic product (GDP) was estimated by the World Bank to be around $540 billion by the end of 2024. The war on Gaza has already taken a considerable bite out of Israel's entire GDP. Estimates from Israel itself are complex, but all data points to the fact that the Israeli economy is suffering and will continue to suffer in the foreseeable future. Citing reports from the Bank of Israel and the Ministry of Finance, the Israeli business newspaper Calcalist reported in January 2025 that the cost of the Israeli war on Gaza had already reached more than $67.5 billion. That figure represented the costs of the war up to the end of 2024.
Keeping in mind that the ongoing war costs continue to rise exponentially, and with other consequences of the war—including divestments from the Israeli market by Norway and other countries—future projections for the Israeli economy look very grim. The Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics reported that the Israeli economy, already in a constant state of contraction, shrunk by another 3.5% in the period between April and June 2025.
This collapse is projected to continue, even with the unprecedented US financial backing of Tel Aviv. Indeed, without US help, the precarious Israeli economy would be in a much worse state. Though the US has always propped up Israel—with nearly $4 billion in aid annually—the US help for Israel in the last two years was the most generous and critical yet.
Moreover, this should also make US citizens, who object to their government's role in the genocide in Gaza, more aware of the extent of Washington's collaboration to save Israel, even at the price of exterminating the Palestinians.
Israel is the recipient of $3.8 billion of US taxpayer money per year, according to the latest 10-year Memorandum of Understanding signed in 2016. Equally, if not more valuable, than this large sum are the loan guarantees, which allow Israel to borrow money at a much lower interest rate on the global market. The backing of the US has, therefore, enabled investors to view the Israeli market as a safe haven for their funds, often guaranteeing high returns. This applies to the Norwegian sovereign wealth fund as it did to numerous other entities and companies.
Now that Israel has become a bad brand, affiliated with unethical investments due to the genocide in Gaza and growing illegal settlement expansion in the West Bank, the US, as Israel's main benefactor, has stepped in to fill the gaps.
The US emergency supplemental appropriations act of April 2024 allocated a total of $26.4 billion for Israel. While much of the money was earmarked for defense expenditures, in reality, most of it will percolate into the Israeli economy. This amount, in addition to the annual military aid, allows the Israeli government to minimize spending on defense and allocate more money to keep the economy from shrinking at an even faster rate.
Additionally, it will free the Israeli military industry to continue producing new, sophisticated military technology that will ensure Israel's continued competitiveness in the arms market. The military-industrial complex, a significant part of the Israeli economy, is thus not only sustained but given a fresh impetus by American aid, ensuring the war machine continues to function with minimal financial disruption.
All of this should not diminish the importance of divestment from the Israeli financial system. On the contrary, it means that divestment efforts must increase significantly to balance out the US push to keep the Israeli economy from imploding.
Moreover, this should also make US citizens, who object to their government's role in the genocide in Gaza, more aware of the extent of Washington's collaboration to save Israel, even at the price of exterminating the Palestinians. Indeed, the flow of funds from the US is not a passive action; it is an active collaboration that directly enables the Israeli genocide in Gaza.
What gives a glimmer of hope is the activism, particularly that of youth throughout the world, protesting, organizing boycotts, risking arrest and their lives.
Medford, a city of 60,000 people in Massachusetts, voted to pass a historic ordinance to divest from weapons companies that contribute to human rights violations. Their vote included Israel’s ongoing genocide, starvation, and destruction of everything that makes life in Gaza possible.
The Medford City Council passed the Values-Aligned Local Investments Ordinance in August 2025, making Medford one of a handful of municipalities (and the only city in liberal Massachusetts) that has barred investments in companies that profit from genocide. Others include Dearborn, Michigan; Iowa City; Richmond, California; and Portland and Belfast, Maine. In December 2024, Alameda County, California, a populous county of 1.7 million people, became the first county to divest from Caterpillar, Inc., a complicit company that sells bulldozers to Israel to demolish agricultural fields, roads, buildings, and other infrastructure in Gaza and Palestinian territories.
Each of the handful of cities that has divested is small and their divestment is modest, but they have chosen an outsized moral path with global implications. “Americans don’t want our tax dollars spent on war crimes like forcibly starving children in Gaza,” Dina Alami, resident of Medford, said. “...This ordinance is one small step in making sure our tax dollars serve the interests of people rather than billionaires.”
The Medford City Council’s Kit Collins stated that “this policy is foundationally aligned with my Jewish faith and with the imperative to repair the world.” He speaks of being both “offended and saddened” by people with whom he shares Jewish Identity who consider him “illegitimate” because he does not share “their politics or ideology about Zionism and the state of Israel.” But his politics do align with leading Israeli rights groups B’Tselem, which documents the effects of Israeli policies on Palestinians and Physicians for Human Rights-Israel, as well as the prominent US human rights group Jewish Voice for Peace.
Each of the handful of cities that has divested is small and their divestment is modest, but they have chosen an outsized moral path with global implications.
In Mid-August, Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of Israel, stated he has no choice but to “finish the job” in Gaza: Call it his final solution. And to ensure his ghoulish promise, the Israeli Cabinet, in lockstep, just approved an Israel Defense Forces plan “to sweep away all of the nearly million residents of Gaza City–by displacement or death—… slated to begin October 7.” Israel has also killed more food aid workers from the United Nations, International Red Cross, and other established aid agencies than any other country in the world, ensuring a now-confirmed famine in Gaza City.
I am reminded of the poet and pacifist Walt Whitman’s judgment about a cold-blooded, merciless war criminal in the Civil War, Heinrich Wirz, who tortured and starved to death thousands of Union soldiers in Andersonville prison, Georgia. “There are deeds, crimes that may be forgiven,” he said, “but this is not among them.” Nor will be the Israeli Zionists’ crime against Palestinian humanity, “the world’s first live-streamed genocide” that has treated the people of Gaza worse than animals, worse than we ever expected a people to be treated after the Nazis slaughtered Jews in the Holocaust. The lesson “never again” has not been learned: not by Zionist Israel, not by at least a dozen other countries where horrific genocides have been documented, not by European countries who have stood by Israel and are late upon the scene speaking against the genocide. And not by the United States and Germany together, whose weapons constitute the vast majority of those used on Gaza and who could end the war immediately by an ethical “no.” (Of course, weapons makers rule and would revolt.)
What gives a glimmer of hope is the activism, particularly that of youth throughout the world, protesting, organizing boycotts, risking arrest and their lives. It took two years of intense, nonstop “research, agitation and direct action” for the diaspora Palestinian Youth Movement to win a “landmark” victory in late June of this year against the Danish shipping company Maersk. Through rigorous research they gathered the evidence that Maersk shipped arms transfers, including vital parts for F-35 fighters, used to bomb Gaza’s civilian population, and provided commercial shipping for business enterprises operating in illegal Israeli settlements, some of which are arms companies.
Their strategy to find “the crack in the armor of genocide” led them to decide that convincing a shipping company to stop a controversial and small part of their business would more likely be successful than convincing a military arms manufacturer to cease selling arms to Israel. The organizers then released their findings about Maersk and turned to direct action: protests, sit-ins, and facility shutdowns in US and European cities; confronting politicians and city council meetings; enlisting allies in environmental and labor sectors, members of parliament, lawyers, and more. They successfully urged Maersk shareholders to bring forth a resolution about the company’s complicity in genocide. In June 2025, Maersk met the one of their demands: They will no longer provide shipping for Israeli business enterprises, including arms companies, operating in illegal Israeli settlements. The “Mask Off Maersk” campaign will continue until Maersk terminates the transport of weapons components and weapons to Israel.
May they succeed where admirable UN pronouncements with little enforcement have not.
"The war in Gaza is contrary to international law and is causing terrible suffering," said Norway's finance minister.
The Norwegian government may seek to divest its state investment fund from Israeli companies participating in the illegal occupation of the West Bank or the genocide in Gaza.
Norway's Government Pension Fund Global is worth $2 trillion and is considered the largest sovereign wealth fund in the world.
On Tuesday, following the latest reports on the "worsened situation" in Gaza—which includes mass starvation as a result of Israel's blockade of humanitarian aid—Norway's finance minister, Jens Stoltenberg, ordered the fund's ethics council to review the fund's investments in Israeli companies.
The fund came under renewed scrutiny from activists and trade unions this week after the Norwegian newspaper Aftenposten reported on the fund's investments in the Israeli company Bet Shemesh Engines Holdings, which maintains the engines of fighter jets and attack helicopters that have been used to carry out devastating attacks on Gaza.
Although Norway's center-left government had determined in November 2023 that Israel's warfare in the Gaza Strip was violating international law, it only continued to increase its shares in Bet Shemesh throughout 2024, resulting in more than $15 million invested—a 2.1% stake—in the company.
Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre said he was "very concerned" by the report and ordered Stoltenberg to contact the country's central bank to investigate.
"The war in Gaza is contrary to international law and is causing terrible suffering, so it is understandable that questions are being raised about the fund's investments in Bet Shemesh Engines," Stoltenberg said.
Norway's sovereign wealth fund has been described by Amnesty International as "an international leader in the environmental, social, and governance investment field."
Its ethics policy has strict guidelines against investing in companies that cause "serious violations of fundamental ethical norms," including "systematic human rights violations" and "violations of the rights of individuals in situations of war or conflict."
Following these guidelines, it has divested from some companies involved in the illegal Israeli occupation of Palestine.
In 2009, it dropped Israel's largest arms company, Elbit Systems, due to its supplying of surveillance technology used to patrol the separation wall—commonly called the "apartheid wall"—fencing off the West Bank from Israel-proper.
And in 2024, following the International Court of Justice's advisory opinion that Israel was committing the crime of apartheid, it also cut off Bezeq, Israel's largest telecommunications company, which supplies telecommunications equipment to illegal West Bank settlements. It later did the same for the Israeli energy company Paz Retail and Energy Ltd.
However, as Amnesty described in May, the fund remains "invested in several companies listed in the U.N. database of businesses involved in the unlawful occupation of Palestine."
Last month, a report by Francesca Albanese, the U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories, revealed that Norway's sovereign wealth fund had increased its investments in Israeli companies by 32% since October 2023.
Albanese found that 6.9% of its pension fund's total value was directed towards companies "involved in supporting or enabling egregious violations of international law in the occupied Palestinian territory."
In a letter to the Norwegian government sent in April, she listed dozens of investments: including Caterpillar, whose bulldozers have been used to destroy houses in the West Bank and attack Palestinians in Gaza; several Israeli banks that fund illegal settlements; and other military and technology firms like Hewlett-Packard and Motorola, whose technologies have been used for the purposes of surveillance and torture.
"I found Norwegian politicians, trade unions, media, and civil society to be generally more educated, aware, and principled about Palestine-Israel than many of their peers in Europe," Albanese wrote on X earlier this year. "That is why I can't believe the Norwegian Oil Fund and Pension Fund is still so involved in Israel's unlawful occupation. This must end, totally and unconditionally, like Israel's occupation itself—no more excuses."
For two-and-a-half weeks, the strike created a vibrant pro-Palestine space in the heart of empire, with an effusion of political education and community building.
Note: On 27 May, students, staff, and faculty from across the City University of New York system began a 16-day hunger strike, with the demand that CUNY Chancellor Félix Matos Rodríguez and the CUNY Board of Trustees immediately divest from Israel and from all weapons and technology manufacturers equipping the Israeli-U.S. genocide in Palestine. It was part of a wave of hunger strikes called in solidarity with Gaza, including an ongoing 40-day hunger strike by Veterans for Peace and those by students at California State University, Stanford, and Yale, among others. Establishing an ongoing presence outside the CUNY Graduate Center in midtown Manhattan, strikers and their supporters organized a series of political education events while also fundraising for families in Gaza, with whom they have been in close contact, ultimately raising more than $30,000. Below are excerpts from daily dispatches from the first week of the CUNY Hunger Strike for Gaza, including updates from Gaza.
Day Two
Hunger strikers and supporters were out on the steps of the Graduate Center [GC] today from 12-6:00 pm ET. We are devastated by the news out of Gaza but strengthened by the beautiful solidarity that has gathered around the steps. Not only did many, many GC faculty, staff, and students stop by to join the strike or camp out for the day, but we received a lot of support from passersby (including a group of high school juniors who stopped by to talk and donated to Gaza), and our fundraiser reached $3,486 in less than 24 hours.
UPDATES FROM GAZA
The news out of Gaza this week is devastating. Over the past 10 days, the intensifying Israeli onslaught has displaced 180,000 people. As people of conscience around the world reel at news of the massacre of Dr. Alaa al-Najjar's nine children, Israel continues to murder Palestinians as they attempt to receive life-saving aid, killing Mohammad Imad Abdel-Hadi, Khalil Ashraf Mousa, and Ashraf Anwar Khalil Mousa and injuring over 46 people on May 27, the day we began our hunger strike. Since the beginning of the genocide Israel haskilled over 400 people waiting for aid in Gaza. In the first few hours of today, 36 Palestinians were killed by intensified Israeli bombing, including eight killed in an attack on the home of Gaza journalist Osama al-Arbid in the northern strip. This comes just two days after israel's massacre at Fahmi al-Jarjawi school in Gaza City, killing 36 people including children and seriously injuring many more. An injury in the Gaza Strip can be a death sentence, as 22 out of Gaza's 38 hospitals are out of service, the Health Ministry has said, with those still operating facing a "catastrophic" shortage of supplies. There is an urgent (and deadly) shortage of oxygen, particularly in intensive care units, operating rooms, pediatric nurseries, and emergency departments. Meanwhile, Israeli warplanes have also bombed Yemen's Sanaa airport for the second time this month, and one person was injured in an Israeli drone strike targeting a vehicle in the town of Abbasiya in southern Lebanon. The U.S. is not only complicit in these crimes—it is funding, materially supporting, and politically enabling them. On May 27, the day we began our hunger strike, the U.S. sent its 800th planeload of weapons to Israel since October 7. CUNY must divest NOW!
Day Three
Day three of our strike saw an outpouring of solidarity. After some harassment by Zionists while setting up this morning, we had a day full of support. The fundraiser for Gaza has now reached $7,000. We are heartened by this incredible show of solidarity from our community. In the course of the day, two passersby—separately—stopped to tell us that they had participated in prison hunger strikes and wished us well; both had achieved their demands. Their solidarity meant a lot to us, but is also a stark reminder of how deeply affected our community is by mass incarceration. Later on, a driver jumped out of their car across 5th Avenue while stopped at a red light to get our fundraiser flyer; another person leapt out of their car and delivered a ton of water bottles to us. Hunger strikers are tired, but in good spirits and very buoyed by the solidarity. No word from the chancellor yet, though the vice chancellor was present at yesterday's strike.
Again and again, we have been humbled by the amount of support shown to the strike from passersby in Midtown Manhattan, in the belly of the beast under the shadow of the Empire State Building.
UPDATES FROM GAZA
The Gaza Media Office has adjusted the death toll of Palestinian journalists killed by Israel to 221 to include the assassination of Moataz Rajab, a cameraman and editor for Al-Quds al-Youm TV channel. Rajab and others were targeted in an Israeli airstrike in Gaza City on Wednesday, May 28, the 600th day of the U.S.-Israeli genocide. Facing unabated starvation, desperate Palestinians broke into the World Food Program's warehouse in Deir al-Balah in central Gaza where the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) shot and killed two people. In the panic caused by Israeli gunfire, two others were crushed and dozens injured. At least 23 people were killed on Thursday in a series of Israeli airstrikes on residential buildings in the al-Bureij refugee camp in central Gaza, on the same day that the Israeli government fast-tracked the establishment of 22 new settlements (the largest one-time approval) on occupied Palestinian land in the West Bank.
Day Four
The fourth day of our hunger strike was marked by connections across labor efforts, movement strategies, and political struggles. Fellow hunger strikers from Veterans for Peace stopped by and extended their solidarity. They have undertaken a 40-day "Fast for Gaza" outside of the U.S. Mission to the United Nations demanding "full humanitarian aid" in to Gaza and "no more weapons to Israel." Brooklyn College comrades held a campus organizing strategy meeting on the steps of the GC and invited supporters from other campuses who were on site. In a rally at the strike, the PSC-CUNY's rank-and-file "Fight to Win" caucus ratcheted up the energy, tapping speakers from Columbia and United Federation of Teachers. The literal "shaking off" we did throughout the "Learning with Intifadas" teach-in left strikers and supporters properly invigorated. The fundraiser for Gaza has now reached $9,745. We are truly overwhelmed by the material support that our community has extended. Hunger strikers were grateful for the sun today, and their health was tended to by healthcare worker comrades who visited and checked their vitals. Still radio silence from the CUNY chancellor who we've been bombarding with calls and emails demanding that CUNY DIVEST!
UPDATES FROM GAZA
As we reach day 602 of the genocide, U.N. spokesperson Jens Laerke stated that Gaza is the "hungriest place on Earth." Laerke stated that 100% of the 2.3 million Palestinians trapped by the siege of Gaza now face imminent "catastrophic hunger." The only aid not blocked by Israel from entering Gaza is coming from the so-called "Gaza Humanitarian Foundation" (GHF), a neo-imperialist capitalist venture sponsored by theUnited States and Israel. But this supposed "aid" is increasingly being referred to as a death trap, with more and more Palestinians routinely attacked and killed while seeking aid from GHF distribution points: Today 20 people were shot by Israeli soldiers while they tried to collect supplies at the Netzarim Corridor GHF aid point. Throughout Gaza, 30 Palestinians have been killed since the start of the day with attacks in Deir el-Balah, northern Jabalia, and eastern Khan Younis. Over the last two weeks 200,000 people have been displaced into a constantly shrinking "safe zone." Roughly 80% of the land in Gaza is under an evacuation order, pushing 2.1 million people into an area of approximately 73 square kilometers. In Jerusalem, Sanaa Salameh Daqqa was arrested near to Bab al-Amoud, following calls by Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir to deport her. Daqqa is a translator and the widow of Walid Daqqa, a revolutionary Palestinian leader who was affiliated with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and who was martyred in an Israeli prison in April 2024. The Palestinian Prisoners Club are claiming that Sanaa Daqqa is being targeted as part of a campaign of revenge against Walid Daqqa's family. But resistance remains strong in Gaza. The Qassam Brigades, which currently number 40,000 fighters, the same as in October 2023, have undertaken seven operations against the IOF this week. Elsewhere, Ireland has become the first Western state to officially declare that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. While this an important step in challenging Israel's fallacious claim that it uses violence legitimately, this announcement comes far too late and with little material action yet tied to it.
Day Five
The fifth day of our hunger strike saw our community in support of Palestine continue to grow on the steps, with the strikers remaining steadfast in their demand that CUNY DIVEST NOW. Meanwhile, in just five days, we have reached our first goal of $10,000, which will be distributed to over a dozen families in Gaza. In fact, the fundraiser for Gaza has reached $11,734! We've now doubled our goal to $20,000, which will allow us to extend more direct material support to Palestinians as Israel continues to prohibit the entry of food and medical supplies, as prices skyrocket, and as indiscriminate israeli bombing escalates. Today, we had our first Letter Writing to Prisoners session and wrote to Rodney Hinton Jr. Nurse Mina came by to check on the strikers accompanied by her partner, her therapy dog, and her 7-year-old daughter who handed out stickers and made our day. Strikers are resolute but headed into the more difficult days of striking, so she'll keep an eye on them. Later in the day, a comrade who teaches high school gave a brilliant teach-in, "Un-Erasing Palestine in K-12 Education." Together we poured over and critiqued the K-12 curriculum around Palestine and a practice Regents exam. We agreed upon the necessity of teachers taking it upon themselves to teach Palestine (and Western imperialism) honestly and factually in their classrooms, despite the career risks this may pose. We were joined by a big contingent of folks fasting under the demand that the U.S. stop arming Israel, including legendary longtime organizer and writer Sam Husseini. Throughout the strike other brilliant movement elders such as Laurie Arbeiter, organizer and sailor on the first Freedom Flotilla to Gaza, and Former SEEK counselor and participant in the 1969 CCNY takeover Fran Giteles have stopped in to spend time talking with us and share stories. Still radio silence from the CUNY chancellor who we've been bombarding with calls and emails demanding that CUNY DIVEST!
UPDATES FROM GAZA
Today, Hamas submitted a response to the U.S.-backed Israeli cease-fire proposal. They have offered to release 10 Israeli captives alongside the bodies of 18 deceased Israelis, in return for the release of an unspecified number of Palestinian prisoners. Hamas is calling for a permanent cease-fire; the U.S. and Israel have rebuked this proposal and are currently offering a temporary cease-fire for 60 days only, at which point we can assume they will renew their campaign of genocide and extermination. In the course of the day, the IOF murdered at least 60 Palestinians across Gaza. In the past 48 hours, the IOF has bombed 60 homes in northern Gaza and has issued an evacuation order for all residents of Khan Younis, Bani Suheila, and Abasan, while the Qassam Brigade continues to resist the IOF. On May 27 Qassam Brigades engaged in combat with Israeli soldiers in the al-Atatra area of Beit Lahiya (northern Gaza). The armed wing of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, al-Quds Brigade, also released a statement detailing an attack it undertook against the IOF in Shujayea neighborhood in Gaza City. Elsewhere, in another imperial heartland, fans of Paris Saint-Germain football club raised a large banner reading "Stop Genocide in Gaza" at the Allianz Stadium in Munich during the Champions League final. Germany is the second largest supplier of arms to Israel, accounting for roughly 30% of its arsenal. Middle East Monitor reported that on the day we began our strike (May 27) Israel received its 940th shipment of arms from the United States since 7 October 2023. And, in Italy, the Emilia-Romagna region has formally cut ties with Israel.
Day Six
Today was marked by much warmth and support from passersby, which buoyed the spirits of strikers and on-the-ground supporters. Again and again, we have been humbled by the amount of support shown to the strike from passersby in Midtown Manhattan, in the belly of the beast under the shadow of the Empire State Building. All over the world, support for Palestine is growing. The fundraiser for Gaza has now reached $13,114! Countless people extended cash donations today, including a taxi driver who leapt out of his car and dashed over to greet us! Strikers are depleted and exhausted on their SIXTH day of NO FOOD, yet still firm in their demand that CUNY DIVEST NOW. Earlier today, strikers were successfully able to have a video call with a comrade on the ground in the al-Mawasi area of Khan Younis; together, we watched the sun set over the Mediterranean. Later, The Red Snare joined us for an enlivening protest drumming workshop that drew in many neighbors (including children!). We were told that our collective drum beating and chanting was heard throughout the Graduate Center library. Closing out our day of political education, the "Eviction as Censorship: Housing Rights for Student Organizers" teach-in yielded some productive and engaging conversations on the housing precarities faced by movement workers and organizers, as participants shared and collectively strategized around their own immediate housing realities. Still not a peep from the CUNY chancellor who we've been bombarding with calls and emails, demanding that CUNY DIVEST!
To contact the CUNY chancellor and amplify our demand for divestment call 646–664–9100 or email felo@cuny.edu.
UPDATES FROM GAZA
Today, we received news that Dr. Hamdi al-Najjar, husband of Dr. Alaa Al-Najjar, has died of his injuries. This comes after the death of 9 of the couples' 10 children in an israeli attack on their home. The death toll in Gaza today has risen to 54, following a series of Israeli attacks throughout the strip. Thirty-one of those reported dead were murdered while waiting for food near two of the Gaza Humanitarian Aid Foundation supply points in Rafah and close to the Netzarim Corridor. Elham al-Qudra described the murder of her brother-in-law: "He went to get food for his children. His children were dying of hunger. He said, 'I want to go.' He left his three children behind and died. Three little children. One of them is still breastfeeding. He's nine months old." In the north of Gaza, Israel blew up Nouri al-Kaabi Dialysis Hospital, the only site in Gaza still able to provide lifesaving treatment for patients with kidney issues. In al-Mawasi, Khan Younis—a designated humanitarian zone—three people were killed during sustained bombing; one of the victims was a disabled child. In July 2024, at least 90 Palestinians were murdered in the same immediate area by Israeli airstrikes. Meanwhile, despite the cease-fire signed in November, Israel continues to bomb Lebanese territory. Today, it killed two people in the Bint Jbeil district of southern Lebanon. And in the Occupied West Bank, Israeli settlers, under military protection, assaulted and badly injured two brothers near Ramallah, Ghassan and Imad Mohammed Issa Abduljabir. Elsewhere, Yemen's Ansar Allah launched another rocket toward Ben Gurion airport; although it was intercepted, it grounded flights entering and leaving the airport. A spokesperson for Ansar Allah stated, "Our operations will not stop until the war on our brothers in Gaza stops and the complete siege on them is lifted." Yemen has been one of the few Arab states that has remained steadfast in its support of Palestinians since October 2023.
Day Seven
It's been seven days since we launched our hunger strike, and the energy outside the Graduate Center was infectious. Today was filled to the brim with public programming and visits from longtime organizers and movement workers. The fundraiser for Gaza has now reached $14,704. One passerby donated $500 in cash to the campaign! Others came to sit with us and listen in to the teach-ins. The support for Palestine on the street has been huge and visceral. For our public programming, port workers from Elizabeth, New Jersey shared updates on their "Don't Move Zim" campaign and their ongoing efforts to block Israeli shipping and weapons transportation in and out of the port. A CUNY professor gave a teach-in on Frantz Fanon's concept of decolonization and it was great to take some of Fanon's bigger questions and think through them together in a comradely space. At the end of the day, Chandra Mohanty and Angela Y. Davis came through and gave encouragement to the hunger strikers, echoing our solidarity with all those enduring genocide in Gaza. STILL no word from the CUNY chancellor as our hunger strikers go their seventh day WITHOUT FOOD. We have ONE DEMAND: that CUNY DIVEST!
UPDATES FROM GAZA
At least 51 Palestinians have been murdered and 503 injured across Gaza by Israeli forces in the last 24 hours. Most of those killed were in northern Gaza, including six children who died after their home was bombed in Jabalia. Since Israel broke the cease-fire agreement on March 18, 2025, it has murdered 4,201 Palestinians. In Beit Lahiya, IOF soldiers stormed the Indonesian Hospital, forcing 55 critically ill patients, including a child in intensive care, to flee or be evacuated from the facility. Given previous targeting of the site, there are fears from patients and doctors that the Israelis may soon destroy the hospital. Since the U.S.-backed GHF commenced its work last week, at least 75 Palestinians have been murdered at aid sites. Doctors Without Borders have called GHF's operations "dehumanizing, dangerous, and severely ineffective." Mohammed Abu Deqqa described the massacre on Sunday at a GHF aid site in Rafah: "At first, we thought they were [firing] warning shots. But it didn't take long before the shooting intensified. I began to see people lying on the ground, covered in blood. That was around 5:30 am. People started running, but many couldn't escape. The bullets were chasing people even as they tried to flee." UNRWA's acting director Sam Rose described the dehumanization of GHF points as treating Palestinians like "herded animals in pens." Two days ago, the Qassam Brigades undertook an attack on IOF soldiers east of the town of al-Qarara, in southern Gaza; on the same day, they also targeted the IOF military site in Ein al-Thalatha, launching three short-range missiles.
Day Eight
Today was as heartening as it was challenging. Recent media coverage has spread the word about our hunger strike, which has amplified our support for Palestine but also resulted in greater exposure to Zionist groups who came out to the strike today, harassing strikers and supporters. Luckily, there was a large crowd gathered at the strike when Zionists showed up and by forming a protective circle around the strikers while chanting, "In our thousands in our millions, we are all Palestinian!" we eventually drove them away. The day was also filled with rich conversations and movement collaboration across each teach-in and public programming events. Comrades from Pal-Awda joined us and extended updates on their Stolen Land campaign, a large-scale effort to disrupt the illegal sale of occupied Palestinian land to settlers here in New York City. Later, during a teach-in on "Tracing the Debt Economy of Higher Ed," a member of Vietnam Veterans Against the War shared his outrage over what's happening in Gaza and how it reminds him of the atrocities perpetrated by the American war machine in Southeast Asia. The fundraiser for Gaza has now reached $16,484! The hunger strikers are physically struggling: lightheadedness, weakness, and exhaustion have really set in, but the ongoing waves of support have been crucial to maintaining their energy and resolve. STILL silence from the CUNY chancellor who we've been bombarding with calls and emails demanding divestment as our hunger strikers go their eighth day WITHOUT FOOD! CUNY DIVEST NOW!
UPDATES FROM GAZA
For the third day in a row, IOF soldiers have killed Palestinians waiting to receive aid at GHF aid points: At least 27 people were killed and 90 injured at the Rafah site. Hind Khoudary, a journalist for Al Jazeera, reported, "The Israeli forces just opened fire randomly, shooting Palestinians… using quadcopters and live ammunition." Seven Palestinians were killed while sheltering in a camp in the Port of Gaza, as well as three in Deir el-Balah and four near Khan Younis. Across the West Bank, the IOF and settlers have attacked Palestinians in Beit Ummar, north of Hebron, and destroyed olive trees in Kafr Malek, east of Ramallah. Soldiers have also raided archaeological sites in Qarawat Bani Hassan and leveled land in Deir Jarir, close to Ramallah. Matthew Miller, U.S. State Department spokesperson under former President Joe Biden, admitted today that Israel is, "without a doubt," committing war crimes in Gaza—after spending years denying any wrongdoing in Gaza and justifying the continued shipping of U.S. arms to the apartheid state. We did not need Miller's admission to recognize the duplicity and lies of the U.S. administration, which has spent almost two years funding, arming, and politically supporting the genocide in broad daylight. Yemen's Ansar Allah has promised further escalation if Israel does not end its genocide and occupation of Palestine. They made this announcement following another rocket attack on Israel. Yahya Saree, spokesperson for Ansar Allah, stated that Israel will only get "more missiles and drones" from Yemen, "in rejection of the crime of genocide." Throughout the genocide Yemen has been one of the few countries to enact their obligations under international law by blocking shipping in the Red Sea in defense of the Palestinian people. The newly-formed Mohammed Deif Brigade based in Syria has likewise promised further attacks, firing two rockets at Israeli targets today, even as Israel continues its colonial campaign in Syria, having just launched rockets from fighter jets over southern Syria and bombing other sites in the Deraa countryside.
The CUNY Hunger Strike for Gaza paused on June 11 due to concern for the health of strikers after 16 days of no food and a decision to collectively reorient our efforts toward direct action campaigns targeting weapons manufacturing in NYC. For two-and-a-half weeks, the strike created a vibrant pro-Palestine space in the heart of empire, with an effusion of political education and community building. Relationships and connections forged at the strike continue to nurture collaboration between CUNY organizers and local campaigns throughout the city, including Veterans for Peace 40 day fast demanding a full arms embargo on Israel, the campaign to demilitarize Brooklyn Navy Yard, and Pal-awda New York's campaign to stop the sale of stolen Palestinian land here in NYC. Two separate fundraisers associated with the strike raised over $31,000, which has been sent directly to people surviving on the ground in Gaza.
We continue to demand that the CUNY administration DIVEST IMMEDIATELY from its complicity in Israeli-U.S. genocide. As the genocide across Palestine escalates, the U.S. joined Israel to launch a bloodthirsty war on Iran, and domestic attacks on pro-Palestine activists continue we DEMAND that our university divest. We join millions of people around the world—from the crew of the Madleen to the Sumud convoy to those preparing to set sail from Malaysia to those flooding the streets of every major city in every nation—rising up in a tsunami of humanity for Gaza and insisting that Zionism will fall and that Palestine will be free, within our lifetime.
As Chancellor Matos is scheduled to appear before the house committee on antisemitism this month, CUNY students and faculty continue to be persecuted for their support for Palestine and CUNY continues to refuse to disclose its investments in Israel and in weapons and tech manufacturers participating in Israeli war crimes (which we know total at least $8.5 million and likely much more). To contact the CUNY chancellor and amplify our demand for divestment call 646–664–9100 or email felo@cuny.edu.
We hope that communities and non-academic organizations across the country find ways to stand with all college and university students on the vanguard of the movement for a free Palestine and an end to the ongoing genocide.
Even before the extraordinary activism for an end to the genocide in Gaza and the liberation of the Palestinian people at Columbia University last spring, the students of Smith Students for Justice in Palestine, or SJP, set a high bar for the coming wave of campus unrest across the U.S. with their 11-day occupation of College Hall, Smith’s administration building.
For us as residents of Northampton, Massachusetts, it was awe-inspiring to watch Smith students’ activism as those first days passing sleeping bags through the windows of College Hall turned into weeks and months of creative actions demanding the school’s administration end its complicity in genocide.
Outdoor student and faculty teach-ins in the snow and mud of early spring set the stage for ongoing pro-Palestine cultural and political education events as the lush grounds of the college responded to the lengthening days and warming temperatures. Local media covered the occupation of College Hall, and Amy Goodman of Democracy Now! noted the intense dedication of Smith SJP’s occupation.
You claim to be a school that encourages activism, and yet, when it comes to opposing genocide, not only do you not celebrate your courageous students, you seek to silence, question, and condemn them.
During a memorial service for Gaza martyrs in front of College Hall, in somber silence amid flowers and flickering votive candles, we gazed up at the uppermost tower of the hall, to see that the flag of Smith College had been replaced by students with a flag bearing the Palestinian colors that read, “Smith Divest Now.” The tall, ornate, iron gates in front of College Hall were decorated with small Palestinian flags; flowers; and red, black, green, and white streamers. Despite increasing animosity from Smith’s administration, campus activism to end the genocide in Gaza continued through graduation, only fading as students dispersed for the summer months.
As on so many campuses across the U.S., students returning to Smith last fall were met with a new set of policies hammered out by the administration over the summer in an effort to prevent further activism for Palestine. Only after the new policy was leaked to the college community did Smith College President Sarah Willie-LeBreton concede that there was a new set of rules governing, in minute detail, the “time, place, and manner of expressive activity” on campus.
In a College-wide message, Willie-LeBreton claimed that her new policy was simply a response to urging by the U.S. Department of Education and national organizations (and unlikely bedfellows) such as the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), the Zionist organization at the forefront of efforts to suppress anti-genocide activism and speech by equating anti-Zionism with antisemitism; the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU); and Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), that campus protest policies be revisited. (For those familiar with the Palestine Exception, it was crystal clear that the new policy was designed to quell continued pro-Palestine activism.)
On October 24, Smith students walked out of classes to protest the new policy, which states, “Speech is not protected when it is libelous, slanderous, threatens violence, incites riot, intends to cause personal injury, infringes upon the rights of others, or is otherwise unlawful.” The policy included a time frame within which students are allowed to make noise while protesting, banned face coverings to conceal identity, forbade protestors from “interrupting academic life,” and more.
As fall deepened into winter, community advocates for an end to the genocide concluded that Smith’s administration needed to hear from us in support of Smith SJP. Shortly after a discussion with a community organization called “Northampton Neighbors” in which President Willie-LeBreton emphasized the importance of ties and communication between “town and gown,” organizers with Demilitarize Western Massachusetts and 16 other local and state-wide groups called for a rally and press conference—Western Mass Stands with Smith SJP—for February 27, on a public sidewalk on Route 9 in the heart of the campus.
As the rally began, in cold showers between snow banks, we made the two statements provided below in describing the three demands of the rally—that Smith College must:
After our description of the community demands, a slew of speakers from community organizations supportive of Smith SJP, including Smith Alumnae for Justice in Palestine (AJP), spoke to the press and assembled community members and students.
A college spokesperson responded to a reporter with the Daily Hampshire Gazette with the following statement: “Smith is a strong supporter of free speech and the right to assemble. However, it is important to note that this gathering was held on Northampton city property and was not a Smith-sponsored event.” The reporter noted, “Officials did not address the demands made at the protest.”
In addition to faculty and student groups from UMass-Amherst and Hampshire College and many community anti-genocide organizations, we were gratified to secure public endorsement of the rally by the Peace & Justice Committee of First Churches of Northampton, by Interlink Publishing (the only Palestinian-owned publishing company in the U.S., located in Northampton), and two state-wide organizations—Massachusetts Peace Action (MAPA) and Pax Christi MA.
We hope that communities and non-academic organizations across the country find ways to stand with all college and university students on the vanguard of the movement for a free Palestine and an end to the ongoing genocide—until Liberation and Return. We echo Smith SJP’s chant: “Disclose, Divest, We Will Not Stop, We Will Not Rest.”
We residents of Northampton, western Massachusetts and beyond are here today to demonstrate our support for the courageous Smith College Students for Justice in Palestine who are demanding that their school join the global struggle to stop the hideous, unchecked genocidal slaughter of the Palestinian people.
What can Smith do?
Smith SJP has been pleading with Smith President Sarah Wille-LeBreton and the Smith Board of Trustees for more than a year to DIVEST, to sell every single penny of stock that the school owns in so-called defense corporations, including Lockheed Martin, Boeing, RTX/Raytheon, General Dynamics, Hexcel, and Northrup Grumman. Also on the list is L3 Technologies, which has a plant in Northampton, less than a mile from here.
The students selected these stocks because all of these corporations are profiting tremendously by providing a wide array of weapons and military services that the Israeli government is using right now, minute by minute, hour by hour, day by day, month by month, year by year to kill, maim, and terrorize Palestinian people and to drive them from their land.
Smith President Willie-LeBreton says Smith will not sell these stocks because Smith has such a small investment in genocide, about $67,000 worth.
If the amount is so small, why not sell the stock?
Is it because if Smith, seen as one of the prestigious “Seven Sisters,”, divests, it will put a stink on these blood-soaked genocide stocks that might hurt their value on Wall Street? Would selling these stocks cast shadows over the careers of members of the Smith Board of Trustees who are in the investment business?
We implore Smith College to lift itself out of the vile quagmire of genocide and honor SJP’s call to DIVEST.
United Nations experts and many others have expressed urgent concern over Israel’s scholasticide in Palestine. Karma Nabulsi, a Palestinian scholar and emeritus fellow in politics at Oxford, coined the term in 2009. Nabulsi has described scholasticide as the systematic destruction of educational institutions and points out that Israel has a long history of attacking education in Palestine dating back to 1948. The transnational organization Scholars Against War has since built on Nabulsi’s definition, listing 18 acts as scholasticide, including killing students, teachers, and other school-related personnel; destroying educational institutions; blocking the construction of new schools; and “preventing scholarly exchange in all of its forms.”
In addition to the injury and deaths of tens of thousands of students, teachers, and university professors and the destruction of all 12 university campuses and the majority of schools in Gaza, Israel has deliberately targeted mosques, churches, libraries, the Central Archives of Gaza, cultural heritage sites, and UNRWA. A U.N. report states: “These attacks present a systemic pattern of violence aimed at dismantling the very foundation of Palestinian society. They have a devastating long-term impact on the fundamental rights of people to learn and freely express themselves, depriving yet another generation of Palestinians of their future. When schools are destroyed, so too are hopes and dreams.”
As with all other activities conducted by Israel with impunity, indeed with the full partnership of the United States, scholasticide throughout Palestine is being normalized, in part through the silence of educational systems in the West.
Smith College? Silent on scholasticide. The trustees of Smith and President Willie-LeBreton have such a mutilated and truncated understanding of ethics that they apparently believe their silence on Israeli scholasticide is some sort of elegant neutrality. We call it what it is. Complicity. Partnership in destruction of education, of culture, of history, of a people. A component of full-scale genocide. President Willie-LeBreton and Smith College Trustees, we DEMAND that you issue a public statement categorically condemning Israel’s scholasticide and work actively to support, in consultation with your students and faculty and following the leadership of the Palestinian people, the rebuilding of Palestine’s educational system.
The third demand of this community rally in support of Smith SJP is that President Willie-LeBreton immediately rescind her new “Policy Governing Time, Place, and Manner of Expressive Activity.” Did Smith College actually believe that we as a community would see the beautiful, vigorous, anti-genocide advocacy for Palestinian liberation on this campus last year, and not notice the muting of that advocacy this year? We know, in fact, that like so many other U.S. colleges and universities, Smith used the summer months to devise ways to shut down the activism that was so vibrant at Smith last year.
We see you, Smith College. We see you, Palestine Exception. We know it is no coincidence that a new “Expressive Activity” policy has been imposed on students the semester immediately following the brilliant activism the preceding spring. You claim to be a school that encourages activism, and yet, when it comes to opposing genocide, not only do you not celebrate your courageous students, you seek to silence, question, and condemn them. We see you, Smith College. We see that you comfortably fit in with those institutions of higher learning that say, to quote Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) in her apt paraphrasing of so many university administrators, “We want ALL students on campus to feel safe. The pro-genocide and the anti-genocide ones.”
President Willie-LeBreton: Rescind your draconian “Expressive Activity” policy. Celebrate your anti-genocide students. Learn from their humanity. Protect them from external attack, arrest, deportation. We community members implore you: Wash clean your blood-soaked Ivory Towers by following your students’ lead in opposing a historic genocide.
If you’re a climate activist who doesn’t know what to do for the next four years, the answer is remarkably simple: Join other movements.
Ever since my first foray into climate activism in 2019, I have dreaded the year 2025. In my mind, it’s always been the Big Deadline.
The 2015 Paris agreement concluded that greenhouse gas emissions must peak before 2025 if we have any chance of limiting global warming to 1.5°C.
And yet, now that we’re standing at the precipice of this once-far off deadline, we are still so far from the meaningful climate action necessary to fend off unstoppable climate catastrophe. Indeed, we’ve just worsened our chances at a survivable future.
We need to build a strong left to fight fascism during Trump’s presidency and to build a just green future in its aftermath.
The U.S. became the largest oil producer in 2018 and continues to expand domestic fossil fuel production. American citizens just elected a fascist president who has promised to gut the EPA and establish U.S. “energy dominance,” but the Democrat who supposedly could have saved us from Donald Trump refused to ban fracking and praised U.S. oil production.
Technically, I should be panicking. I certainly was when my college graduation last May was preceded by some headlines announcing the 1.5°C limit had already been reached. But now, as a climate activist in New York City, I find myself surprisingly calm.
This calm isn’t simply due to local climate wins, though I have celebrated those. Gov. Kathy Hochul just signed the Climate Change Superfund Act into law, which will require fossil fuel companies to pay billions into a fund to help New Yorkers recover from climate disasters. In other words, New York will force polluters to pay to clean up their own messes. This is a huge step in holding fossil fuel companies accountable.
Yet my optimism arises out of a different trend in the climate movement: Climate activists are (finally) showing up for other movements.
Historically, the climate movement has attempted to isolate itself from other political and social issues, arguing that climate policy is “just science.” This majority-white movement has failed to see that fossil fuel emissions are part of a larger history of the Global North colonizing and exploiting both people and the planet for decades. The climate crisis is a symptom of a broader exploitative system. To change that system, we need a united left that will fight for all people—not just those who identify as environmentalists.
In 2020, climate activists were rightfully berated for not showing up enough for the Black Lives Matter movement. Thankfully, I think many climate activists heard that message because today, they have come out in droves for Palestine.
Many of the college students who organized campus encampments last spring to urge their school administrators to divest from Israel and the U.S. imperial war machine were students who had previously organized for climate justice. I witnessed this firsthand at the Claremont Colleges when I was a senior: The student organizations demanding fossil fuel divestment fell to the wayside as the crisis in Gaza intensified. Globally, many climate organizations chose to speak out and take direct action to call for a cease-fire in Gaza.
But none of these climate activists had stopped caring about the climate. In fact, they often pointed out that Israel’s actions were not just genocide, but ecocide as well. The onslaught of bombs dropped on Gaza will contaminate the soil and groundwater in the region for decades. And the destruction has produced at least 54.5 million tons of carbon dioxide, equal to the annual emissions of 16 coal-fired power plants.
Climate activists cannot claim to fight for a just future and stay silent about genocide. “If we, as climate activists, aren’t able to see and speak up against the current marginalization and oppression and killing of people today, then I don’t think we should be able to call ourselves climate justice [activists],” climate champion Greta Thunberg told Al Jazeera in early December 2024.
As Trump prepares to enter the White House, we will undoubtedly see more people oppressed and killed. Among the many groups who are vulnerable under his administration are undocumented immigrants, whom Trump has vowed to round up and deport.
Migrant justice has long been intertwined with climate justice. As climate change makes many areas around the world uninhabitable, climate refugees have no choice but to leave their home.
In response to Trump’s election, climate organizers Jeff Ordower and Ahmed Gaya called on their fellow activists to bring their experiences of shutting down pipelines and coal plants to fight the incarceration and deportation we can expect under Trump. Climate activists should answer this call: The struggles for migrant justice and climate justice are intertwined, and we must meet the needs of the current moment.
“[Climate is] not more urgent than kids being ripped away from their families and dying in the desert—anyone who tries to win that argument is monstrous themselves. We either merge, join forces, or we lose,” writer and activist Naomi Klein said in 2019.
With Trump as president, things will undoubtedly get worse before they get better. We need to build a strong left to fight fascism during Trump’s presidency and to build a just green future in its aftermath. To do so, climate activists must put their words into action when they say they fight for every living being.
"It's time for our universities to become real climate leaders," said one organizer, "and cut ties with the fossil fuel industry once and for all."
Students at universities and colleges across the U.S. have long demanded that their schools cut ties with the fossil fuel industry as planetary heating has increasingly been linked to extreme weather and pollution-causing emissions have continued.
New findings released by student researchers with the Campus Climate Network on Wednesday, said the organization, "add more detail and evidence to what these students have already been campaigning for—fossil fuel funding has no place in universities' climate research."
The students spoke at a virtual press conference titled "Big Oil's Stain on Our Universities," presenting research compiled in six reports regarding fossil fuel industry ties at Columbia University, Princeton University, Cornell University, American University, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and University of California San Diego.
The six institutions have collectively received more than $108 million in direct funding to the fossil fuel industry, published more than 1,500 academic articles and papers funded by oil giants, and count 10 people affiliated with the industry among the members of their university governance boards, according to the research—which follows the first-ever literature review of investigations into Big Oil's links to higher education, published in the peer-reviewed journal WIREs Climate Change earlier this month.
Columbia and Princeton were by far the biggest recipients of fossil fuel money, accepting more than $43 million each from companies and their foundations.
Sunrise Columbia, the Sunrise Movement's chapter at the university, published a report presented at Wednesday's press conference, detailing how Hess Corporation—an oil and gas company acquired by Chevron—was the largest fossil fuel donor to the prestigious university. The company contributed more than $15 million to Columbia from 2005-24.
Koch Family Foundations, "which have spent hundreds of millions to finance groups promoting climate denial," and liquefied natural gas (LNG) firm Cheniere Energy were also major contributors.
Fossil fuel money at Columbia has gone toward funding the Center on Global Energy Policy (CGEP), the School of International and Public Affairs, and the university's Climate School—which "powers innovative research in the science, consequences, and human dimensions of climate change."
"CGEP, the Climate School, and Columbia repeatedly claim to produce unbiased, reputable research to advance climate solutions. Many of our findings directly contradict these missions."
The Climate School has received $741,967 from fossil fuel giants since it was established in 2020.
"CGEP, the Climate School, and Columbia repeatedly claim to produce unbiased, reputable research to advance climate solutions," reads the report. "Many of our findings directly contradict these missions—from Columbia being named explicitly by a BP [vice president] as essential for their outreach and influence to being specifically mentioned as a producer of biased research, Columbia has fallen short," said Sunrise Columbia.
At Princeton, student researchers wrote that the university "legitimizes and financially supports the fossil fuel industry," continuing to invest "approximately $700 million in privately held fossil fuel companies without justification," even after divesting its endowment of fossil fuel holdings worth $1 billion.
The report notes that the school's New Jersey campus "has not been spared" from extreme weather that's growing more frequent as the planet gets hotter and scientists warn that limiting planetary heating to 1.5°C is getting less likely.
"Last summer, our campus was shrouded by smoke from incinerated Quebecois pine trees, smoke that turned the sky a burning orange. Outdoor workers on and off campus were hit hardest," wrote the students. "Floods nearby destroyed transport infrastructure and made it harder for our community members to come to campus to work or to learn. Scorching temperatures at the start of each fall semester make it difficult to think."
But while students, faculty, and staff have suffered the effects of fossil fuel extraction, major fossil fuel companies including BP, Exxon, Shell, and TotalEnergies have spent more than $43 million on research at Princeton, funding papers containing "explicit applications for continued or expanded fossil fuel use."
At the virtual press conference on Wednesday, Campus Climate Network research manager Maddie Young said the articles detailed in the six reports focus primarily on methods for fossil fuel extraction, methods and "benefits" of "false solutions" like carbon capture, and extending and upholding "the social license of the fossil fuel industry to operate."
"So these might be articles that are connected to healthcare or health research and promote the image of corporate social responsibility connected to the fossil fuel industry," said Young, "and allow them to continue to leverage these relationships to universities and to greenwash their own image and present themselves as socially responsible."
The student researchers recommended that Princeton prohibit all research funding from the industry and complete divestment from all oil, gas, and coal companies, as well as cut ties with Petrotiger, a fossil fuel company that Princeton "appears to own," having earned nearly $140 million in the last 10 years in investment income and direct contributions.
"These recommendations are all within Princeton's power to achieve," said the student researchers. "The university must act upon these items with the urgency the climate crisis demands."
Young, who is also a student organizer at American University, said the student-authored reports are "only the beginning—we have a strong, national student movement that will continue to expose and cut the ties with Big Oil."
“It's time for our universities to become real climate leaders," said Young, "and cut ties with the fossil fuel industry once and for all."