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Jeff Miller, (510) 499-9185
The Center for Biological
Diversity and two dozen other conservation and health groups today filed
emergency petitions with eight Midwestern and southern states, seeking to
end unsustainable commercial harvest of freshwater turtles. The coalition
submitted administrative petitions to state wildlife and health agencies in
Arkansas , Iowa,
Kentucky, Louisiana,
Missouri, Ohio,
South Carolina, and Tennessee, asking for a ban on
commercial harvest of freshwater turtles in all public and private waters.
The commercial-harvest regulations are needed to prevent further depletions
of native turtle populations and to protect public health. Freshwater
turtles collected in these states and sold domestically as food or exported
to international food markets are often contaminated with mercury, PCBs,
and pesticides.
"Unregulated
wildlife dealers are mining southern and midwestern streams for turtles for
the export trade, in a frenzy reminiscent of the gold rush," said
Jeff Miller, conservation advocate with the Center for Biological
Diversity. "Commercial collectors could harvest every non-protected
turtle that exists in the wild under the inadequate regulations that
currently exist in these states. Turtles are an important part of aquatic
ecosystems, and this unsustainable trade needs to be stopped."
Wildlife
exporters and dealers are commercially harvesting massive and unsustainable
numbers of wild freshwater turtles from southern and midwestern states that
continue to allow unlimited and unregulated take of turtles. The few turtle
surveys that have been conducted in southern and midwestern states show
depletions and extinction of freshwater turtles in many streams.
Herpetologists have reported drastic reductions in numbers and even the
disappearance of many southern map turtle species.
Harvests
and exports of wild turtles caught in the United States have skyrocketed.
Almost 200,000 wild turtles are trapped each year in Arkansas; one
collector alone takes more than 300 snapping turtles each year in Kentucky
for the pet trade; a single collector took 220 adult snapping turtles from
a single river in Louisiana in one year; another pet dealer buys 8,000 to
10,000 pounds per year of live wild adult snappers from trappers in
Louisiana; and a collector in Tennessee took more than 4,000 pounds of
common snapping turtles from a single reservoir in 2007. Commercial turtle
buyers in Oklahoma
reported purchasing almost 750,000 wild-caught turtles from 1994 to 1999.
More than a quarter million wild-caught adult turtles captured in Texas were exported from Dallas
Fort Worth Airport
alone to Asia for human consumption from
2002 to 2005.
The
coalition has now submitted regulatory petitions to every remaining
state in the United States that has unrestricted commercial harvest or
inadequate harvest regulations for freshwater turtles. In 2008 the
Center and allied groups petitioned Florida, Oklahoma, Georgia, and
Texas to ban commercial harvest of all native freshwater turtles in
those states. The petitions trigger a public rulemaking process in each
state. Texas has since prohibited commercial harvest from public
waters, but continues to allow unlimited harvest of some native turtle
species from streams and lakes on private lands. Oklahoma enacted a
three-year moratorium on commercial harvest of turtles from public
waters while studying the status of its wild turtle populations, the
effects of commercial harvest, and the potential contamination of
turtles sold as food. Florida imposed a temporary, 20 turtle-a-day
limit for commercial fishermen while it reviews harvest regulations.
The Georgia legislature is currently considering a bill on restrictions
to turtle harvest, based on recommendations by the Georgia Department
of Natural Resources.
The South Carolina state legislature is currently
considering a turtle harvest bill in the House, but it would allow
collectors to harvest up to 10 turtles at a time, with a maximum of 20
turtles per year - which would create an avenue for
illegal export of turtles from South
Carolina. A bill that would prohibit the sale,
barter, or trade of turtles is currently being considered by a subcommittee
in the Iowa
legislature.
The
petitioning groups are the Center for Biological Diversity, Center for
North American Herpetology, Center for Reptile and Amphibian Conservation
and Management, Center for Food Safety, Audubon Society of Central Arkansas
(AR), St. John's Riverkeeper (FL), Satilla Riverkeeper (GA), Altamaha
Riverkeeper (GA), Tallgrass Prairie Audubon Society (IA), Sierra Club,
Iowa Chapter (IA), Arkansas River Coalition (KS), Kentucky Heartwood
(KY), Gulf Restoration Network (LA), Ozark Rivers Chapter of the National
Audubon Society (MO), Miami Valley Audubon Society (OH), Western Cuyahoga
Audubon Society (OH), Oklahoma Chapter Sierra Club (OK), Charleston Chapter
Audubon Society (SC), Congaree Riverkeeper (SC), Tennessee Chapter Sierra
Club (TN), Tennessee Herpetological Society (TN), Tennessee Scenic Rivers
Association (TN), Save The Cumberland (TN), Lone Star Chapter Sierra Club
(TX), and Pineywoods Group Sierra Club (TX).
Most
wild turtles harvested in the United States
are exported to supply food markets in Asia, primarily China, where turtle consumption
rates have soared and as a result, most native freshwater turtles have been
driven to extinction in the wild. Importers are now turning to the United States
to meet demand. Turtles are sold to Asian seafood markets in the United States
as well. Many of these turtles are harvested from streams under state and
federal fish advisories and bans that caution against and prohibit human
consumption, due to aquatic contaminants that are carcinogenic or harmful
to humans such as DDT, PCBs, pesticides, mercury and other heavy metals.
Turtles live longer and bioaccumulate considerably greater amounts of
aquatic contaminants than fish, particularly snapping and softshell turtles
that burrow in contaminated sediments.
"Hundreds
of thousands of wild-caught turtles are sold locally as food or exported to
international food markets from these states each year, many contaminated
with dangerous levels of mercury, PCBs, and pesticides," said Miller.
"This food trade is completely unregulated, so the potential health
implications are staggering."
Because
freshwater turtles are long lived (some may reach 150 years of age), breed
late in life, and have low reproductive and survival rates, they are highly
vulnerable to overharvest. Removing even a few adults from a stream can
have a population effect lasting for decades, since each adult turtle
removed eliminates the reproductive potential over a breeding life that may
exceed 50 years. Stable turtle populations are dependent on sufficient long
lived breeding adults to offset natural mortality and human impacts.
Commercial collecting of wild turtles intensifies the effects of water
pollution, road mortality, incidental take from fishery devices, and
habitat loss, which are already contributing to turtle declines. Scientists
warn that freshwater turtles can not sustain any significant level of
harvest from the wild without leading to population crashes.
Adult
turtles, particularly map turtles and snapping turtles, are also harvested
from the wild to breed hatchlings in captivity for the international pet
trade. Turtle dealers solicit huge numbers of wild turtles from American
sources on the internet. A single dealer can employ a virtual army of hundreds
of interstate turtle collectors to conduct unlimited turtle harvest in
states where commercial harvest is still legal.
Arkansas, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana,
Missouri, Ohio,
South Carolina, and Tennessee continue to allow unlimited
commercial take of all sizes and ages of most species of native turtles,
using unlimited quantities of lethal hoopnets and box traps in public and
private waters. Although some of these states protect rarer turtle species,
many state and federally protected freshwater turtles are incidentally
harvested and sold since turtle traps do not distinguish the species
captured, and collectors often misidentify protected species captured in
traps that appear similar to non-protected turtles. Hoopnets and box traps
are lethal devices that also capture, maim, kill, and drown protected
turtle species, non-target fish, mammals, and migratory birds, and in some
areas, endangered species such as the federally threatened American
alligator.
State
wildlife agencies in Mississippi, North Carolina, and Alabama have prohibited commercial take
of wild freshwater turtles. North
Carolina closed all commercial harvest of aquatic
turtles after compiling one years worth of harvest data which showed the
removal of 28,000 wild caught turtles. Wildlife biologists from states with
bans have advised neighboring states to also ban harvest, since wildlife
traffickers illegally collect turtles in states where they are protected
and claim they were collected in states where harvest is still legal. Most
states do not survey to determine densities of turtle populations nor
require commercial collectors to report the quantity and species of turtles
harvested from the wild. Tennessee
is one of the only states that has conducted bioaccumulation analyses of
toxins in freshwater turtles, with disturbing results.
The
petitions and background information on the commercial harvest of
freshwater turtles can be found on the Center for Biological Diversity Web
site at:
www.biologicaldiversity.org/campaigns/southern_and_midwestern_freshwater_turtles/index.html.
The
Center for Biological Diversity is a nonprofit
conservation organization with 200,000 members and online activists
dedicated to the protection of endangered species and wild places.
State Turtle Harvest Information
Arkansas
Arkansas law allows turtle collectors to
deploy an unlimited number of box traps and hoopnets to harvest freshwater
turtles. Of the 16 species of turtles that occur in Arkansas, 11 aquatic species are
commercially harvested. Box turtles (genus Terrapene),
alligator snapping turtles (Macrochelys
temminckii), and chicken turtles (Deirochelys reticularia) are prohibited from harvest or
restricted possession in Arkansas.
The dominant commercial species in Arkansas
are the red-eared slider (Trachemys
scripta), which comprised 80% of total harvest, spiny softshell
(Apalone spinifera), and
common snapping turtle (Chelydra
serpentina). Map turtles are harvested in Arkansas for the pet trade. Mandatory
reporting of turtle harvests in Arkansas
by collectors only began in 2004. From 2004-2006, 589,382 aquatic turtles
were reported harvested by commercial collectors in Arkansas, an average of 196,460 turtles
per year. Turtles are harvested primarily from the Mississippi Delta
ecoregion. Commercial dealers are attempting to open additional waters in Arkansas to the use
of hoop nets, seeking to exploit previously unharvested populations as
demand goes up due to other state's turtle harvest restrictions. The
Arkansas Game and Fish Commission does not monitor health or population
trends of wild turtle populations.
Florida
In
September 2008, Florida
imposed a temporary, 20 turtle-a-day limit for commercial fishermen while
it reviews harvest regulations. The interim rules continue to allow turtle
harvest using hoopnets and inexplicably allow the possession of several
imperiled Florida turtle species such as alligator snapping turtle (Macrochelys temminkcii), Escambia map
turtle (Graptemys escambia)
and Barbour's map turtle (Graptemys
barbouri). Herpetologists report drastic population depletions
and even extirpations of most southern map turtle species, in Florida, especially
in the panhandle. The Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission is
undertaking a year-long study of freshwater turtles. Florida already prohibits harvest of
river cooters, soft-shell turtles and their eggs during the early summer,
which is nesting season. Florida
in the past has not monitored the health or population trends of wild
turtle populations, kept track of numbers of turtles harvested each year,
or required commercial harvesters to report their take. The U.S. Fish and
Wildlife Service reports 3,000 pounds of freshwater turtles are exported
from Miami
per week, and one Broward seafood firm purchases about 15,000 pounds of
native softshells weekly. Florida Governor Charlie Crist has publicly supported
a complete ban on wild turtle harvest.
Georgia
The Georgia
legislature is currently considering a bill on restrictions to turtle
harvest, based on recommendations by the Georgia Department of Natural
Resources. Harvest is currently unregulated for 13 out of 14 native
freshwater turtle species in Georgia. Except for the Chattahoochee River
between Georgia and Alabama, the Georgia
Department of Natural Resources allows unlimited commercial harvest of
freshwater turtles using an unlimited quantity of hoopnets. Georgia
does not require collectors to report the quantity, species, harvest locale
or destination of captured turtles. Georgia protects the Bog turtle
(Glyptemys muhlenbergii ) as
Endangered and the Barbour's map turtle (Graptemys barbouri) and alligator snapping turtle (Macrochelys temminckii) as Threatened.
Numerous herpetologists have reported drastic population depletions and
even extirpation of most southern map turtle species from Georgia.
Iowa
Iowa allows commercial turtle collectors
to legally take an unlimited number of common snapping turtles, softshell
turtles and painted turtles with a commercial turtle license using an
unlimited number of hoopnets and boxtraps. Nonresident dealers can only
take these three species from the Missouri,
Mississippi and Bog Sioux
Rivers. Iowa law prohibits
the harvest of rare turtle species including alligator snapping turtles (Macrochelys temmickii), chicken
turtles (Deirochelys reticularia)
and Blanding's turtles (Emydoidea
blandingii). However, these species overlap in range with
non-protected turtles in Iowa
and are caught in baited traps set by commercial collectors. Trappers often
can not distinguish alligator snappers from common snappers and coin both
species simply as "snappers" or "loggerheads." To
the untrained eye chicken turtles are strikingly similar in appearance to
red eared sliders and river cooters. Collectors who can distinguish these
species and who realize their high value for the international pet trade
may purposely harvest and portray them as common snappers and red eared
sliders and sell these to dealers in states where their commerce is legal.
The largest known Midwest state dealer of common snapping turtles has
operated in Iowa
for more than thirty years. Iowa does not
track the amount of turtles harvested from Iowa waters and the Iowa Department of
Natural Resources does not monitor health or population trends of wild
turtle populations. A bill that would prohibit the sale, barter, or trade
of turtles is currently being considered by a subcommittee in the Iowa legislature.
Kentucky
Kentucky law allows turtle collectors to
deploy an unlimited number of box traps and hoopnets to harvest common
snapping and softshell turtles. Kentucky
does not have data on freshwater turtle harvest levels. A commercial turtle
operation is known to occur on Reelfoot
Lake in western Kentucky;
and a single collector of more than thirty years captures common snapping
turtles from private stock ponds in intensive agricultural areas in western
Kentucky,
and can capture over 330 turtles in one year. Kentucky law prohibits the harvest of
rare turtle species including alligator snapping turtles (Macrochelys temmickii) and chicken
turtles (Deirochelys reticularia).
However, these species overlap in range with non-protected turtles in Kentucky and are
caught in baited traps set by commercial collectors. Trappers often can not
distinguish alligator snappers from common snappers and coin both species
simply as "loggerheads." To the untrained eye chicken turtles
are strikingly similar in appearance to red eared sliders and river
cooters. Collectors who can distinguish these species and who realize their
high value for the international pet trade may purposely harvest and
portray them as common snappers and red eared sliders and sell these to
dealers in states where their commerce is legal. Kentucky Fish and Game
Department does not monitor health or population trends of wild turtle
populations.
Louisiana
Louisiana law allows unlimited commercial
harvest of 24 native freshwater turtle species and allows turtle collectors
to deploy an unlimited number of box traps and hoopnets to harvest
freshwater turtles. Louisiana
prohibits harvest of two federally protected map turtle species (Graptemys oculifera and G. flavimaculata). However, illegal
harvest of these two endangered map turtles occurs to meet the demands of a
black market turtle trade.
Until 2004, Louisiana
was the last state that allowed unlimited commercial harvest of alligator
snapping turtles. Harvest of wild adult alligator snappers in Louisiana
intensified in the mid 1990s through 2004 to facilitate trophy adult males
for the zoo and aquarium exhibit industry and to breed hatchlings for the
international pet trade. For example, in 2000 an estimated 220 adult snappers
were taken from the Ouachita River by a single collector to breed and sell
hatchlings to buyers abroad; and another pet dealer from Missouri
estimated buying 8,000-10,000 pounds per year live weight of adult snappers
from trappers in Louisiana.
Due to harvest pressures, Louisiana
prohibited unlimited commercial harvest of alligator snapping turtles in
2004, but allows "recreational take" of one alligator snapping
turtle per day.
Although
Louisiana
is the heart of the turtle industry and conservation groups and
herpetologists have long recommended banning all turtle harvest, collectors
are not required to report the quantity of turtles captured, species,
harvest locale, or destination of captured turtles. Louisiana Department of
Wildlife and Fisheries statewide population surveys from 1996 to 2001 show
severely depleted populations and extirpations of alligator snapping
turtles from areas that once supported substantial populations, consistent
with surveys by herpetologists in 1994, 1988, and 2002. The depletions of
alligator snapping turtles are bioindicators of population levels and
diversity of other commercially sought turtle species (common snapper,
softshell, red ear, cooter and map turtles) in the surveyed areas. Louisiana trappers also report population depletions
and because of this Louisiana turtle
dealers are soliciting commercial numbers of turtles as far away as South Carolina.
Missouri
Missouri law allows turtle collectors to
deploy an unlimited number of box traps and hoopnets to harvest freshwater
turtles. Collectors may harvest an unlimited number of common snapping
turtles and spiny and smooth softshell turtles in three major watersheds:
the Missouri River, Mississippi River, and St. Francis
River. However, collectors are not required to report the
date, species or quantity of turtles captured or stream and county where
harvest occurred. Missouri
law prohibits the harvest of rare turtle species including alligator
snapping turtles (Macrochelys temmickii),
and chicken turtles (Deirochelys
reticularia). However, these species overlap in range with
non-protected turtles in Missouri
and are caught in baited traps set by commercial collectors. Trappers often
can not distinguish alligator snappers from common snappers and coin both
species simply as "loggerheads." To the untrained eye chicken
turtles are strikingly similar in appearance to red eared sliders and river
cooters. Collectors who can distinguish these species and who realize their
high value for the international pet trade may purposely harvest and
portray them as common snappers and red eared sliders and sell these to
dealers in states where their commerce is legal. Alligator snapping turtle
population surveys from the boot heel of Missouri show depleted and extirpated
population, which may indicate relatively low densities of other turtle
species. Studies funded by the Missouri Department of Conservation describe
grave concern for depleted turtle populations resulting from incidental
mortality from commercial fishing nets that are commonly deployed in Missouri.
Ohio
Ohio
law allows turtle collectors to deploy an unlimited number of box traps and
hoopnets to harvest freshwater turtles, and allows unlimited commercial
harvest of common snapping turtles (Chelydraserpentina),
smooth softshell turtles (Apalone
spinifera) and spiny softshell turtles (Apalone mutica). Ohio does not require collectors to
report the number or species of turtles taken from the wild. Ohio prohibits the
harvest of rare turtle species including wood turtles (Clemmys insculpta), chicken turtles (Deirochelys reticularia), spotted
turtles (Clemmys guttata) and
Blanding's turtles (Emydoidea
blandingii). However, these species overlap in range with
snapping turtles and softshell turtles are caught in baited traps set by
commercial collectors. Trappers often do not distinguish common snappers
from chicken, spotted or Blanding's turtles and coin all species
simply as "snappers" or "stripernecks." To the
untrained eye chicken turtles are strikingly similar in appearance to red
eared sliders and river cooters. Collectors who can distinguish these
species and who realize their high value for the international pet trade
may purposely harvest and portray them as common snappers and sell these to
dealers in states where their commerce is legal. The Ohio Department of
Natural Resources does not monitor health or population trends of wild
turtle populations.
Oklahoma
In
May 2008 the Oklahoma Wildlife Conservation Commission enacted a three-year
moratorium on commercial harvest of turtles from all public waters, but
allowed continued harvest in private waters. During the moratorium, the
Department of Wildlife Conservation will study the status of Oklahoma's
wild turtle populations, the effects of commercial harvest, and the potential
contamination of turtles sold as food with heavy metals and pesticides. The
Commission also requested Department of Wildlife Conservation staff to
further explore the potential need to close all waters, including private
waters, to harvest. Recent surveys by Oklahoma
State University
show depletions and extinction of freshwater turtles in many Oklahoma streams.
Commercial turtle buyers in Oklahoma
reported purchasing almost 750,000 wild-caught turtles from 1994 to 1999.
The Commission resolution noted that 92 commercial turtle harvesters
reported trapping 63,814 wild turtles in Oklahoma in 2007.
South
Carolina
South Carolina law allows turtle collectors to
deploy an unlimited number of box traps and hoopnets to harvest freshwater turtles,
and allows unlimited harvest of common snapping turtles (Chelydra serpentina) from streams
draining into the Atlantic Ocean. South Carolina does
not require collectors to report the quantity of turtles harvested. South Carolina
prohibits the harvest of rare turtle species including chicken turtles (Deirochelys reticularia), spotted
turtles (Clemmys guttata) and
federally protected bog turtles (Glyptemys
muhlenbergii). However, the chicken and spotted turtles overlap
in range with snapping turtles in South Carolina
and streams draining into the Atlantic and
are caught in baited traps set by commercial collectors. Trappers often do
not distinguish common snappers from chicken and spotted turtles and coin
both species simply as "snappers" or "stripernecks."
To the untrained eye chicken turtles are strikingly similar in appearance
to red eared sliders and river cooters. Collectors who can distinguish
these species and who realize their high value for the international pet
trade may purposely harvest and portray them as common snappers and red
eared sliders and sell these to dealers in states where their commerce is
legal. The South Carolina Department of Natural Resources does not monitor
health or population trends of wild turtle populations. The South Carolina state legislature is currently
considering a turtle harvest bill in the House, but it would allow
collectors to harvest up to 10 turtles at a time, with a maximum of 20
turtles per year - which would create an avenue for
illegal export of turtles from South
Carolina.
Tennessee
In
the mid 1990s the Tennessee Wildlife Resources Agency prohibited commercial
harvest of most turtle species throughout the majority of the state, after
law enforcement reported encountering resident and nonresident turtle collectors
in Tennessee who worked for large scale
turtle export turtle dealers in Louisiana
and Arkansas.
However unlimited harvest is still allowed for eleven turtle species from
three Tennessee counties along the
Mississippi River surrounding Reelfoot
Lake in northwest Tennessee. In Lake, Obion, and Dyer counties snapping turtles, map
turtles, soft-shell turtles, river cooters, western painted turtles,
red-eared sliders, common mud turtles, and common musk turtles may continue
to be taken commercially in unlimited quantities. Collectors may also
harvest an unlimited number of common snapping turtles over 12 inches from
any water that is open to commercial harvest. Tennessee law allows turtle collectors
to deploy an unlimited number of box traps and hoopnets to harvest
freshwater turtles. Commercial harvesters must report their monthly
harvest. Tennessee
prohibits the harvest of rare turtle species including alligator snapping
turtles (Macrochelys temmickii)
and chicken turtles (Deirochelys
reticularia). However, these species overlap in range with
non-protected turtles in Tennessee
and are caught in baited traps set by commercial collectors. Trappers often
can not distinguish alligator snappers from common snappers and coin both
species simply as "loggerheads." To the untrained eye chicken
turtles are strikingly similar in appearance to red eared sliders and river
cooters. Collectors who can distinguish these species and who realize their
high value for the international pet trade may purposely harvest and portray
them as common snappers and red eared sliders and sell these to dealers in
states where their commerce is legal.
Tennessee is one of the only states in the
nation that has conducted bioaccumulation analyses of snapping turtles
muscle tissue, fat tissue and eggs. Sample results from the 1990s showed
high levels of pesticides, PCBs, heavy metals and mercury in snapping
turtles beyond permissible FDA guideline thresholds that were safe for
consumption. This study was published in 1997, yet it remains legal in Tennessee to
commercially harvest snapping turtles from known contaminated areas to be
sold as food. Since 2007, fear of harvest moratoriums in neighboring states
where commercial harvest is legal may have intensified harvest pressure in Tennessee,
especially in streams that are not known to have been trapped. For example,
in 2007 TWRA law enforcement engaged a nonresident collector with more than
4,000 pounds of common snapping turtle harvested from Old Hickory Reservoir
in Davidson County. The turtles were to be sold
to an exporter in an undisclosed state.
Texas
In
2007 the Texas Parks and Wildlife Commission voted to end
commercial harvest of turtles in public waters in Texas, but continued to allow unlimited
harvest of some native turtle species from streams and lakes on private
lands. A petition was submitted in 2008 to the Texas Department of Health
to ban all commercial turtle harvest in Texas, including on private lands, due
to significant public-health risk from consumption of contaminated turtles.
Over a quarter million wild-caught adult turtles captured in Texas were exported from Dallas
Fort Worth Airport
to Asia for human consumption from 2002 to
2005. A major Texas turtle dealer employs
an interstate network of 450 collectors that harvest turtles from Texas and other
southern states where unlimited harvest is allowed or harvest is
inadequately regulated.
At the Center for Biological Diversity, we believe that the welfare of human beings is deeply linked to nature — to the existence in our world of a vast diversity of wild animals and plants. Because diversity has intrinsic value, and because its loss impoverishes society, we work to secure a future for all species, great and small, hovering on the brink of extinction. We do so through science, law and creative media, with a focus on protecting the lands, waters and climate that species need to survive.
(520) 623-5252The progressive senator underscored that the Israeli leader has been indicted by the International Criminal Court "for overseeing the systematic killing and starvation of civilians in Gaza."
U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders sharply criticized Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Tuesday as the fugitive from the International Criminal Court met with lawmakers ahead of a second White House meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump to advance plans for the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from the embattled Gaza Strip.
"As President Trump and members of Congress roll out the red carpet for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, let's remember that Netanyahu has been indicted as a war criminal by the International Criminal Court for overseeing the systematic killing and starvation of civilians in Gaza," Sanders (I-Vt.) said in a statement.
"This is the man Trump and Congress are welcoming this week: a war criminal who will be remembered as one of modern history's monsters," the senator continued. "His extremist government has killed more than 57,000 Palestinians and wounded almost 135,000, 60% of whom are women, children, or elderly people. The United Nations reports that at least 17,000 children have been killed and more than 25,000 wounded. More than 3,000 children in Gaza have had one or more limbs amputated."
"At this moment, hundreds of thousands of people are starving after Israel prevented any aid from entering Gaza for nearly three months," Sanders noted. "In the last six weeks, Israel has allowed a trickle of aid to get in, but has tried to replace the established United Nations distribution system with a private foundation backed by security contractors. This has been a catastrophe, with near-daily massacres at the new aid distribution sites. In its first five weeks in operation, 640 people have been killed and at least 4,488 injured while trying to access food through this mechanism."
Trump and Netanyahu—who said Monday that he nominated the U.S. president for the Nobel Peace Prize—are expected to discuss ongoing efforts to reach a new deal to secure the release of the 22 remaining Israeli and other hostages held by Hamas since the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel, as well as plans for giving Gazans what the prime minister described as a "better future" by finding third countries willing to accept forcibly displaced Palestinians.
Critics said such euphemistic language is an attempt to give cover to Israel's plan to ethnically cleanse and indefinitely occupy Gaza. Observers expressed alarm over Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz' Tuesday affirmation of a plan to force all Palestinians in Gaza into a camp at the southern tip of the strip.
"There is no such thing as voluntary displacement amongst a population that has been under constant bombardment for nearly two years and has been cut off from essential aid," Jeremy Konyndyk, president of the advocacy group Refugees International and a former senior official at the U.S. Agency for International Development, told Reuters.
Most Palestinians are vehemently opposed to what they say would amount to a second Nakba, the forced displacement of more than 750,000 people from Palestine during and after the 1948 establishment of the modern state of Israel.
"This is our land," one Palestinian man, Mansour Abu Al-Khaier, told The Times of Israel on Tuesday. "Who would we leave it to, where would we go?"
Another Gazan, Abu Samir el-Fakaawi, told the newspaper: "I will not leave Gaza. This is my country. Our children who were martyred in the war are buried here. Our families. Our friends. Our cousins. We are all buried here. Whether Trump or Netanyahu or anyone else likes it or not, we are staying on this land."
Officials at the United Nations—whose judicial body, the International Court of Justice, is weighing a genocide case against Israel brought by South Africa and supported by around two dozen countries—condemned any forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza.
"This raises concerns with regards to forcible transfer—the concept of voluntary transfers in the context that we are seeing in Gaza right now [is] very questionable," Ravina Shamdasani, a spokesperson for the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, said Tuesday.
The high court's decision to "release the president's wrecking ball at the outset of this litigation," said Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, "is not only truly unfortunate but also hubristic and senseless."
The U.S. Supreme Court on Tuesday lifted a block on U.S. President Donald Trump's February executive order directing federal agency leaders to "promptly undertake preparations to initiate large-scale reductions in force" and a related memorandum.
In response to a lawsuit filed by a coalition of labor unions, local governments, and nonprofits, Judge Susan Illston—appointed to the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California by former President Bill Clinton—had issued a temporary restraining order and then a preliminary injunction, which was upheld by the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals in May.
That legal battle led to the Supreme Court's shadow docket, where emergency decisions don't have to be signed. The Tuesday opinion from the high court's unidentified majority states that Illston's injunction was based on a view that Trump's order implementing his Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) "Workforce Optimization Initiative" and a joint memo from the Office of Management and Budget and the Office of Personnel Management "are unlawful."
"Because the government is likely to succeed on its argument that the executive order and memorandum are lawful—and because the other factors bearing on whether to grant a stay are satisfied—we grant the application," the Supreme Court continued, emphasizing that the justices did not weigh in on the legality of any related agency reduction in force (RIF) and reorganization plans.
BREAKING: The Supreme Court allows the Trump administration to resume agency mass-firing plans over the dissent of Justice Jackson, who criticized "this Court’s demonstrated enthusiasm for greenlighting this President’s legally dubious actions in an emergency posture." More to come at Law Dork:
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— Chris Geidner (@chrisgeidner.bsky.social) July 8, 2025 at 3:54 PM
Only Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson publicly dissented on Tuesday. Another liberal, Justice Sonia Sotomayor, wrote in a short concurrence that "the plans themselves are not before this court, at this stage, and we thus have no occasion to consider whether they can and will be carried out consistent with the constraints of law. I join the court's stay because it leaves the district court free to consider those questions in the first instance."
Meanwhile, Jackson argued that "given the fact-based nature of the issue in this case and the many serious harms that result from allowing the president to dramatically reconfigure the federal government, it was eminently reasonable for the district court to maintain the status quo while the courts evaluate the lawfulness of the president's executive action."
She continued:
At bottom, this case is about whether that action amounts to a structural overhaul that usurps Congress' policymaking prerogatives—and it is hard to imagine deciding that question in any meaningful way after those changes have happened. Yet, for some reason, this court sees fit to step in now and release the president's wrecking ball at the outset of this litigation.
In my view, this decision is not only truly unfortunate but also hubristic and senseless. Lower court judges have their fingers on the pulse of what is happening on the ground and are indisputably best positioned to determine the relevant facts—including those that underlie fair assessments of the merits, harms, and equities. I see no basis to conclude that the district court erred—let alone clearly so—in finding that the president is attempting to fundamentally restructure the federal government.
Mark Joseph Stern, who covers the courts for Slate, said on social media that "Justice Jackson's criticism is spot-on, of course. But as Justice Sotomayor's concurrence suggests, SCOTUS' order looks like a negotiated compromise that leaves the district court room to block future RIFs and agency 'restructuring.' So the damage is limited."
"The real test will be what happens once agencies start to develop and implement plans for mass firings—which will, by and large, be illegal," he warned. "District courts still have discretion, for now, to stop them. Will SCOTUS freeze their orders and let unlawful RIFs and restructurings proceed? I fear it will."
Trump’s firings at federal agencies have upended the lives of thousands of workers.These are the people who oversee air safety, food and drug safety, disaster response, public health, and much more.Replacing civil servants with Trump loyalists is right out of Project 2025.
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— Robert Reich (@rbreich.bsky.social) July 8, 2025 at 5:13 PM
The coalition that challenged the order and memo includes the American Federation of Government Employees and four AFGE locals; American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME); Service Employees International Union and three SEIU Locals; Alliance for Retired Americans; American Geophysical Union; American Public Health Association; Center for Taxpayer Rights; Coalition to Protect America's National Parks; Common Defense; Main Street Alliance; Natural Resources Defense Council; Northeast Organic Farming Association Inc.; VoteVets; and Western Watersheds Project.
It also includes the governments of Baltimore, Maryland; Chicago, Illinois; Harris County, Texas; King County, Washington; and both San Francisco and Santa Clara County in California.
"Today's decision has dealt a serious blow to our democracy and puts services that the American people rely on in grave jeopardy," the coalition said Tuesday. "This decision does not change the simple and clear fact that reorganizing government functions and laying off federal workers en masse haphazardly without any congressional approval is not allowed by our Constitution."
"While we are disappointed in this decision," the coalition added, "we will continue to fight on behalf of the communities we represent and argue this case to protect critical public services that we rely on to stay safe and healthy."
Congressman Robert Garcia (D-Calif.), ranking member of the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, was similarly critical but determined on Tuesday.
"The Trump-appointed Supreme Court just surrendered to a dangerous vision for America, letting the administration gut federal agencies by firing expert civil servants," he said. " The damage from these mass firings will last for decades, and weaken the government’s ability to respond to disasters and provide essential benefits and services. Oversight Democrats will not sit back as Trump turns the court into a political weapon. We will keep fighting to protect the American people and prevent the destruction of our federal agencies."
"These figures represent a continuing and massive transfer of wealth from taxpayers to fund war and weapons manufacturing," said the project's director.
Less than a week after U.S. President Donald Trump signed a budget package that pushes annual military spending past $1 trillion, researchers on Tuesday published a report detailing how much major Pentagon contractors have raked in since 2020.
Sharing The Guardian's exclusive coverage of the paper on social media, U.K.-based climate scientist Bill McGuire wrote: "Are you a U.S. taxpayer? I am sure you will be delighted to know where $2.4 TRILLION of your money has gone."
The report from the Costs of War Project at Brown University's Watson School of International and Public Affairs and the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft shows that from 2020-24 private firms received $2.4 trillion in Department of Defense contracts, or roughly 54% of DOD's $4.4 trillion in discretionary spending for that five-year period.
The publication highlights that "during those five years, $771 billion in Pentagon contracts went to just five firms: Lockheed Martin ($313 billion), RTX (formerly Raytheon, $145 billion), Boeing ($115 billion), General Dynamics ($116 billion), and Northrop Grumman ($81 billion)."
In a statement about the findings, Stephanie Savell, director of the Costs of War Project, said that "these figures represent a continuing and massive transfer of wealth from taxpayers to fund war and weapons manufacturing."
"This is not an arsenal of democracy—it's an arsenal of profiteering," Savell added. "We should keep the enormous and growing power of the arms industry in mind as we assess the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and globally."
Between 2020 and 2024, $771 billion in Pentagon contracts went to just five firms: Lockheed Martin, RTX, Boeing, General Dynamics, and Northrop Grumman. By comparison, the total diplomacy, development, and humanitarian aid budget, excluding military aid, was $356 billion. [5/12]
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— The Costs of War Project (@costsofwar.bsky.social) July 8, 2025 at 2:43 PM
The paper points out that "by comparison, the total diplomacy, development, and humanitarian aid budget, excluding military aid, was $356 billion. In other words, the U.S. government invested over twice as much money in five weapons companies as in diplomacy and international assistance."
"Record arms transfers have further boosted the bottom lines of weapons firms," the document details. "These companies have benefited from tens of billions of dollars in military aid to Israel and Ukraine, paid for by U.S. taxpayers. U.S. military aid to Israel was over $18 billion in just the first year following October 2023; military aid to Ukraine totals $65 billion since the Russian invasion in 2022 through 2025."
"Additionally, a surge in foreign-funded arms sales to European allies, paid for by the recipient nations—over $170 billion in 2023 and 2024 alone—have provided additional revenue to arms contractors over and above the funds they receive directly from the Pentagon," the paper adds.
The 23-page report stresses that "annual U.S. military spending has grown significantly this century," as presidents from both major parties have waged a so-called Global War on Terror and the DOD has continuously failed to pass an audit.
Specifically, according to the paper, "the Pentagon's discretionary budget—the annual funding approved by Congress and the large majority of its overall budget—rose from $507 billion in 2000 to $843 billion in 2025 (in constant 2025 dollars), a 66% increase. Including military spending outside the Pentagon—primarily nuclear weapons programs at the Department of Energy, counterterrorism operations at the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and other military activities officially classified under 'Budget Function 050'— total military spending grew from $531 billion in 2000 to $899 billion in 2025, a 69% increase."
Republicans' One Big Beautiful Bill Act passed earlier this month "adds $156 billion to this year's total, pushing the 2025 military budget to $1.06 trillion," the document notes. "After taking into account this supplemental funding, the U.S. military budget has nearly doubled this century, increasing 99% since 2000."
Noting that "taxpayers are expected to fund a $1 trillion Pentagon budget," Security Policy Reform Institute co-founder Stephen Semler said the paper, which he co-authored, "illustrates what they'll be paying for: a historic redistribution of wealth from the public to private industry.”
Semler produced the report with William Hartung, senior research fellow at the Quincy Institute. Hartung said that "high Pentagon budgets are often justified because the funds are 'for the troops.'"
"But as this paper shows, the majority of the department's budget goes to corporations, money that has as much to do with special interest lobbying as it does with any rational defense planning," he continued. "Much of this funding has been wasted on dysfunctional or overpriced weapons systems and extravagant compensation packages."
The arms industry has used an array of tools of influence to create an atmosphere where a Pentagon budget that is $1 trillion per year is deemed “not enough” by some members of Congress. [9/12]
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— The Costs of War Project (@costsofwar.bsky.social) July 8, 2025 at 2:43 PM
In addition to spotlighting how U.S. military budgets funnel billions of dollars to contractors each year, the report shines a light on the various ways the industry influences politics.
"The ongoing influence of the arms industry over Congress operates through tens of millions in campaign contributions and the employment of 950 lobbyists, as of 2024," the publication explains. "Military contractors also shape military policy and lobby to increase military spending by funding think tanks and serving on government commissions."
"Senior officials in government often go easy on major weapons companies so as not to ruin their chances of getting lucrative positions with them upon leaving government service," the report notes. "For its part, the emerging military tech sector has opened a new version of the revolving door—the movement of ex-military officers and senior Pentagon officials, not to arms companies per se, but to the venture capital firms that invest in Silicon Valley arms industry startups."
The paper concludes by arguing that "the U.S. needs stronger congressional and public scrutiny of both current and emerging weapons contractors to avoid wasteful spending and reckless decision-making on issues of war and peace. Profits should not drive policy."
"In particular," it adds, "the role of Silicon Valley startups and the venture capital firms that support them needs to be better understood and debated as the U.S. crafts a new foreign policy strategy that avoids unnecessary wars and prioritizes cooperation over confrontation."