Shadow Wars

Sudan:
The two F-16s caught the trucks deep in the northern desert. Within
minutes, the column of vehicles was a string of shattered wrecks
burning fiercely in the January sun. Surveillance drones spotted a few
vehicles that had survived the storm of bombs and cannon shells, and
the fighter-bombers returned to finish the job.

Syria: Four Blackhawk helicopters skimmed
across the Iraqi border, landing at a small farmhouse near the town of
al-Sukkariyeh. Black-clad soldiers poured from the choppers, laying
down a withering hail of automatic weapons fire. When the shooting
stopped, eight Syrians lay dead on the ground. Four others, cuffed and
blindfolded, were dragged to the helicopters, which vanished back into
Iraq.

Pakistan: a group of villagers were sipping tea in a courtyard when
the world exploded. The Hellfire missiles seemed to come out of
nowhere, scattering pieces of their victims across the village and
demolishing several houses. Between January 14, 2006 and April 8, 2009,
60 such attacks took place. They killed 14 wanted al-Qaeda members along with 687 civilians.

In each of the above incidents, no country took responsibility or
claimed credit. There were no sharp exchanges of diplomatic notes
before the attacks, just sudden death and mayhem.

War without Declaration

The F-16s were Israeli, their target an alleged shipment of arms
headed for the Gaza Strip. The Blackhawk soldiers were likely from Task Force 88,
an ultra-secret U.S. Special Forces group. The Pakistanis were victims
of a Predator drone directed from an airbase in southern Nevada.

Each attack was an act of war and drew angry responses from the
country whose sovereignty was violated. But since no one admitted
carrying them out, the diplomatic protests had no place to go.

The "privatization" of war, with its use of armed mercenaries, has
come under heavy scrutiny, especially since a 2007 incident in Baghdad
in which guards from Blackwater USA (now Xe) went on a shooting spree,
killing 17 Iraqis and wounding scores of others. But the
"covertization" of war has remained largely in the shadows. The
attackers in the Sudan, Syria, and Pakistan were not private
contractors, but U.S. and Israeli soldiers.

Assassination Teams

In his book The War Within, TheWashington Post's Bob Woodward disclosed
that the U.S. military has developed "secret operational capabilities"
to "locate, target, and kill key individuals in extremist groups."

In a recent interview during a Great Conversations event at the University of Minnesota, two-time Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative journalist Seymour Hersh revealed
a U.S. military "executive assassination ring," part of the Joint
Special Operations Command (JSOC). Hersh says that "Congress has no
oversight" over the program.

According to a 2004 classified document,
the United States has the right to attack "terrorists" in some 15 to 20
nations, including Pakistan, Syria, and Iran. The Israeli military has
long used "targeted assassinations" to eliminate Tel Aviv's enemies.
U.S. and NATO "assassination teams" have emerged in Iraq and
Afghanistan, where, according to the UN, they have killed scores of
people. Philip Alston of the UN Human Rights Council charges
that secret "international intelligence services" allied with local
militias are killing Afghan civilians and then hiding behind an
"impenetrable" wall of bureaucracy.

When Alston protested the killing of two brothers in Kandahar, "not
only was I unable to get any international military commander to
provide their version of what took place, but I was unable to get any
military commander to even admit that their soldiers were involved," he
told the Financial Times.

In Iraq, such special operations forces have carried out a number of
killings, including a raid that killed the son and a nephew of the
governor of Salahuddin Province north of Baghdad. The Special
Operations Forces (SOF) stormed the house at 3AM and shot the
governor's 17-year-old son dead in his bed. When a cousin tried to
enter the room, he was also gunned down.

Such "night raids" by SOFs have drawn widespread protests
in Afghanistan. According to the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights
Commission, night raids involve "abusive behavior and violent breaking
and entry," and only serve to turn Afghans against the occupation.

Iraqi Prime Minster Nuri Kamal al-Maliki charged that a March 26 raid in Kut that killed two men violated the new security agreement between the U.S. and Iraq.

The Predator strikes have deeply angered most Pakistanis. Owais Ahmed Ghani, governor of the Northwest Frontier Province, calls the drone strikes "counterproductive," a sentiment that David Kilcullen, the top advisor to the U.S. military in Afghanistan, agreed with in recent congressional testimony. The U.S. government doesn't officially take credit for the attacks.

Budgets and Strategy

If Congress agrees to the Defense Department budget proposed by
Pentagon chief Robert Gates, attacks by SOF and armed robots will
likely increase. While most the media focused on the parts of the
budget that step back from the big ticket weapons systems of the Cold
War, the proposal actually resurrects a key Cold War priority of the
1960s.

"The similarities between Gates' proposals and the strategy adopted by the Kennedy administration are too great to ignore," notes Nation
defense correspondent Michael Klare. These similarities include "a
shift in focus toward unconventional conflict in the Third World."

Gates' budget would increase the number of SOFs by 2,800, build more
drones like the Predator and its bigger, more lethal cousin, the
Reaper, and enhance the rapid movement of troops and equipment. All of
this is part of General David Petraeus's counterinsurgency doctrine.

The concept is hardly new. The units are different than they were 50
years ago - Navy SEALS and Delta Force have replaced Green Berets - but
the philosophy is the same. And while the public face of
counterinsurgency is winning "hearts and minds" by building schools and
digging wells, its core is 3AM raids and Hellfire missiles.

The "decapitations" of insurgent leaders in Iraq, Afghanistan and
Pakistan is little different - albeit at a lower level - than Operation
Phoenix, which killed upwards of 40,000 "insurgent" leaders in South
Vietnam during the war in Southeast Asia.

Hidden Wars

In the past, war was an extension of a nation's politics "too
important," as World War I French Premier Georges Clemenceau commented,
"to be left to the generals."

But increasingly, the control of war is slipping away from the
civilians in whose name and interests it is supposedly waged. While the
"privatization" of war has frustrated the process of congressional
oversight, its "covertization" has hidden war behind a wall of silence
or denial.

"Congress has been very passive in relation to its own authority with regard to warmaking," says
Princeton international law scholar Richard Falk. "Congress hasn't been
willing to insist that the government adhere to international law and
the U.S. Constitution."

The SFOs may be hidden, but there are eight dead people in Syria,
four of them reportedly children. There are at least 39 dead in
northern Sudan, and more dead in Iraq and Afghanistan. The number of
civilian dead in Pakistan runs into the hundreds.

The new defense budget goes a long ways toward retooling the U.S.
military to become a quick reaction/intervention force with an emphasis
on counterinsurgency and covert war. The question is: Where will the
shadow warriors strike next?

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