(Photo: AP)
Jun 17, 2015
Legislative maneuvering around Trade Promotion Authority (TPA or Fast Track) continued late Tuesday, as GOP leaders in Congress, the Obama administration, and a handful of anti-democracy Democrats hatched a plan to hold a straight vote on Fast Track--handing the White House the authority it wants to pass the Trans-Pacific Partnership and other pending corporate-friendly agreements--while separating out a provision offering assistance to workers displaced by future trade deals.
It's not a simple or guaranteed path forward for Fast Track, but Politicoexplained the GOP leadership's latest approach this way:
Under the emerging plan, the House would vote on a bill that would give Obama fast-track authority to negotiate a sweeping trade deal with Pacific Rim countries, sending it to the Senate for final approval. To alleviate Democratic concerns, the Senate then would amend a separate bill on trade preferences to include Trade Adjustment Assistance, a worker aid program that Republicans oppose but that House Democrats have blocked to gain leverage in the negotiations over fast-track.
The leaders' behind-the-scenes machinations are an attempt to allow both bills -- TAA and the fast-track measure known as Trade Promotion Authority -- to move to Obama's desk separately, sidestepping the objections of House Democrats that stalled the package last week. The idea, which has been discussed among top congressional leaders and the White House, would be tantamount to a dare to pro-trade Democrats in both chambers to vote it down.
The plans are fluid and could change. But multiple congressional leaders, speaking anonymously to candidly describe their strategy, said they felt this was the only hope to reverse the trade package's flagging fortunes.
The big question in the House remains how many of the 28 House Democrats who voted for Fast Track when the worker assistance program, known as Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA), was on the table would do so now that it's been taken off. But even if the GOP-controlled House passes a clean Fast Track bill, the path in the Senate will not likely be smooth sailing. As The Hillnotes, when the Senate approved Fast Track, it included "both programs, and the support from 14 Democrats in the upper chamber hinged in part on that fact."
And according to the Huffington Post:
As rumors swirled about Boehner being ready to move forward with a stand-alone TPA bill, House Democrats called for an emergency caucus meeting on Wednesday morning, where pro-TPA Democrats were expected to try to garner support for the Republican strategy. That meeting was abruptly canceled late Tuesday, after the House Rules Committee opted not to line up a floor vote on a clean fast-track bill. A committee aide said the panel had no plans to meet again this week to take up TPA.
Despite the committee's punt on Tuesday, House Republican leaders appear ready to push through a clean TPA bill. Their latest strategy, according to Democratic and Republican aides, is to pass the clean bill and send it to the Senate, where lawmakers would then attach TAA to a separate trade bill for African countries, the African Growth and Opportunity Act. The strategy behind that approach would be to convince members of the Congressional Black Caucus to support TAA this time around, since the controversial funding would then be tied to AGOA.
If House Republicans do pursue a stand-alone TPA bill, it won't necessarily make matters better for the president's agenda. Passing a clean bill would be far more difficult in the Senate. Obama has vowed to veto a fast-track bill unless TAA is also passed or attached, and passing a clean bill would be far more difficult in the Senate.
Sen. McConnell, President Obama, and House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) have been discussing their options since the defeat last Friday, but on Tuesday, McConnell expressed the most optimism that Fast Track could still become law in the coming weeks.
"The Speaker and I have spoken with the president about the way forward on trade," McConnell told reporters. "It's still my hope that we can achieve what we've set out to achieve together, which is to get a six-year trade promotion authority bill in place that will advantage the next occupant of the White House as well as this one."
Critics of both the TPP and Fast Track point out that machinations necessary to get them passed through Congress bodes poorly for the contents of the corporate-friendly agreements themselves. As David Morris, executive director of the Institute for Local Self-Reliance, argued in a piece at Common Dreams on Tuesday, the whole process stinks of an anti-democratic culture in which the contents of so-called "free trade" deals are being actively kept secret from the people--even as lawmakers jump through procedural hoop after procedural hoop for multinational corporations to get what they want. Moving forward, hope opponents, Congress should consider how the process has eclipsed substantive debate over the trade agenda's wide-ranging implications for public health, the environment, and workers' rights. According to Morris:
We the people would like it to be as transparent and democratic as possible. Public opinion consistently favors trade but just as consistently solidly opposes fast track. We oppose the remarkable, indeed unprecedented secrecy in which the trade pact has been drafted and the inability of the average citizen, unlike giant corporations, to play a part in that drafting. We condemn the prohibition against changing the document in any way after submission.
And perhaps most of all we are furious about fast track's foreclosure of extensive and intensive debate on a complex document of far reaching consequence.
Morris noted that the existing system ostensibly allows for such debate, explaining that Obama, as president, can always submit a trade agreement--which historically were considered treaties and required approval of the Senate for passage. "If fast track fails the President can still submit a trade bill," Morris explained. "And we can then launch a much needed and long overdue national conversation about the benefits and limitations of trade and the dangers of ceding sovereignty to a new international constitution whose goal is to limit democracy and expand corpocracy."
According to the Huffington Post, the White House has been "coy about what efforts are being made behind the scenes to get the trade package passed. " Previous reporting by Common Dreams makes it clear that the political "arm-twisting" is happening at the highest levels.
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Legislative maneuvering around Trade Promotion Authority (TPA or Fast Track) continued late Tuesday, as GOP leaders in Congress, the Obama administration, and a handful of anti-democracy Democrats hatched a plan to hold a straight vote on Fast Track--handing the White House the authority it wants to pass the Trans-Pacific Partnership and other pending corporate-friendly agreements--while separating out a provision offering assistance to workers displaced by future trade deals.
It's not a simple or guaranteed path forward for Fast Track, but Politicoexplained the GOP leadership's latest approach this way:
Under the emerging plan, the House would vote on a bill that would give Obama fast-track authority to negotiate a sweeping trade deal with Pacific Rim countries, sending it to the Senate for final approval. To alleviate Democratic concerns, the Senate then would amend a separate bill on trade preferences to include Trade Adjustment Assistance, a worker aid program that Republicans oppose but that House Democrats have blocked to gain leverage in the negotiations over fast-track.
The leaders' behind-the-scenes machinations are an attempt to allow both bills -- TAA and the fast-track measure known as Trade Promotion Authority -- to move to Obama's desk separately, sidestepping the objections of House Democrats that stalled the package last week. The idea, which has been discussed among top congressional leaders and the White House, would be tantamount to a dare to pro-trade Democrats in both chambers to vote it down.
The plans are fluid and could change. But multiple congressional leaders, speaking anonymously to candidly describe their strategy, said they felt this was the only hope to reverse the trade package's flagging fortunes.
The big question in the House remains how many of the 28 House Democrats who voted for Fast Track when the worker assistance program, known as Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA), was on the table would do so now that it's been taken off. But even if the GOP-controlled House passes a clean Fast Track bill, the path in the Senate will not likely be smooth sailing. As The Hillnotes, when the Senate approved Fast Track, it included "both programs, and the support from 14 Democrats in the upper chamber hinged in part on that fact."
And according to the Huffington Post:
As rumors swirled about Boehner being ready to move forward with a stand-alone TPA bill, House Democrats called for an emergency caucus meeting on Wednesday morning, where pro-TPA Democrats were expected to try to garner support for the Republican strategy. That meeting was abruptly canceled late Tuesday, after the House Rules Committee opted not to line up a floor vote on a clean fast-track bill. A committee aide said the panel had no plans to meet again this week to take up TPA.
Despite the committee's punt on Tuesday, House Republican leaders appear ready to push through a clean TPA bill. Their latest strategy, according to Democratic and Republican aides, is to pass the clean bill and send it to the Senate, where lawmakers would then attach TAA to a separate trade bill for African countries, the African Growth and Opportunity Act. The strategy behind that approach would be to convince members of the Congressional Black Caucus to support TAA this time around, since the controversial funding would then be tied to AGOA.
If House Republicans do pursue a stand-alone TPA bill, it won't necessarily make matters better for the president's agenda. Passing a clean bill would be far more difficult in the Senate. Obama has vowed to veto a fast-track bill unless TAA is also passed or attached, and passing a clean bill would be far more difficult in the Senate.
Sen. McConnell, President Obama, and House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) have been discussing their options since the defeat last Friday, but on Tuesday, McConnell expressed the most optimism that Fast Track could still become law in the coming weeks.
"The Speaker and I have spoken with the president about the way forward on trade," McConnell told reporters. "It's still my hope that we can achieve what we've set out to achieve together, which is to get a six-year trade promotion authority bill in place that will advantage the next occupant of the White House as well as this one."
Critics of both the TPP and Fast Track point out that machinations necessary to get them passed through Congress bodes poorly for the contents of the corporate-friendly agreements themselves. As David Morris, executive director of the Institute for Local Self-Reliance, argued in a piece at Common Dreams on Tuesday, the whole process stinks of an anti-democratic culture in which the contents of so-called "free trade" deals are being actively kept secret from the people--even as lawmakers jump through procedural hoop after procedural hoop for multinational corporations to get what they want. Moving forward, hope opponents, Congress should consider how the process has eclipsed substantive debate over the trade agenda's wide-ranging implications for public health, the environment, and workers' rights. According to Morris:
We the people would like it to be as transparent and democratic as possible. Public opinion consistently favors trade but just as consistently solidly opposes fast track. We oppose the remarkable, indeed unprecedented secrecy in which the trade pact has been drafted and the inability of the average citizen, unlike giant corporations, to play a part in that drafting. We condemn the prohibition against changing the document in any way after submission.
And perhaps most of all we are furious about fast track's foreclosure of extensive and intensive debate on a complex document of far reaching consequence.
Morris noted that the existing system ostensibly allows for such debate, explaining that Obama, as president, can always submit a trade agreement--which historically were considered treaties and required approval of the Senate for passage. "If fast track fails the President can still submit a trade bill," Morris explained. "And we can then launch a much needed and long overdue national conversation about the benefits and limitations of trade and the dangers of ceding sovereignty to a new international constitution whose goal is to limit democracy and expand corpocracy."
According to the Huffington Post, the White House has been "coy about what efforts are being made behind the scenes to get the trade package passed. " Previous reporting by Common Dreams makes it clear that the political "arm-twisting" is happening at the highest levels.
Legislative maneuvering around Trade Promotion Authority (TPA or Fast Track) continued late Tuesday, as GOP leaders in Congress, the Obama administration, and a handful of anti-democracy Democrats hatched a plan to hold a straight vote on Fast Track--handing the White House the authority it wants to pass the Trans-Pacific Partnership and other pending corporate-friendly agreements--while separating out a provision offering assistance to workers displaced by future trade deals.
It's not a simple or guaranteed path forward for Fast Track, but Politicoexplained the GOP leadership's latest approach this way:
Under the emerging plan, the House would vote on a bill that would give Obama fast-track authority to negotiate a sweeping trade deal with Pacific Rim countries, sending it to the Senate for final approval. To alleviate Democratic concerns, the Senate then would amend a separate bill on trade preferences to include Trade Adjustment Assistance, a worker aid program that Republicans oppose but that House Democrats have blocked to gain leverage in the negotiations over fast-track.
The leaders' behind-the-scenes machinations are an attempt to allow both bills -- TAA and the fast-track measure known as Trade Promotion Authority -- to move to Obama's desk separately, sidestepping the objections of House Democrats that stalled the package last week. The idea, which has been discussed among top congressional leaders and the White House, would be tantamount to a dare to pro-trade Democrats in both chambers to vote it down.
The plans are fluid and could change. But multiple congressional leaders, speaking anonymously to candidly describe their strategy, said they felt this was the only hope to reverse the trade package's flagging fortunes.
The big question in the House remains how many of the 28 House Democrats who voted for Fast Track when the worker assistance program, known as Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA), was on the table would do so now that it's been taken off. But even if the GOP-controlled House passes a clean Fast Track bill, the path in the Senate will not likely be smooth sailing. As The Hillnotes, when the Senate approved Fast Track, it included "both programs, and the support from 14 Democrats in the upper chamber hinged in part on that fact."
And according to the Huffington Post:
As rumors swirled about Boehner being ready to move forward with a stand-alone TPA bill, House Democrats called for an emergency caucus meeting on Wednesday morning, where pro-TPA Democrats were expected to try to garner support for the Republican strategy. That meeting was abruptly canceled late Tuesday, after the House Rules Committee opted not to line up a floor vote on a clean fast-track bill. A committee aide said the panel had no plans to meet again this week to take up TPA.
Despite the committee's punt on Tuesday, House Republican leaders appear ready to push through a clean TPA bill. Their latest strategy, according to Democratic and Republican aides, is to pass the clean bill and send it to the Senate, where lawmakers would then attach TAA to a separate trade bill for African countries, the African Growth and Opportunity Act. The strategy behind that approach would be to convince members of the Congressional Black Caucus to support TAA this time around, since the controversial funding would then be tied to AGOA.
If House Republicans do pursue a stand-alone TPA bill, it won't necessarily make matters better for the president's agenda. Passing a clean bill would be far more difficult in the Senate. Obama has vowed to veto a fast-track bill unless TAA is also passed or attached, and passing a clean bill would be far more difficult in the Senate.
Sen. McConnell, President Obama, and House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) have been discussing their options since the defeat last Friday, but on Tuesday, McConnell expressed the most optimism that Fast Track could still become law in the coming weeks.
"The Speaker and I have spoken with the president about the way forward on trade," McConnell told reporters. "It's still my hope that we can achieve what we've set out to achieve together, which is to get a six-year trade promotion authority bill in place that will advantage the next occupant of the White House as well as this one."
Critics of both the TPP and Fast Track point out that machinations necessary to get them passed through Congress bodes poorly for the contents of the corporate-friendly agreements themselves. As David Morris, executive director of the Institute for Local Self-Reliance, argued in a piece at Common Dreams on Tuesday, the whole process stinks of an anti-democratic culture in which the contents of so-called "free trade" deals are being actively kept secret from the people--even as lawmakers jump through procedural hoop after procedural hoop for multinational corporations to get what they want. Moving forward, hope opponents, Congress should consider how the process has eclipsed substantive debate over the trade agenda's wide-ranging implications for public health, the environment, and workers' rights. According to Morris:
We the people would like it to be as transparent and democratic as possible. Public opinion consistently favors trade but just as consistently solidly opposes fast track. We oppose the remarkable, indeed unprecedented secrecy in which the trade pact has been drafted and the inability of the average citizen, unlike giant corporations, to play a part in that drafting. We condemn the prohibition against changing the document in any way after submission.
And perhaps most of all we are furious about fast track's foreclosure of extensive and intensive debate on a complex document of far reaching consequence.
Morris noted that the existing system ostensibly allows for such debate, explaining that Obama, as president, can always submit a trade agreement--which historically were considered treaties and required approval of the Senate for passage. "If fast track fails the President can still submit a trade bill," Morris explained. "And we can then launch a much needed and long overdue national conversation about the benefits and limitations of trade and the dangers of ceding sovereignty to a new international constitution whose goal is to limit democracy and expand corpocracy."
According to the Huffington Post, the White House has been "coy about what efforts are being made behind the scenes to get the trade package passed. " Previous reporting by Common Dreams makes it clear that the political "arm-twisting" is happening at the highest levels.
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