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"What a dangerous edifice war is, how easily it may fall to pieces and bury us in its ruins," wrote Carl von Clausewitz, the 19th-century Prussian general and military theorist, in his seminal text "On War", close to 200 years ago. These lines came from the chapter "Information in War", a topic

Manning's conviction sparked momentary interest among members of the elite media in the US, who spent scant time at the two-month court-martial, located just miles north of Washington DC, Manning's supporters expressed relief that he was found not guilty of the most serious charge, aiding the enemy, which would likely have carried a sentence of life in prison. He was convicted on 20 of 22 charges, and could face up to 136 years in prison. The sentencing hearing is underway.
"Bradley Manning's alleged disclosures have exposed war crimes, sparked revolutions and induced democratic reforms," Assange said from the embassy. "He is the quintessential whistle-blower." Interestingly, former Defense Secretary Robert Gates wrote about the leaks to Senator Carl Levin in 2010, saying,
The review to date has not revealed any sensitive intelligence sources and methods compromised by this disclosure.
Manning made a statement at the start of the court-martial, wherein he took responsibility for the leaks, but, importantly, expressed his motivation. He commented specifically on the Apache attack helicopter video that recorded the slaughter of a dozen civilians in Baghdad on 12 July 2007. Two of those killed worked for the Reuters news agency, cameraman Namir Noor-Eldeen, 22, and his driver, Saeed Chmagh, a father of four.
We can listen to Manning in his own words, thanks to an unauthorized audio recording of his statement, anonymously leaked. He said:
The most alarming aspect of the video to me was the seeming delightful blood-lust the aerial weapons team happened to have. They dehumanized the individuals they were engaging and seemed to not value human life, and referred to them as quote-unquote 'dead bastards,' and congratulated each other on their ability to kill in large numbers. ... For me, this seemed similar to a child torturing ants with a magnifying glass.
One of the charges for which Manning was found guilty was "wanton publication". It's unprecedented in military law. Manning's lawyer called it a made-up offense. The real offense, for which no one has been charged, is the wanton disregard for human life that Manning exposed.
Manning's leak gave Reuters, and the world, a graphic view of the horror of modern war, of the violent death of two media workers in the line of duty.
As the young soldier also said in his eloquent statement, "I believed that if the general public, especially the American public, had access to the information contained [in the leaks], it could spark a domestic debate on the role of the military and our foreign policy in general as it related to Iraq and Afghanistan."
Indeed, he did spark such a debate. The latest wave of disclosures, from Edward Snowden, has only intensified the debate, with a rare bipartisan coalition in Congress growing to clamp down on what many see as a runaway national-security state. Although a legislative amendment by Republican Justin Amash and Democrat John Conyers in the US House of Representatives was narrowly defeated last week, the two have authored a stand-alone bill, HR 2399, that will do the same.
Carl von Clausewitz wrote, "The great uncertainty of all data in war is a peculiar difficulty, because all action must, to a certain extent, be planned in a mere twilight." Manning took incredibly courageous actions to release data, to pierce the fog of war, to make public the machinations of modern American war-making. Edward Snowden has exposed the sophistication and extraordinary reach of the US surveillance state, cracking down on those who would dare to release information. And Julian Assange sits within the four walls of his embassy redoubt, persecuted for the crime of publishing. Yet those who planned the wars, those who committed war crimes, those who conduct illegal spying, for now, walk free.
* Denis Moynihan contributed research to this column
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
"What a dangerous edifice war is, how easily it may fall to pieces and bury us in its ruins," wrote Carl von Clausewitz, the 19th-century Prussian general and military theorist, in his seminal text "On War", close to 200 years ago. These lines came from the chapter "Information in War", a topic

Manning's conviction sparked momentary interest among members of the elite media in the US, who spent scant time at the two-month court-martial, located just miles north of Washington DC, Manning's supporters expressed relief that he was found not guilty of the most serious charge, aiding the enemy, which would likely have carried a sentence of life in prison. He was convicted on 20 of 22 charges, and could face up to 136 years in prison. The sentencing hearing is underway.
"Bradley Manning's alleged disclosures have exposed war crimes, sparked revolutions and induced democratic reforms," Assange said from the embassy. "He is the quintessential whistle-blower." Interestingly, former Defense Secretary Robert Gates wrote about the leaks to Senator Carl Levin in 2010, saying,
The review to date has not revealed any sensitive intelligence sources and methods compromised by this disclosure.
Manning made a statement at the start of the court-martial, wherein he took responsibility for the leaks, but, importantly, expressed his motivation. He commented specifically on the Apache attack helicopter video that recorded the slaughter of a dozen civilians in Baghdad on 12 July 2007. Two of those killed worked for the Reuters news agency, cameraman Namir Noor-Eldeen, 22, and his driver, Saeed Chmagh, a father of four.
We can listen to Manning in his own words, thanks to an unauthorized audio recording of his statement, anonymously leaked. He said:
The most alarming aspect of the video to me was the seeming delightful blood-lust the aerial weapons team happened to have. They dehumanized the individuals they were engaging and seemed to not value human life, and referred to them as quote-unquote 'dead bastards,' and congratulated each other on their ability to kill in large numbers. ... For me, this seemed similar to a child torturing ants with a magnifying glass.
One of the charges for which Manning was found guilty was "wanton publication". It's unprecedented in military law. Manning's lawyer called it a made-up offense. The real offense, for which no one has been charged, is the wanton disregard for human life that Manning exposed.
Manning's leak gave Reuters, and the world, a graphic view of the horror of modern war, of the violent death of two media workers in the line of duty.
As the young soldier also said in his eloquent statement, "I believed that if the general public, especially the American public, had access to the information contained [in the leaks], it could spark a domestic debate on the role of the military and our foreign policy in general as it related to Iraq and Afghanistan."
Indeed, he did spark such a debate. The latest wave of disclosures, from Edward Snowden, has only intensified the debate, with a rare bipartisan coalition in Congress growing to clamp down on what many see as a runaway national-security state. Although a legislative amendment by Republican Justin Amash and Democrat John Conyers in the US House of Representatives was narrowly defeated last week, the two have authored a stand-alone bill, HR 2399, that will do the same.
Carl von Clausewitz wrote, "The great uncertainty of all data in war is a peculiar difficulty, because all action must, to a certain extent, be planned in a mere twilight." Manning took incredibly courageous actions to release data, to pierce the fog of war, to make public the machinations of modern American war-making. Edward Snowden has exposed the sophistication and extraordinary reach of the US surveillance state, cracking down on those who would dare to release information. And Julian Assange sits within the four walls of his embassy redoubt, persecuted for the crime of publishing. Yet those who planned the wars, those who committed war crimes, those who conduct illegal spying, for now, walk free.
* Denis Moynihan contributed research to this column
"What a dangerous edifice war is, how easily it may fall to pieces and bury us in its ruins," wrote Carl von Clausewitz, the 19th-century Prussian general and military theorist, in his seminal text "On War", close to 200 years ago. These lines came from the chapter "Information in War", a topic

Manning's conviction sparked momentary interest among members of the elite media in the US, who spent scant time at the two-month court-martial, located just miles north of Washington DC, Manning's supporters expressed relief that he was found not guilty of the most serious charge, aiding the enemy, which would likely have carried a sentence of life in prison. He was convicted on 20 of 22 charges, and could face up to 136 years in prison. The sentencing hearing is underway.
"Bradley Manning's alleged disclosures have exposed war crimes, sparked revolutions and induced democratic reforms," Assange said from the embassy. "He is the quintessential whistle-blower." Interestingly, former Defense Secretary Robert Gates wrote about the leaks to Senator Carl Levin in 2010, saying,
The review to date has not revealed any sensitive intelligence sources and methods compromised by this disclosure.
Manning made a statement at the start of the court-martial, wherein he took responsibility for the leaks, but, importantly, expressed his motivation. He commented specifically on the Apache attack helicopter video that recorded the slaughter of a dozen civilians in Baghdad on 12 July 2007. Two of those killed worked for the Reuters news agency, cameraman Namir Noor-Eldeen, 22, and his driver, Saeed Chmagh, a father of four.
We can listen to Manning in his own words, thanks to an unauthorized audio recording of his statement, anonymously leaked. He said:
The most alarming aspect of the video to me was the seeming delightful blood-lust the aerial weapons team happened to have. They dehumanized the individuals they were engaging and seemed to not value human life, and referred to them as quote-unquote 'dead bastards,' and congratulated each other on their ability to kill in large numbers. ... For me, this seemed similar to a child torturing ants with a magnifying glass.
One of the charges for which Manning was found guilty was "wanton publication". It's unprecedented in military law. Manning's lawyer called it a made-up offense. The real offense, for which no one has been charged, is the wanton disregard for human life that Manning exposed.
Manning's leak gave Reuters, and the world, a graphic view of the horror of modern war, of the violent death of two media workers in the line of duty.
As the young soldier also said in his eloquent statement, "I believed that if the general public, especially the American public, had access to the information contained [in the leaks], it could spark a domestic debate on the role of the military and our foreign policy in general as it related to Iraq and Afghanistan."
Indeed, he did spark such a debate. The latest wave of disclosures, from Edward Snowden, has only intensified the debate, with a rare bipartisan coalition in Congress growing to clamp down on what many see as a runaway national-security state. Although a legislative amendment by Republican Justin Amash and Democrat John Conyers in the US House of Representatives was narrowly defeated last week, the two have authored a stand-alone bill, HR 2399, that will do the same.
Carl von Clausewitz wrote, "The great uncertainty of all data in war is a peculiar difficulty, because all action must, to a certain extent, be planned in a mere twilight." Manning took incredibly courageous actions to release data, to pierce the fog of war, to make public the machinations of modern American war-making. Edward Snowden has exposed the sophistication and extraordinary reach of the US surveillance state, cracking down on those who would dare to release information. And Julian Assange sits within the four walls of his embassy redoubt, persecuted for the crime of publishing. Yet those who planned the wars, those who committed war crimes, those who conduct illegal spying, for now, walk free.
* Denis Moynihan contributed research to this column