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"We will not go to our graves quietly knowing that the financial institutions in our own communities continue to fund the climate crisis," said longtime environmentalist Bill McKibben.
Thousands of seniors outraged at big banks for continuing to underwrite the expansion of coal, oil, and gas projects took to the streets in cities across the United States on Tuesday to demand that financial institutions "stop funding climate chaos."
Held 24 hours after United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres—citing the latest report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change—called for an end to fossil fuel financing, the "Stop Dirty Banks" national day of action was organized by Third Act, an alliance of activists over the age of 60 co-founded by veteran campaigner Bill McKibben, and more than 50 other progressive advocacy groups.
The first elderly-led mass climate demonstration in U.S. history, which featured more than 100 rallies around the country, aimed to pressure financial institutions to stop bankrolling the planet-heating pollution that scientists have linked to worsening extreme weather.
Despite pledging to put themselves and their clients on a path to "net-zero" greenhouse gas emissions, the world's 60 largest private banks dumped $4.6 trillion into coal, oil, and gas projects from 2016 to 2021. Just four U.S. financial giants—JPMorgan Chase, Citi, Wells Fargo, and Bank of America—are responsible for a quarter of all fossil fuel financing identified since the Paris agreement entered into force.
"We must break the big banks' addiction to Big Oil."
"Today is a major drive to take the cash out of carbon," McKibben said Tuesday in a statement. "We want JPMorgan Chase, Citi, Wells Fargo, and Bank of America to hear the voices of the older generation which has the money and structural power to face down their empty, weasel words on climate. We will not go to our graves quietly knowing that the financial institutions in our own communities continue to fund the climate crisis."
"We're going to hit the streets and banks today in a wave of gray power," McKibben continued. "We will be colorful and noisy but our message is serious: We want the banks to move out of fossil fuels. The lives and livelihoods of our children and grandchildren depend on a drastic change and banks are the key to this."
In Washington, D.C., participants continued a 24-hour "rocking chair rebellion" that began Monday.
On Tuesday, people in D.C. also staged a die-in to draw attention to the lethal consequences of fossil fuel lending.
Sierra Club executive director Ben Jealous warned that "the big banks feel beholden to an industry literally driving us toward human extinction."
"What we're asking these banks to do," said Jealous, "is to have the moral clarity to say to their clients, 'You cannot keep expanding into the Arctic, you cannot keep expanding into the Gulf, you cannot keep drilling in Africa and throughout the globe. Because what you're doing is putting our communities, our future, and the climate at risk.'"
Closing out the rally in the nation's capital, Jealous declared, "We must break the big banks' addiction to Big Oil."
In New York City, protesters of all ages shut down traffic.
They also used giant mock scissors to "cut up" a cardboard credit card.
In addition to symbolically destroying a fake credit card, many people cut up real cards taken from their wallets.
"Third Act has gathered 17,000 pledges from bank customers to close their accounts and cut up their credit cards if the banks continue to fund fossil fuels," the group said. "These pledges were sent in recent weeks to the bank CEOs and in-person at bank branches from Burlington to Cleveland, from Oakland to New York."
"By continuing to finance fossil fuel expansion, Wall Street banks undermine our ability to meet our climate goals, and contradict their own climate pledges," said Ben Cushing, director of the Sierra Club's Fossil-Free Finance campaign. "These demonstrations are only the beginning of what each of us can do to hold big banks accountable for their role in the climate crisis."
"This spring, we'll also be engaging with the banks' biggest shareholders in the lead-up to their annual meetings to support key climate votes," Cushing added. "It's a critical moment to push the banks to stop the flow of money to new fossil fuel expansion, to stop greenwashing their emissions targets, and to end the burden of dirty energy on frontline communities."
Declaring that "opportunity in our state shouldn't be determined by zip code, background, or access to power," attorney, author, and voting rights campaigner Stacey Abrams announced Wednesday that she would once again seek the Democratic nomination for Georgia governor, setting up a rematch with Republican Gov. Brian Kemp in the November 2022 contest.
"Abrams already came well within striking distance of Brian Kemp in 2018--before she mobilized millions of Democrats to flip Georgia blue in 2020."
"If our Georgia is going to move to its next and greatest chapter, we're going to need leadership," Abrams said in her announcement video. "Leadership that knows how to do the job, leadership that doesn't take credit without taking responsibility, leadership that understands the true pain folks are feeling and has real plans."
"That's the job of governor, to fight for one Georgia--our Georgia," she added. "And now, it's time to get the job done."
Abrams, who served a decade in the Georgia House of Representatives, was the first Black female nominated for a major party's gubernatorial candidacy in U.S. history. She narrowly lost the 2018 Georgia governor's race to Kemp amid widespread evidence of GOP voter suppression efforts.
Democratic Governors Association executive director Noam Lee called Abrams "a powerhouse leader who has spent her life fighting for equal opportunity for all Georgians."
"With a historic campaign built on expanding access to healthcare and creating good-quality jobs, Abrams already came well within striking distance of Brian Kemp in 2018--before she mobilized millions of Democrats to flip Georgia blue in 2020," Lee told The Washington Post. "Now more than ever, it's clear Brian Kemp's days as governor are numbered."
While there was much talk of a 2020 presidential run for Abrams, she instead chose to focus on boosting voter turnout to help ensure that Georgia played a critical role in electing President Joe Biden and that the U.S. Senate passed from Republican to Democratic control with the election of Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock in January.
In addition to her pro-democracy work, Abrams has drawn widespread praise for paying down over $1.3 million in medical debt via her Fair Fight political action committee.
"Stacey Abrams' decision to run for governor of Georgia in 2022 is great news for the people of her state and for America."
The trouncing suffered by GOP candidates in the November 2020 and January 2021 elections motivated Georgia Republicans to pass one of the nation's most sweeping voter suppression laws, as well as to gerrymander the state's congressional districts to heavily favor the right-wing party.
While Abrams--a self-described "pragmatic" politician--has been criticized by some progressives for being too closely aligned with the corporate right wing of the Democratic Party, at least one progressive advocacy group has already endorsed her candidacy.
"Stacey Abrams' decision to run for governor of Georgia in 2022 is great news for the people of her state and for America," Ben Jealous, president of People for the American Way, said in a statement.
"Stacey has been a leader and a fighter for justice and civil rights throughout the decades I have known her," he added. "She is a person of profound integrity, empathy, courage, and intellect who as governor will work tirelessly to ensure all Georgians have access to the opportunity to succeed and to live healthy and fulfilling lives."
Activists on Wednesday took to the streets of Washington, D.C., where organizers said around 200 people were arrested while demanding the passage of key voting rights legislation, an end to the filibuster, and bold action from President Joe Biden in defense of an imperiled democracy.
"This movement is about ensuring that the arc of the moral universe continues to bend toward justice."
"This movement is about ensuring that the arc of the moral universe continues to bend toward justice," People for the American Way president Ben Jealous said in a reference to a famous Martin Luther King Jr. quote as he spoke outside the White House prior to his arrest.
Demonstrators called for the passage of the Freedom to Vote Act and the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act--both of which were recently sunk by Senate Republicans via the filibuster--as well as statehood for Washington, D.C., an end to partisan gerrymandering, and other democratic reforms.
The League of Women Voters (LWV), one of the demonstrator's organizers, said "roughly 200" activists were arrested at the event.
Speaking of Biden, LWV president Deborah Ann Turner told protesters, "We helped get you into office, and now you need to make good on your promise."
"Redistricting is underway without the full protection of the Voting Rights Act and the midterm elections are around the corner," said Turner, who was arrested at the demonstration. "We are here today to send a message that President Biden must take action now to ensure the promise of our democracy and protect our freedom to vote."
Speaking at the event before his arrest, Rev. Dr. William Barber II, co-chair of the Poor People's Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival and president of Repairers of the Breach, called on Biden to "fight against the filibuster because the filibuster is being used to fight against us and to bring down democracy."
Barber asserted that "Republican extremists" including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) "changed the filibuster to put Supreme Court justices on the bench for life."
"Now they... and two Democrats are using the filibuster to destroy and undermine the life of this democracy and the daily lives of people," he added, a reference to obstructionist Sens. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) and Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.).
Robert Weissman, president of the consumer advocacy group Public Citizen and another arrestee on Wednesday, said in a statement ahead of the demonstration that "our democracy is facing an existential crisis."
"We need political leaders to do everything they can to head off that existential threat," he continued. "And that means we need to do everything we can do, as well."
"We are witnessing before our eyes the coming together of a proto-fascist movement that has a categorically different disdain for democracy than anything we've seen in generations," Weissman warned. "This is connected with [former President Donald] Trump, to be sure, but it runs deeper than Trump. It is evidenced not just by the January 6 insurrection, but by the entire effort to promote the Big Lie."
"There's a lot we have to do to counter this rising fascistic strain," Weissman stressed. "The first and most important thing is to strengthen and firm up our democracy. That's why it's imperative that we win passage of the Freedom to Vote Act and the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act."
Following the "hot mess" that was the first presidential debate on Tuesday night--which sparked a promise of reforms for future events and charges that Donald Trump is the "most dangerous" president in U.S. history--a new report took aim at the efforts of right-wing groups, along with Trump and the GOP, to suppress voting.
"Tens of millions of dollars are being spent, which makes the efforts this year the biggest coordinated effort to suppress votes that we have ever seen."
--Adele Stan, Right Wing Watch
Even before early in-person and mail-in voting started for the November general election, Trump--who is facing Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden--generated alarm with repeated, baseless attacks on the security of voting by mail, a practice that's expected to be widely used nationwide this year because of the Covid-19 pandemic.
The new report by writer Bob Moser, entitled The Propaganda War Against Voting by Mail, was published Wednesday by Right Wing Watch, a project of the progressive advocacy organization People For the American Way (PFAW). Moser begins by recalling the politicized battle over in-person voting for Wisconsin's April primary.
Wisconsin's right-wing state Supreme Court and Republican legislative leaders quashed last-minute efforts of Democratic Gov. Tony Evers to address public health concerns related to in-person voting. The fiasco bolstered nationwide calls for Congress to allocate $4 billion to make safety adjustments for the November election.
As Moser details:
The threat of robust turnout figures posed by mail-in voting had fully stirred the right-wing propaganda machine by now--and it had given them a fresh new story to tell about what they claimed was the looming threat of mass left-wing "voter fraud." The same day Wisconsin's primary results were announced, an apparently new group called the Honest Elections Project aired an Orwellian TV and digital ad across the country--a six-figure buy--casting what happened in Wisconsin as Democrats' "brazen attempt to manipulate the election system for partisan advantage by exploiting the coronavirus pandemic." It was, the narrator intoned, a sign of election-rigging to come: "The facts about the Wisconsin election: Record absentee voting. Five times more than 2016. Democrats didn't think they could win so they tried lawsuits, changing the rules, even canceling the election. They create chaos. It's wrong."
The Honest Elections Project turned out to be a legal alias for the Judicial Education Project, a powerful dark-money PAC funded by the Donors Trust, a nonprofit donor-advised fund often referred to as the "dark money ATM" of the right, with such heavy-hitting benefactors as billionaire Charles Koch and the (Betsy) DeVos family. It was the brainchild of Leonard Leo, a Trump confidant who was instrumental in the choice and confirmations of the president's Supreme Court nominees, and it would soon begin filing lawsuits seeking to block the expansion of remote voting, and other pandemic-inspired election reforms--using the same lead attorney, longtime Washington litigator William Consovoy, as the Trump campaign.
At least three other lavishly funded far-right groups--Judicial Watch, the Public Interest Legal Foundation, and True the Vote--are also combining legal challenges with propaganda efforts designed to discredit, and disable, remote voting for November. The Republican National Committee issued a statement this spring promising to devote at least $20 million to such lawsuits as well. The messages they're all promoting are identical to Trump's rhetoric about the dangers of mail-in balloting and the Democrats' purportedly cynical promotion of it to allegedly rig the election. Their combined resources and firepower add up to the biggest coordinated effort to suppress votes in history. Until this year, battles over voting rules were mostly waged by Republican state lawmakers and right-wing legal firms not quite acceptable to the mainstream, cheered on by talk-radio shouters and extremist websites like The Gateway Pundit and Breitbart.
While state and local officials have worked in recent months to ease voting restrictions going into November because of the coronavirus crisis, Moser points out that "the crusade to suppress votes in the 2020 election began long before Covid-19 existed, and long before the pandemic led to a popular clamor for more voting by mail."
"Ahead of the 2018 midterm elections, Judicial Watch and PILF sent 248 letters to state and local election officials across the country, threatening lawsuits if they didn't undertake massive, aggressive 'purges' of their voter rolls," he notes. The "primary purpose" of the letters, he suggests, "was to stoke publicity about voter fraud."
According to Moser:
Most of this year's election lawsuits are related to Covid-19--or, more precisely, they target attempts by states and municipalities to make voting easier and safer during the pandemic. The number of these cases is staggering: More than 200 were still percolating through the courts in mid-August. Many have been brought by the Trump campaign, the Republican National Committee, Judicial Watch, PILF, and the Honest Elections Project, all of whom have the same agenda: Keep voting restrictions in place. Three more states have switched to all-mail elections this year: California, Nevada, and Vermont. When lawmakers in Nevada, where Trump lost by just 27,000 votes in 2016, approved all-mail voting in a special session on the first Sunday of August, Trump called it "an illegal late-night coup" on Twitter, with the promise, "See you in court!" Two days later, still fuming, he posted a tweet falsely stating that voting by mail would mean a "Rigged Election." It became the first tweet flagged by Twitter as untrue. The same day, the Republican National Committee, the Trump campaign, and Nevada Republican Party all filed suit against Nevada.
On Tuesday, while debating Biden, Trump stoked fears about "tens of thousands of ballots being manipulated" and urged his supporters "to go into the polls and watch very carefully." The president's comments--which contradict evidence about just how rare voter fraud actually is--alarmed election officials and voting rights experts.
"Everyday citizens can't just show up in the polling places unless they are there to vote. They can vote and they can leave, but they can't just be there to watch other peoples' votes," Sean Morales-Doyle, deputy director of the Election Reform Program at New York University's Brennan Center for Justice, told The Hill Wednesday. "It is concerning that the president would reference that kind of activity, and it is illegal."
" Donald Trump is making totally false claims that voting by mail will lead to a fraudulent election, while at the same time his campaign is promoting it to his supporters--and he's voting by mail himself," PFAW president Ben Jealous said in a statement about Moser's new report.
"Voters this spring received robo-calls from the Trump campaign urging them to vote safely by mail," Jealous added. "Trump is trying to have it both ways, and he's willing to do or say anything if he thinks it will either win the election or cast doubt on the results if he doesn't."
Right Wing Watch director Adele Stan noted, "An entire right-wing industry has grown up around voter suppression, and the attacks on voting by mail are just part of it."
"Tens of millions of dollars are being spent, which makes the efforts this year the biggest coordinated effort to suppress votes that we have ever seen," said Stan. "It's critically important that people understand the forces at work and also understand that this is not the year to skip voting."
It was a relatively intimate event—this small conference described as a "gathering of minds to envision the world we want"—that took place over three days as last month ended and December began in Burlington, Vermont.
No, it wasn't a "hootenanny." The serious topics discussed in detail and with passion were poverty, inequality, human rights, the climate crisis, racism, war, peace, refugees, workers, healthcare, housing, civil rights, independent media, corporate power, criminal justice reform, international solidarity, civil rights, voting rights, the rights of women, the LGBTQ community, immigration, democracy, economics, politics, organizing, and ultimately about how all of these issues can never be adequately understood or addressed in isolation.
"What do we need to do to improve the quality of life of our citizens of the world?" —Dr. Jane O'Meara Sanders, The Sanders Institute
"I think it's important that we realize the intersectionality of the issues," explained Jane O'Meara Sanders, who along with executive director David Driscoll founded The Sanders Institute and organized the Gathering. "I mean environmental sanity has to do with income inequality and so many things. And that's why we intentionally do things more comprehensively because we don't want to say, 'We're having an environmental conference,' or 'We're having a housing conference.'"
The conference, she said in an interview with Common Dreams, was one that wanted to ask: "What do we need to do to improve the quality of life of our citizens of the world?"
And while Jane's husband, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), was at the conference—delivering the keynote and sitting on several panels—the weekend was distinctly not about him. Throughout the weekend, the senator could be found waving off reporters, sitting quietly in the back row during panel discussions, trying not to be seen, but listening intently to what was being said by the assembled speakers and the engaged attendees.
"I'm a guest here," Bernie told The Real News Network in an interview on Saturday as he credited his wife and the Institute for putting on the event.
"And what Jane understood," he explained, "is that when we deal with climate change, when we deal with the economy, when we deal with housing, when we deal with criminal justice or immigration issues—we have got to deal with them in a holistic way. We cannot see them as silo-ized, separate issues. And a lot of that has to do with the fact that we live in a nation owned and controlled by a small number of multi-billionaires whose greed—incredible greed, insatiable greed--is having an unbelievably negative impact on our entire country."
Despite being sandwiched between the just-concluded 2018 midterms and the hugely consequential 2020 race—which is already driving frenzied discussion and speculation—the three-day retreat was devoid of the kind of horse-race, personality-driven noise that tends to dominate the vapid political discourse seen on MSNBC, Fox News, and in the pages of America's major newspapers.

Aside from the occasional "Bernie 2020?" outburst from an audience member—and former Greek Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis' short but forceful demand that Sanders run for president for the good of the world—the Sanders Institute Gathering was predominantly driven by and organized around the issues and crises affecting the everyday lives of ordinary people in the United States and across the globe, from grotesquely unequal healthcare systems to the climate crisis, which threatens to render the planet uninhabitable for future generations if immediate and bold action is not taken.
What's love got to do with it?
"Only all that we love is on the line," declared Our Revolution president and Sanders Institute fellow Nina Turner during a panel on the moral necessity of Medicare for All, capturing both the ethos of the retreat and the urgency of the issues at hand.
Applauding nurses and others leading the charge for progressive change throughout the U.S. and the world, Turner said success will only come from working together "to soften the soil, to have the conversations, one person to another, that are necessary to ensure that our family and our friends and our play cousins understand what is at stake. You can't win somebody's head unless you win their heart."
"You can't win somebody's head unless you win their heart." —Nina Turner, Our Revolution
Winning over a critical mass of hearts—as the progressive experts and organizers emphasized repeatedly across panels on human rights, the criminal justice system, labor, and the climate crisis—will require an enormous grassroots movement that is not merely single-issue focused and national, but far-reaching and international in scope.
"Capitalism isn't working for a huge number of people on this planet," said journalist and activist Naomi Klein during a panel on the necessity of a Green New Deal as she explained why the crisis also carries with it a political opportunity that must be recognized.
"If we can come up with a framework for responding to climate change that is actually a challenge to economic inequality, joblessness, economic precarity, the need for Medicare for All, and the rest of it," Klein said, "then actually we're gonna build a much broader movement, and also a movement that will fight harder, because it has so much to gain. Because not only is it not threatened by systemic change, it's hungry for it."
"What is required now is transformation of every aspect of society," Klein added. "In other words, a political revolution."
But simply winning over hearts is not sufficient, said many participants, for the kind of transformative change that is necessary for the United States and the world to confront staggering levels of poverty and inequality, lack of healthcare, and the existential threat posed by the climate crisis. In addition to a vision of justice for all, argued the diverse array of voices featured at the Gathering, any successful progressive movement must also rest on a solid intellectual foundation that demonstrates not just the moral necessity of bold progressive initiatives, but also the striking practicality of these objectives.
Social justice from below and the criminals at the top
Discussing criminal justice and the necessity of holding power to account in the U.S., academic and social justice activist Cornel West denounced the two-tiered nature of the nation's justice system. "Why are the criminals at the top hardly talked about?" West asked during a morning panel discussion. "All that market manipulation, insider trading, predatory lending, fraudulent activity on Wall Street. How many of them went to jail? Not at all, not at all. Massive corruption in government, Republicans and Democrats. Republicans are not the only gangsters. And greed is a difficult thing not to be seduced by when you're not accountable."
"When we talk about criminality," West added, "we have to put it in the right context. If we had all the prison reform in the world and still had high levels of poverty, still had decrepit school systems, still had inadequate housing, still had dominant images of a corporate media in which you deal with conflict by killing other people, we still have a problem."
On the broader effort of building a viable progressive movement, West told attendees: "It's got to be solidaristic. If we don't have a left populist option that's credible, we're headed down a neo-fascist road. There's no guarantee that we're gonna win. So what? We're gonna fight anyway."
In the panel discussing why organized labor is essential to democracy, Joseph Geevarghese, executive director of Good Jobs Nation, argued that in order for the broad progressive movement to be successful, workers must be marshalled in order to ensure there is political power behind its shared and visionary demands.
"There's been an all-out attack by the corporate class to destroy worker power," Geevarghese said. "That's significant because the power of workers is the only thing that stands between our democracy and having a completely corporate-run government. The working class has been eviscerated and we don't have a powerful countervailing force to take on capital."
"The working class has been eviscerated and we don't have a powerful countervailing force to take on capital."
--Joseph Geevarghese, Good Jobs Nation
And so, he added, "If we are to win the vision that all of us share, I would argue that the conditions precedent for that are empowering the working class to take on the corporate class."
RoseAnn DeMoro, former head of National Nurses United, told Common Dreams after the panel that organized labor and non-unionized citizens who support progressive solutions like Medicare for All should work alongside one another in order to call attention to "all the different sectors in this economy that are harming people" because they all tie into the shared human condition.
"If you tie your workers into the human condition," she said, "then they can take a stand for all the people in the society. And when the labor movement connects with the public good, guess what? When you're out on strike, the public good connects with you."
While Republicans have shown amazing commitment to attacking organized labor, lamented Geevarghese, Democrats have failed to show their commitment to defending workers.
"The problem on our side is when we elect Democrats--or, mainstream Democrats--their goal is not to immediately grow the labor movement. But it should be," he said to applause from the audience. "It fundamentally should be. The challenge for all of us, if we are to realize the vision that the Sanders Institute is giving us space to articulate, I think it is imperative that we do everything possible to increase the number of workers in unions."
What's a progressive economy good for?
Separately--sitting on a panel focused on civil rights, immigration, and human dignity--Radhika Balakrishnan of the Center for Women's Global Leadership at Rutgers University opened the talk with a simple question, invoking the astronomical riches of just three American billionaires who together own more wealth than the bottom half of the U.S. population--approximately 160 million people.
"What's the economy for?" Balakrishnan asked. "Why do we go buy stuff, make things, get paychecks, do all these things? What's the purpose of it? Is it so those three men have half the wealth of the nation, is that what the economy is for?" While the audience responded with a resounding, "No," she explained the imperative of world economies being judged not by the amount of wealth they generate, but by whether the people living within those economies are able to survive and thrive.
Balakrishnan argued that whether it's a focus on various forms of gender inequality or racial inequality, the real questions should be about the freedoms people have, what rights they have, and whether their real material needs are being met. "Are people eating?" That's an important question, she said. "We talked about housing, we talked about mass incarceration, we talked about poverty. Now if we were to judge economic policy by the fact that it does not fulfill these rights, then we can think about a different kind of economy."
Ben Jealous, the former NAACP president and Democratic gubernatorial candidate for Maryland, agreed with Balakrishnan's model of putting "human need at the center of economics and not human greed." But he added that progressives must approach economic debates without allowing conservatives and corporate Democrats to frame bold initiatives as costing too much.
"In reality, you dig into it and what we're actually talking about is saving money, because Medicare for All will save us money," Jealous said. "You end mass incarceration and it turns out you have enough money to lower the cost of higher education dramatically."
"We talked about housing, we talked about mass incarceration, we talked about poverty. Now if we were to judge economic policy by the fact that it does not fulfill these rights, then we can think about a different kind of economy."
--Prof. Radhika Balakrishnan, Rutgers University
"Our policies are not only the right thing to do from a rights perspective, they're also the right thing to do from an economic perspective," he added. "They're the right thing to do from a public safety perspective. And we've got to be willing to stop and say, 'Wait a second, Medicare for All will save us money.'"
Helping to prove that point, the Sanders Institute Gathering also featured the unveiling of a first-of-its-kind analysis of Medicare for All which comprehensively demonstrates that single-payer healthcare is economically feasible and beneficial in addition to morally necessary.
Authored by a team of researchers at the Political Economy Research Institute (PERI) at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, the new paper found that Medicare for All would save the U.S. a staggering $5.1 trillion over ten years while guaranteeing every American comprehensive coverage.
"It's easy to pay for something that costs less," said economist Robert Pollin, the paper's lead author.
The distance from policy prescriptions to claiming power
In remarks connecting policy solutions to the kind of politics needed to achieve them, Jealous invoked a phrase that was repeated throughout the weekend, applauding progressive victories in state houses and legislatures during the midterm elections and imploring progressives to stay engaged in fighting for progressive solutions and social justice even while Republicans still control the White House and the Senate.
"At the end of the day we root this movement in our cities, in our counties, in our states," Jealous said. "What we'll find is that we'll move further, faster. It's not that change comes from the top down. Change has always come from the bottom."
"[Our progressive] policies are not only the right thing to do from a rights perspective, they're also the right thing to do from an economic perspective."
--Ben Jealous, former NAACP presidentReflecting on his time spent at the conference as an attendee, educator, and organizer Nikhil Goyal, author of Schools on Trial: How Freedom and Creativity Can Fix Our Educational Malpractice, told Common Dreams that even though he wished his area of specific focus had been given more attention at the conference, he strongly believes the progressive movement needs to hold gatherings such as this this more often.
"We need to have opportunities to mull over, debate, analyze, and thrash out the details of the agenda we are pursuing for the United States and the rest of the world," Goyal said. "The right-wing does this consistently with its numerous think tanks and the left needs to counteract that force."
Goyal said the absence of a firm "hierarchy" at the Gathering--in addition to its small size and casual atmosphere--made speakers and participants accessible to one another and created space for people from various regions and backgrounds to chat, share stories, and make connections.
The empire in the room
It was in the hallways outside one panel where Jeffrey Sachs, economist and Columbia University professor, took stock of American foreign policy and discussed why the American people--and certainly people around the world--are ready for an end to this century's wars and the gratuitous and destructive military spending driving them. The Pentagon budget was a frequent touchstone for many at the conference.
"People are definitely ready to hear about a new U.S. foreign policy," Sachs told Common Dreams in an interview. "They know the last 25 years has been disastrous. You can't point to one success--in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya, or elsewhere in the Middle East. There's not one U.S. success. People understand how much has been wasted."
"You spend money on stupid, wasteful, destructive, unsuccessful wars... and sure enough you're not going to have money for your own kids in this country."
--Jeffrey Sachs, Columbia UniversityThose bragging about or defending the size of the military budget--including Trump, the Republicans, and many prominent Democratic leaders--have it exactly backward, warned Sachs. "If we stand with our people in uniform," he said, "we should stop these wars, get them to safety, and not use the rhetoric of building the military budget as the patriotic thing to do."
Both lawmakers and the American people "need to get serious about this now," Sachs concluded. "Is the public ready? Yes. The public wants peace. Is the Washington establishment ready? No, not yet. Are there voices in Washington that are ready to tell the truth? Absolutely yes."
Also a focus of his new book, A New Foreign Policy, Sachs argues there is a great hunger among other nations to forge new agreements of cooperation and end the failures of U.S. hegemony and the imperial mindset that so infects the nation's politics.
"The fact of the matter is," he told Common Dreams, "there's a world of counterparts out there that would actually like to cooperate to solve problems like climate change, poverty, hunger, the need for building infrastructure, and creating a future that people want. That world's actually out there. I travel and meet leaders all over the world and they cannot understand how the United States digs deeper and deeper into this hole."
The link between U.S. failures abroad and domestic struggles, Sachs continued, is the outrageous size of the nation's military and the economic damage wrought by the deluded religion of American exceptionalism.
"We have more than 800 military bases in more than 70 countries around the world," he said. "We have troops stationed in more than a hundred countries around the world. The costs of this are absolutely mind-boggling. They have drained the budget. They have created massive debt. The wars have cost trillions of dollars, and then we hear Congress turn around and say, 'Oh, there's no money for health, for education, for modernizing our infrastructure.' So the links are absolutely direct. You spend money on stupid, wasteful, destructive, unsuccessful wars... and sure enough you're not going to have money for your own kids in this country."
Ben Cohen, Vermont political activist and co-founder of Ben & Jerry's Ice Cream, joined Sachs at the conference in putting emphasis on the ills of military spending, but also paired his critique with the Republican Party's systematic attack on voting rights.
"We are part of a large and potentially powerful movement," he told a room of conference participants during an interlude at the event. "We all have our pet issues, but in general we all want the same stuff: a world that is life-affirming instead of death-defying. But there are these two threshold issues--Pentagon spending and voter suppression--that must be addressed before we can get anything else that we want."
"We all have our pet issues, but in general we all want the same stuff: a world that is life-affirming instead of death-defying."
--Ben Cohen, ice cream maker & political activistThe country, said Cohen, "needs to learn to measure its strength not by how many people we can kill, but by how many people we can feed, clothe, house, and care for."
According to Sachs, it is time for the U.S. to get its priorities straight.
"We don't need hundreds of military bases around the world," he argued. "We don't need a military budget that's not only the $700 billion of the Pentagon itself, but when you add up all the other military-related budgets is closer to a $1 trillion. It eats up our budget and for what? We're not getting security out of it. We're not getting solutions out of it. We're not getting peace out of it. We're getting the illusion, which is the illusion of each president after the next, that the United States somehow runs the world--which is a bizarre idea to begin with because we're only 4.4% of the world's population. So maybe we should take a look at the mirror and realize we're really not here to run the world and we should take care of our own problems."
Existential concerns and the need for a global movement
Sachs says he's not arguing for isolation, but rather global cooperation.
Sitting on a panel with Bernie Sanders, Greece's former finance minister Yanis Varoufakis, Mayor of Barcelona Ada Calou, Canadian House of Commons MP Niki Ashton, and Irish economist David McWilliams, Sachs said on Friday night that international cooperation will be absolutely key if the world is to seriously address war, poverty, and the climate threat.
"Everybody can be a part of [the Progressive International] and what ties it all together is the understanding that we need to come together in pursuit of the justice that we all deserve."
--Canadian MP Niki AshtonIt was at the end of this panel when Jane Sanders and Varoufakis announced their new joint project, the Progressive International, and issued a call for progressives worldwide to join the effort in order to fight the rise of fascism with a bold call for solidarity and the creation of "a global network of individuals and organizations that will fight together for dignity, peace, prosperity, and the future of our planet."
Talking with Common Dreams about the new project, Ashton said "it's clear to me that we're all facing similar elements" and that the "rise of the right" is a threat that cannot be ignored. The Progressive International, she added, "gives us an opportunity to learn from each other and find ways to fight back. It is for elected representatives, but it's also for activists, it's for concerned citizens. Everybody can be a part of it and what ties it all together is the understanding that we need to come together in pursuit of the justice that we all deserve."
In a Guardian op-ed published by Varoufakis and his European colleague David Adler on the morning after the announcement at the Sanders Institute Gathering, the pair argued that progressives from around the world must recognize the importance of seizing established institutions--both political and economic ones--in order "to transform the world for the better, and reclaim them as our own. The alternatives--the technocratic status quo and the strongman unilateralism that has emerged to challenge it--are simply unacceptable."
In her talk with Common Dreams, Jane Sanders explained: "We need to include people of all walks of life, of all backgrounds, in different countries and make sure that we have communication with them so that we know when there are things happening in their countries that need progressive support."
Such communication and organization, she said, will be essential in order to shift the Progressive International from a concept embraced by a handful of political figures into "a movement around the globe that is looking for peace, prosperity, environmental justice, racial justice, social justice, and economic justice."
Reclaiming existing institutions and building new ones
And one of the central themes that emerged from the conference was the urgent need for progressive organizers--and the social movements they represent--to address the real institutional needs of a movement that is clamoring for far-reaching and transformational change.
In a conversation with Common Dreams at the conference, veteran Canadian journalist Avi Lewis, co-founder and strategic director of The Leap, argued that a hard, but liberating, truth of the current moment is that progressives "are now in a position globally and historically where we need an all-of-the-above change strategy" when it comes to taking over existing institutions as well as creating new ones.
"We have to take over and use existing institutions--and not to reform them, but transform them."
--Avi Lewis, The Leap
In terms of how transformative change happens, Lewis said, one of the most exciting things now happening is "a renewed interest among social movements in North America to engage with the electoral sphere. And part of that is a recognition of the existential urgency and the short time left on the clock. There isn't time to build institutions from the ground up if we're serious about the imminence of the climate crisis. And so we have to take over and use existing institutions--and not to reform them, but transform them."
But that's not all. Progressive forces, he added, also "need to build new institutions at the same time" in order to challenge the corrupted political mechanisms that have so far shown to be incapable of making the kind of radical changes both climate science and outrageous levels of inequality demand.
"We need to do it all," Lewis said. "We just simply need to do it all, so I think it's an interesting historical moment when you're seeing lots of social movement energy trying to intervene in the electoral sphere as a shortcut to taking over and trying to use existing institutions. This is a recognition of the conditions of urgency we are now forced to work under."
Naomi Klein, who is married to Lewis and also helped launch The Leap initiative in Canada, told Common Dreams in the same conversation that the choice before humanity is no longer a choice between half-measures and bold solutions. Responding with market-based prescriptions or paying lip service to the threat while continue to drill for, mine, and burn fossil fuels is what we've been doing for the last 20 years. And as the science has become more dire and the here-and-now evidence of climate catastrophes pile up all around us, she says, that approach has not even come close to solving the problem. In fact, it has only increased the threats we face.
The choice now, says Klein, is one "between a model that failed and a model that is really our last chance."
"There are a lot of people on the liberal end of the spectrum who can talk a really good game about the urgency of the climate crisis," she explained, "but if we look at the track record of the kind of legislation they produced; the kind of one-step-forward and three-steps-back approach" that took place under President Obama in the U.S. during his tenure--and happening now under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in Canada--there are important lessons that must be recognized.
"We are up against the wall... For some reason we are acting like it's thirty years ago when it would have been possible to gradually introduce renewables and maybe have a carbon tax--that is not the stage we're at now."
--Naomi Klein, journalist & activistKlein says the all-of-the-above energy strategy pushed by Democrats under Obama was absurd, given the science. Now, she says, that is exactly the model that cannot be replicated.
"We are up against the wall," Klein declared. "We need a rapid transition off fossil fuels to 100 percent renewable energy. That is not an all-of-the-above approach. And for some reason we are acting like it's 30 years ago when it would have been possible to gradually introduce renewables and maybe have a carbon tax--that is not the stage we're at now."
The demand for a Green New Deal--an energy and economic transformation on a global scale and matched with a deep commitment to climate justice--is now one of the unifying and defining features of the international progressive movement and it was a big topic of conversation throughout the weekend in Vermont.
In her assessment of the conference, and the purpose behind it, Jane Sanders said the institute's goal was to amplify the most important issues that good people are organizing around in communities across the country and the world.
"There are so many people that are doing really important work, and it can be anything," she told Common Dreams on the final day of the Gathering. "It doesn't have to be that you have to go across the world to go help people with a big project. It can be trying to influence the education system. Or everybody can make a difference no matter what you're doing. So you don't have to spend a lot of time or money to do it, you just have to come to it with kindness."
"I guess that's my message to progressives around the world," she concluded. "Where do you want to take it? And please just come from a sense of kindness, spirit of generosity, and inclusion."
In his final thoughts about the trends that are being seen and felt around the world--as well as the ideas, issues, and solutions offered by those at the Sanders Institute event--Avi Lewis said the big question was not whether or not the prescriptions on offer were the correct ones, but whether or not there was enough time, movement cohesion, and political acumen to see them executed within the time frame now available to humanity.
The big question, he concluded, is this: "Can we hear this in time to really change course--fundamentally, economically, and culturally? This is the great drama of our age. Can enough of us hear the alarm bells?"
Especially with Brett Kavanaugh's accession to the Supreme Court, many are understandably absorbed with the importance of trying to end the Republican majorities in Congress for the midterm elections.
But simply always backing Democrats will likely propel the party further toward the establishment corporate right. If voters are just going to get behind a Democratic candidate no matter what, there's no incentive for them to be progressive in any sense.
Some may point to some new left-leaning candidates coming out of the Democratic Party. But even the most optimistic assessment of these candidates much acknowledge they are far outnumbered by establishment Democratic Party incumbents.
And there's a reason for that: Establishment apparatchiks in the Democratic Party go around the country kneecapping candidates who might, maybe, have some actual progressive tendencies.
Exhibit A is Steny Hoyer, the Democratic Whip in the House of Representatives who was caught on a secret audio recording doing exactly that earlier this year.
Now, noted activist and author Pat Elder is challenging Hoyer. If people of whatever stripe--Democratic, Green, independent, whatever--want to challenge the Democratic Party establishment, then strongly backing Elder's campaign is perhaps the shrewdest move they can make right now.
Earlier this year, Lee Fang of The Intercept reported, based on secretly taped audio, how Hoyer works "to crush competitive primaries and steer political resources, money, and other support to hand-picked candidates in key races across the country."
The local Calvert Recorder notes that Elder adeptly has focused on Hoyer's top donors, "which include Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman, health insurance providers such as Blue Cross/Blue Shield and MedStar Health, pharmaceutical manufacturers like Bayer AG, and Exelon, the owner of the Calvert Cliffs Nuclear Power Plant."
The Recorder notes: "For his part, Hoyer said he agrees; there is too much money in politics. 'Elder is right. We need to get a handle on it,' Hoyer said, adding that he uses his donations to 'try to help' other Democratic candidates vying for seats in Congress."
Which we know is quite backwards. Job One for Hoyer is to raise corporate cash to knock off progressive Democrats as early as possible, including those who might be serious about getting money out of politics.
Levi Tillemann a former official with the Obama administration's Energy Department, who secretly recorded Hoyer when he was mounting a run in Colorado, said of Hoyer's work with the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee: "They squash progressive candidates. They destroy the diversity of ideas in their caucus. They keep ideas like 'Medicare for All,' free community college, or impeaching Donald Trump from having a significant role in the national conversation. The issues that resonate most with voters are not the issues that the DCCC is telling candidates to focus on."
And Elder retorts: "Hoyer's comment is deeply ironic to me. Rep. Hoyer is one of the chief benefactors of the current financial free-for-all in the American electoral process. He is a cash cow, a legal money launderer. Although Rep. Hoyer has been positioning himself as a crusader for transparency, he is only suggesting cosmetic fixes, as he has done all along. The deep irony stems from my work with Common Cause in Washington as an intern in 1972. Its founder, John Gardner, told me to follow the money to understand an inherently dysfunctional and corrupt American political process. I was only 16, but I took it to heart."
And forcing Hoyer to talk about money in politics is likely the lesser of Elder's effects on Hoyer already. Last year, some bemoaned Hoyer effectively backing the Saudi assault on Yemen. After getting the run around from his staff, a group of dedicated peace activists--including Kathy Kelly and Richard Ochs--held a protest in Hoyer's office. Elder was there that day. Several of them got arrested. Ochs is now helping run Elder's campaign. Now Hoyer at least rhetorically is backing congressional moves to end critical U.S. government support for the Saudi assault on Yemen.
Elder's challenge to Hoyer not only pushes back against corporate domination, but also tangibly for peace and against militarism around the world, from Korea to Israel to Nicaragua.
And when I say challenge, I mean virtually alone. You see, in the race for Maryland's 5th congressional district, where I live as well, the Republican (William A. Devine III) and Libertarian (Jacob Pulcher) can hardly be said to be running. They haven't even filled out their candidate profiles as requested by the Baltimore Sun. Elder of course has, as has Hoyer.
This provides a serious opening. If Elder can get into double digits, or if he pulls off a total miracle, then it cuts Hoyer down to size and can help provide an opening for progressives to challenge him and the corporate military dominance he represents. And it provides a model for other Green and other campaigns.
Elder's running a grassroots campaign, very effectively wielding his information-laden website and emails lists, going door-to-door, getting yard signs out there, going to community events and leafleting at metro stations.
Steny Hoyer is the Democratic Party Whip in the House. As such, he ensures Democrats in Congress stay in their corporate-military cages. If allegedly progressive Democrats don't back a serious challenge to him, it's a sign they actually love those cages.
Rather, it's past time for people to take the reins themselves and to drive the money changers out of the temple of our democracy.
Ben Jealous, the Democratic candidate to be Maryland's governor, is hoping to pull off a big upset in the November midterm elections against Republican incumbent Gov. Larry Hogan. If he wins, Jealous will be the state's first African-American governor, and just the third elected African-American governor in the country. (Other 2018 gubernatorial candidates with the same potential to break that racial barrier include Andrew Gillum in Florida and Stacey Abrams in Georgia, who would be the first-ever black female governor if she wins.)
Those who believe in the myth of the "liberal media" might assume that the Washington Post would support a progressive who backs policies such as Medicare for All, a $15 minimum wage and legalization of marijuana. In fact, the paper--the most influential news outlet in much of Maryland--seems to have an axe to grind with Jealous, and has instead chosen to support Hogan for the governor's race. As Pete Tucker at CounterPunch (8/31/18, 9/18/18, 10/8/18) has explained, the Post has opposed Jealous at every turn.
Most of the paper's criticisms relate to what it depicts as Jealous's spendthrift economic policies. Last year, the Post editorial board (10/29/17) called Jealous's education policy a "gigantic giveaway," a promise of "free lunches" that would "blow a Chesapeake Bay-sized hole in the state budget." In July (7/19/18), it defined the race between Hogan and Jealous as a "stark contrast" between "centrist or liberal," questioning whether the latter's "soak the rich" agenda was "implementable, wise or remotely bipartisan." Jealous's policies in support of raising teacher wages and advancing universal pre-K were called "pricey," because they would raise taxes on the One Percent in Montgomery County, the state's largest and richest county.
Condescension toward left-wing economic policy is nothing new for corporate media, but when the Post describes Jealous as a "coup leader" who is both "craven" and "reckless," they seem to be out to personally demonize the candidate. The Post's news pages (8/18/18) decried Jealous's skipping events on Maryland's deep-red Eastern Shore, and tsked him for dropping an F-bomb when a reporter repeatedly called him a socialist, a label he has continually rejected. The paper's reporting seemed aimed at keeping the spotlight on Jealous's missteps.
By contrast, the paper continues to downplay Hogan's entanglements and liabilities as governor, including the eyebrow-raising financial success of his real-estate company--turned over to his brother's management in a half-hearted effort to avoid conflict-of-interest issues--as well as his anti-immigrant stances and pro-pollution policies (although the Post did publish a letter from Hogan's environmental director, who unsurprisingly hailed the governor's record).
While these priorities sound much like the current occupant of the White House, the Post editorial board labeled Hogan a "moderate" because he distanced himself from the National Rifle Association, who declined to endorse him, and a "radical centrist" for his supposedly "anti-Trump" policies. They continue to frame Hogan in glowing terms, portraying him as "down to earth" and folksy.
As Tucker highlights in CounterPunch, Hogan never receives blame (or even mention) by the Post for any of Maryland's problems, such as the lack of air conditioning in public schools during heatwaves. And the newspaper continually declines to ask questions of Hogan that it does of other public officials, such as whether he supports President Trump's federal worker pay freezes--a major issue in the DC metro region--or his opinion on Colin Kaepernick's NFL protests against police brutality. Tucker also criticizes the Post for disingenuous headlines like "Jealous Tries to Leverage Trump's Attack on His Free College Proposal"--a framing that suggests the story is Jealous's political machinations, rather than Trump's opposition to a popular policy. (The headline was later changed.)
The Post's support for Hogan and demonization of Jealous could be a big reason why some Democratic politicians in Maryland have been reluctant to get behind Jealous. However, since the Democratic politicians named are mostly no longer in office, the Post does Hogan a favor by highlighting their opinions--just as it does when it praises rather than scrutinizes him for his supposed political distance from other members of his party.
Tucker also highlights the Post's burial of reports on Jealous's overwhelming support in polls from African-American voters, stories that were relegated to the back of the Metro section. On the other hand, the Post pushed a story on one poll that found Hogan trailing Jealous among black voters by a relatively narrow 14 percentage points--offering Jealous's lack of endorsements from African-American Democrats, such as former Montgomery County Executive Isiah Leggett, as an explanation.
While polls are often unruly and have frequently been wrong, they've been used by the Post to hammer Jealous. By consistently describing the governor as "popular" (even though his policies are not), the paper inculcates apathy among Democrats, suggesting that a loss by Jealous is a foregone conclusion. While Hogan indeed does have high approval ratings, the Post's reporting has the feel of a prophecy that hopes to be self-fulfilling.
Looming over the Post's coverage of the governor's race is Hogan's ingratiating support for Amazon, the e-commerce giant owned by the world's richest person, Jeff Bezos, who also happens to own the Washington Post. Amazon, and the paper's relationship to it, hardly ever come up in articles about the governor's race: In the past year, just three articles about Ben Jealous's run for governor mentioned Amazon. This level of attention underplays just how much Amazon, and its owner, have at stake in Maryland.
Amazon has a vested interest in seeing Maryland remain "business-friendly," something the Post considers Hogan to be. The former White Flint Mall in Montgomery County, just north of the wealthy DC commuter suburb of Bethesda, is a leading candidate in the company's high-profile search for a second headquarters. Amazon is expected to settle on a location by the end of the year.
The relationship between Amazon and states with the potential to host its "HQ2" is different from typical lobbying arrangements. While businesses usually lobby state governments for subsidies, tax breaks and the like, it is state governments that are heavily lobbying Amazon to select their states. Governor Hogan pledged $8.5 billion in state incentives for the Montgomery location, so far the highest offer of any state (after the inclusion of $2 billion in contingent transportation improvements).
On the company's potential relocation plan, Hogan remarked, "HQ2 is the single greatest economic development opportunity in a generation, and we're committing all of the resources we have to bring it home to Maryland." Hogan met with Bezos in person at the Economic Club of Washington in September.
But even if it doesn't land in Maryland, the state already figures large in Amazon's plans; the company operates or leases a number of sprawling fulfillment and sorting warehouses in the state, including one in Cecil County, one in Rockville in Montgomery County, one outside BWI Airport in Anne Arundel County, and three facilities by the Baltimore Marine Terminal. The company just finished building its newest fulfilment center in Sparrow's Point in eastern Baltimore County, a location chosen after the state and county doled out $2.2 million in incentives.
All told, Amazon has received $46 million in subsidies from the state and local governments in Maryland since 2000, more than 42 other states. Considering that the company has spent only $10 million in lobbying in Maryland and given $6 million in campaign contributions to state politicians over the past 18 years, this is a healthy return on Amazon's political investments.
Even if HQ2 doesn't come to Maryland, there is a decent chance that it will be located nearby, with other possible sites located in Washington proper or close to the sprawling data center campuses near Dulles Airport in Northern Virginia. The metro area's interconnectivity and its intimate relationship with the federal government mean that Amazon would no doubt become a bigger regional player, regardless of which state it actually ends up calling home.
As Amazon receives increasing antitrust scrutiny from President Trump, legislators, regulators and the public at large, and continues to diversify into a wide variety of industries like groceries, media, healthcare and drone delivery, its interests require an ever-expanding lobbying presence. The e-commerce giant's lobbying expenditures have exploded by more than 400 percent over the past five years, and in 2017 was the eighth-largest corporate lobbyist, and the second-largest in the technology sector, after Google's parent company Alphabet.
Amazon also receives large contracts from the federal government, including providing cloud computing services for the CIA, while Bezos's spaceflight company Blue Origin maintains large contracts with NASA.
What's more, Bezos just purchased the largest house in DC, a former textile museum, while his ownership of the Washington Post anchors his relationship to the city his paper serves, as well as to Maryland and Virginia. A friendly governor in Maryland, a key part of the DC metro region, is crucial for Amazon's continued presence there.
While Hogan seems to fill that role, Jealous is not as certain. If he were to be elected, Jealous has stated that he would honor a potential deal made by Hogan for Amazon's new headquarters if they decided on a location in Maryland within the coming months. However, Jealous has criticized the incentives offered by Hogan as "fundamentally bad negotiation," and has questioned the rationale for giving a "generous tax package to one of the world's wealthiest corporations." One article (7/27/18) on "tepid" support for Jealous from establishment Democrats cited the fact that he "appears insufficiently supportive" of efforts to woo Amazon.
Perhaps the biggest red flag for the Post is Jealous's alignment with Bernie Sanders, a longtime adversary of Bezos. Last week, Sanders pressured the billionaire into raising wages at Amazon with his proposal of the Stop BEZOS Act, which would tax companies on the amount their employees receive in public benefits.
The Post has a penchant for attacking Democrats who don't toe the corporate line. They have gone out of their way to try to discredit Sanders on numerous occasions (FAIR.org, 10/1/15, 3/8/16, 5/11/16, 11/17/16, etc.), running 16 negative stories on Sanders in one 16-hour period during the 2016 primaries. The paper (7/11/18) described Mark Elrich, a progressive who is running for Montgomery County executive, as a "leftist" whose "anti-business and anti-development" attitudes should be "cause for concern" to voters--though it said that Elrich's assurance that "he would embrace a decision by Amazon to locate its second corporate headquarters in the county" was "welcome." Like Jealous, Elrich has since assured Bezos that he will not attempt to block the Amazon HQ should it land in Montgomery County.
As it does with Sanders and Elrich, the Post's coverage of Jealous combines skepticism towards his electoral chances and dismissal of his supposedly radical policies. Disparaging the political and practical viability of such people-friendly policies as universal healthcare and a livable minimum wage is in the obvious interests of the billionaire class--and, by extension, billionaire-owned news outlets like the Post.
Such interests are rarely directly expressed. A media outlet's awareness of the preferences of its owner seldom takes the form of a memo from the boss telling editors to assign stories critical of the owner's enemies or supportive of their friends. Shrewd employees understand what kind of work makes the person who signs their paychecks happy, and direct their efforts accordingly. And savvy employers know how to hire workers who will do what is expected without being told--which is why pioneering press critic George Seldes wrote:
The most stupid boast in the history of present-day journalism is that of the writer who says, "I have never been given orders; I am free to do as I like."
The Post does offer dissenting opinions every now and then. This week, it published a pro-Jealous op-ed, as well as a letter to the editor that decried the paper's "loaded words" in a past report on Jealous's relation to the Maryland Democratic Party. The paper has also published pieces skeptical of Amazon's relocation to the DC metro area (on the grounds that it will increase traffic and housing costs, rather than opposition to the multi-billion dollar incentive plan), as well as reporting on activism against the potential to land HQ2. But this hardly balances the negative approach it has taken towards Jealous, or the praise it has showered on Hogan.
Bezos' effect on the Washington Post's coverage of politicians who will influence Amazon's business plans, either positively or negatively, is hard to demonstrate with a smoking gun. What is clear is that newspapers' editorial decisions have real impact on public opinion, elections, people's livelihoods, corporate power, race relations, environmental sustainability and many other facets of life. The more papers are owned by billionaires like Bezos, the more potentially pervasive the billionaires' influence.
President Donald Trump keeps signaling his determination to remake the Republican Party in the image of Steve Bannon and his circle of wild-eyed racists and xenophobes. Because the media in the United States tend to focus on personality clashes and electoral strategies rather than ideologies and the evolution of political parties, Trump's political project is still too little-noted by the pundits and politicians, who have consistently underestimated the threat he poses. Yet, for those who are paying attention, the President's extreme messaging sends a clear signal."The dog whistles get louder," says anti-racism activist and author Tim Wise.
Early in 2017, Trump expressed enthusiasm for France's far right, hailing National Front (now National Rally) leader Marine Le Pen as "the strongest on what's been going on in France"--an embrace of a candidate whom French conservatives rejected for leading a party "known for its violence, its intolerance." Several months later, when neo-Nazis rioted and killed a woman in Charlottesville, Virginia, Trump suggested there were "good people" among those throwing up fascist salutes.
In August, Trump began hyperventilating about white farmers in South Africa, with a tweet announcing that he had asked Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to investigate "South Africa land and farm seizures and expropriations and the large scale killing of farmers." In so doing, he adopted a meme favored by shadowy global networks that mumble about "white genocide." The New York Times said the president was citing "false claims." Patrick Gaspard, the former U.S. ambassador to South Africa, warned that the President "needs political distractions to turn our gaze away from his criminal cabal, and so he's attacking South Africa with the disproven racial myth of 'large scale killings of farmers.'"
Gaspard was right about the impulse of this President to distract the media and his supporters from his many crises. Yet there is more going on here than the usual smoke and mirrors of politics.
"Ultimately, I don't see this tweet as being about South Africa at all," Wise told Joy Reid on an MSNBC program that offered a rare example of how Trump should be covered. "I think it is a way to try and scare white Americans not of black South Africans, about whom they don't think very much, but of black people in this country. It's all part of a larger political process."
The larger political process is what matters. Donald Trump knows this. So, too, do his sharpest critics. That makes the 2018 election cycle much more than the traditional partisan fight between Republicans and Democrats. What is playing out this year are battles for the souls of both major political parties.
A new generation of intersectional candidates is doing its best to drive the Democratic Party in a different direction.
Just as Trump is steering the Republican Party into the ditch of white nationalism, a new generation of intersectional candidates (many of them women, people of color, immigrants, or the children of immigrants) is doing its best to drive the Democratic Party in a different direction. It is a movement that Ayanna Pressley, who beat a ten-term incumbent Congressman in a Massachusetts primary in September, says "can ensure that this moment of hatred and division in Washington is a catalyst for the greatest progressive movement of our generation."
Neither major party will finish 2018 unchanged. Yet the extent of the transformation will be known only after the November 6 election results are digested. The changes may be uneven; one party may go through a more radical transformation than the other. But there is no going back for either party. Nor is there any reason to believe that this unavoidable process of radical transformation will end on a particular Election Day. Even if Republicans are completely vanquished by a "Blue Wave" election, the process of remaking the party in the President's image will continue.
The President is a dangerous man, a danger he extends by regularly intervening on behalf of his "mini-mes"--like race-baiting Florida Republican gubernatorial nominee Ron DeSantis. The threat Trump poses is multiplied by the fact that, as veteran Republican strategist Rick Wilson reminds us, GOP "leaders" such as Mitch McConnell and Paul Ryan "lack the moral courage to stand up and say directly into the camera: this President is engaging in things that are overtly racial, this is a signal to some of the worst elements in our society."
With that said, however, it must be understood that Trump is not our condition. Rather, he is an alarming symptom of what ails our politics at a moment of dramatic change in how we organize our lives, our work, our world.
Trump is President because this country's political leaders have failed to respond honestly or usefully to the radical changes that are transforming the lives of Americans, and the anxiety these changes create.
The United States has barely begun to wrestle with the immediate crisis of climate change. At the same time, it is now thirty years into a globalization revolution that is changing everything about how we relate to the world--economically, socially, politically, and practically. It is twenty years into a digital revolution that is changing everything about how we communicate, with dramatic repercussions for how we organize our time and our relationships. And it is ten years into an automation revolution that is already changing everything about our workplaces, and that will ultimately upend our sense of who we are as workers and what we might seek to accomplish.
This is heavy stuff. It is hitting the average American with the force of three industrial revolutions at the same time. Unfortunately, because of the lingering influence of neoliberal fabulism on both parties, serious thinking about the policies needed to address this sea change has been neglected in favor of the fantasy that "the market will come up with a solution."
Economists tell us that the concentration of power in the hands of a billionaire class, and the monopolization of wealth by trillion-dollar tech corporations, is bad for business and worse for humanity. Social scientists identify economic and social inequality as an existential threat. The Harvard Business Review notes that "people in all walks of life are becoming very concerned about advancing automation." Yet the supposedly "enlightened" leaders of both parties continue to propose "more-of-the-same" schemes to divert precious public resources to billionaires, tech titans, and the military-industrial complex that has already locked up so much of our commonwealth.
Until Bernie Sanders opened up the debate with a 2016 presidential run that shook the Democratic Party's complacency, scant attention was paid to the fact that a Scandinavian-style social welfare state will have to be developed to provide Americans with guarantees of health care, education, transportation, and other basic needs. It is the only rational response to a "gig-economy," where workers cannot count on the benefits packages that sustained their grandparents and that their parents are now losing.
By the way, young voters did not back Sanders in the 2016 Democratic primaries because he was promising "free stuff." They voted for him because his social-democratic agenda sounded like a smart proposal for bringing a measure of stability to the chaotic future they are already experiencing.
Yet, even at his best, Sanders barely touched on the topics that will soon confront society, like whether a universal basic income will be required to sustain workers displaced by robots. And once the nomination fight was done, Democrats defaulted to the habitual caution that keeps the party from inspiring young people and disaffected Americans.
Neglect of the essential debate has made it easy for Trump to fill the anxiety void with a combination of over-the-top bragging about his dubious business skills and crude appeals to xenophobia. This was just enough to swing battleground states such as Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania--and, with them, the Electoral College--in 2016. But Trump is incapable of addressing the sources of the anxiety, which is one of the reasons why his approval numbers are so low and the prospects that Democrats might take the House in 2018 are so high.
There are plenty of people--many of them Trump voters and potential Trump voters--who recognize that good employment numbers are transitory, that wages are stagnant, and that tax cuts are more likely to be invested in robotification than long-term job creation. Trump has no answers for the real issues of our time. So he will keep going further down the rathole of racialized politics, and he is not going alone.
The story of the Republican Party's future is being written by Donald Trump. That tweet about South African farmers, like so many of the President's signals, should be read in the context of the politics of right now.
The evidence from the 2018 campaign is that Trump's trajectory will be every bit as horrible as his sharpest critics imagine. He'll keep intervening in Republican primaries on behalf of men like Kansas gubernatorial candidate Kris Kobach, who peddles lies about "illegal voting" that Republicans use to make it harder for non-Republicans to cast ballots; and Georgia gubernatorial candidate Brian Kemp, who proved that it was possible to be more venomous than Trump by promising to use his pickup truck to round up immigrants.
The story of the Democratic Party's pushback against Trump is, as yet, unwritten. There are no guarantees that the Democrats will rise to the challenge of the moment. They failed to do so in 2016 because party leaders at the highest level misread the moment. They spent too much time concentrating on Trump and too little time on the question of why the most divisive and discredited Republican nominee in the party's history was a viable contender for the presidency.
The story of the Democratic Party's pushback against Trump is, as yet, unwritten. There are no guarantees that the Democrats will rise to the challenge of the moment.
What Democrats must recognize is that the required response to Trumpism involves filling the void of the uncertainty he creates with information, ideas, and programs. This won't change the hearts of visceral racists and xenophobes, of the David Dukes and Richard Spencers, who relish the political normalization of white nationalism. But it will speak to frightened and frustrated Americans, and identify an agenda for mobilizing what Democracy for America Executive Director Charles Chamberlain calls "the New American Majority of people of color and progressive white voters [who] are ready to deliver transformative results for candidates who share their commitment to bold, inclusive populism."
This year's primary elections have been notable for breakthrough victories by scores of Democratic candidates who recognize the need for this new politics. In Massachusetts, for instance, Ayanna Pressley launched her campaign with a declaration that: "the people of this district deserve a representative who will enlist them as partners in the development, visioning, and governing of their communities. Activism is no longer an option, but is the expectation of our generation."
That last line went to the heart of the matter. Pressley, a forty-four-year-old African American progressive, shared many positions with incumbent Congressman Mike Capuano. What distinguished her was a promise to combine representation in Washington with movement activism at home. She communicated a sense of urgency that her party has lacked. After casting her primary ballot on September 4, she said: "This is a fight for the soul of our party, and the future of our democracy, at a time when our country is at a crossroads."
Pressley secured her upset victory with a 59-41 landslide. She was one of dozens of insurgents who prevailed in Democratic primaries during the course of the first nine months of 2018. Gubernatorial candidates such as Ben Jealous in Maryland, Stacey Abrams in Georgia, and Andrew Gillum in Florida won historic nominations, as did Congressional candidates such as Kara Eastman in Nebraska, Rashida Tlaib in Michigan, Ilhan Omar in Minnesota, and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in New York (see interview, page 60).
The first challenger to defeat an incumbent Congressman in a Democratic primary, Ocasio-Cortez became a symbol of the movement to change the party. She was open about the failure of the party to speak to the issues that matter to voters--including some voters who backed Trump in 2016, and many more who stayed home.
"[Trump] spoke very directly to a lot of needs that were not being met by both the Democratic Party and the Republican Party," she told The Intercept's Glenn Greenwald. "Our neglect of that is something we wholeheartedly have to take responsibility for, and correct for."
That's a vital acknowledgment, and an even more vital call to action.
Trump's answers to America's problems are wrong. Yet he is doubling down on them with a white-nationalist message that could come to fully define his party. The challenge for Democrats is to forge an alternative message that is bigger and bolder than the pathetic agenda that this President and his partisan allies propose.
The alternative to a "make-America-great-again" politics of old policies and older fears is a new politics for a new time. To achieve this new politics, the Democratic Party must be as radical as it was in the days of Franklin Roosevelt and Henry Wallace. It must be more open to social democratic ideals, especially those that will shape and sustain a social welfare state sufficient to provide benefits as the economic order of the past gives way to a new order in which jobs are replaced by gigs.
It will recognize that a universal basic income may be the only answer for workers who are being displaced, not temporarily but permanently, by the robots and computers that Oxford University social scientists say could eliminate half of existing jobs in the next two decades. And it will know that antitrust initiatives to break up, regulate, and tax tech monopolies will allow citizens rather than CEOs to guide a technological revolution focused on the betterment of the human condition.
This is the politics proposed by the most tech-savvy Democrat in the current Congress, Ro Khanna of California, who two years ago defeated an eight-term incumbent Congressman in a primary contest that foretold the intraparty fights of 2018. "Our country is going through a profound transition from an industrial age to a digital age," Khanna has said. "The gains of that transition had gone to a few people who are creative, brilliant, at the right place at the right time. There are a lot of folks who had been left out in that transition."
If next-generation candidates who practice a politics of big ideas and big mobilization win in November, that will be a signal for the only major party that still has the potential to meet the challenges of the times
The Democratic Party can't be too bold. Unfortunately, the Democratic Party does not yet know whether it wants to be bold. This is what the primary battles of 2018 were about, and this is why the results from November contests matter more than a measure of D-versus-R alignment. If next-generation candidates who practice a politics of big ideas and big mobilization win in November, that will be a signal for the only major party that still has the potential to meet the challenges of the times.
Parties evolve, or die. That's a fact of political science. This year will tell us a great deal about just how dangerous the evolution of the Republican Party has become. But it could also tell us how the Democratic Party might avert the danger and claim the future.
In his post-presidency, Barack Obama has mostly tried to stay out of politics, spending a lot of time goofing off with billionaire friends, writing a book, creating TV shows, and collecting vast sums in buckraking speeches. But he has finally started to dip his toes back into the political waters, recently releasing endorsements for the 2018 election and cutting his first ad spot of the election cycle for the billionaire Illinois gubernatorial candidate J.B. Pritzker.
What's been most striking about this political re-entry is its profound worthlessness.
Exhibit A is the list of people he snubbed in his endorsements. He did not endorse Democrat Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in New York's 14th Congressional District, nor Democratic senators facing tough elections battles like Claire McCaskill (D-Mo.), Heidi Heitkamp (D-N.D.), or Joe Donnelly (D-Ind.). To be fair, his blessing might not be of that much use for those senators, and Ocasio-Cortez is safe in a deep-blue district.
But that is not true of Ben Jealous, the former head of the NAACP who is in a tight race for the Maryland governorship and whom Obama pointedly didn't endorse.
Down by 16 points in the latest poll this month, Jealous could badly use Obama's help. His Republican opponent, Larry Hogan, is popular. Jealous is betting on winning by stoking lefty enthusiasm with progressive policy and populist rhetoric about economic and social justice. As a result, he is facing near-mutiny from wealthy Maryland liberals, a great many of whom are in favor of social justice if and only if it does not deduct one single cent from their personal pocketbooks.
There's an argument to be made that this was a political miscalculation, and it's possible that Jealous could lose on that basis. But that argument was hashed out in the Maryland primary, and Jealous was the victor. The way the Democratic Party is advertised to work is that internal decisions about the party's political orientation will be decided in the primaries, and then all party factions will unite behind whoever wins.
What's more, Obama is enormously popular among wealthy liberals, and among the African-American voters of Maryland (which has the fourth-highest percentage of black residents of all states, just slightly behind Georgia). If anyone could swoop in and get Maryland Democrats to focus on the greater goal of ousting the Republican enemy, it is him. And let's not forget that the Democratic Party is at a historical low ebb at a time of extreme political crisis, with a loopy Republican president and cronies committing crimes left and right. The nation desperately needs as many good Democrats in elected office as possible.
Not only is Obama refusing to even endorse Jealous (who incidentally would be the first black governor in Maryland history), he is also campaigning openly for a deeply compromised white male billionaire.
But not only is Obama refusing to even endorse Jealous (who incidentally would be the first black governor in Maryland history), he is also campaigning openly for a deeply compromised white male billionaire. Pritzker is a man who is not just a milquetoast centrist with millions in overseas tax havens, but also was caught on federal wiretaps in 2008 cynically speculating with then-Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich (D) about how local black opinion might be manipulated through choice of appointment to Obama's vacant Senate seat.
So why is Obama sticking his neck out for this guy, but not Jealous? One highly compelling explanation is that Pritzker's sister Penny (a billionaire in her own right) has been one of Obama's big money contacts since the beginning of his national career in 2004. "Her early involvement with Obama has been long credited with opening the door to an elite world of campaign financiers who then turned on the spigot, making him a financially viable candidate," writes Natasha Korecki in Politico. She was his national finance chair during his 2008 campaign, and he appointed her to be secretary of the Department of Commerce during his second term. Now she's on the board of directors of the Obama Foundation.
We see that in the pinch, Obama's wretched class politics swamps all other considerations. Pritzker, his family, and now Obama are all part of the logrolling wealthy liberal elite, trading donations, jobs, and favors back and forth both in government and out. The politics of someone like Jealous would radically disrupt this comfortable arrangement, attacking corrupt insider privileges and hiking taxes to create a more egalitarian society. Thus he cannot be in the well-upholstered centrist liberal clubhouse.
If that means a Republican holds the Maryland governorship, by Obama's lights, so be it.

After Thursday night's final gubernatorial debate in Michigan's Democratic primary race, voters and political commentators alike pronounced progressive candidate Abdul El-Sayed the clear winner, praising his universal healthcare plan and refusal to take corporate donations.
El-Sayed denounced former state Senate minority leader Gretchen Whitmer for campaigning on health care reform while allowing health insurance executives to host a fundraiser for her, accusing her of "corruption."
He also touted his plan for a state-level Medicare for All plan, a proposal the former Detroit Health Department director says will save Michigan families $5,000 per year.
"We have to stand up for a Michigan that embraces our future," said El-Sayed. "That means we have to stand up for a Michigan that's for the people, by the people."
"To me, it is about standing up to the dominance of a particular economic elite, about recognizing that real people are suffering every single day and about being willing to stand up for policies that empower real people over the corporations." --Abdul El-SayedIn two separate polls gauging reactions from more than 7,000 Michigan residents, El-Sayed was declared the winner of the debate, gathering 71 percent of the vote in one survey and 59 percent in another. Whitmer trailed behind him in each, losing by dozens of percentage points.
"El-Sayed performed the strongest, he really honed in on values that everyone should have access to economic opportunities, everyone should have access to healthcare," Detroit City Councilwoman Raquel Castaneda-Lopez told WDIV-TV, the local station which hosted the debate. "Those things are really going to resonate with folks who usually don't engage in primaries."
His performance won praise on social media as well.
. @AbdulElSayed was on fire tonight in the #MIDemDebate!!! i have never been so passionate about a candidate before. made my first political contribution at $25 dollars to his grassroots campaign. and i am a proud volunteer! vote vote vote in the primary #ForOurFuture
-- steph (@scr33chh) July 20, 2018
El-Sayed's commitment to fighting for bold reforms has recently won him endorsements from the Justice Democrats--the group that has backed progressive candidates including Ben Jealous in Maryland's gubernatorial race, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in New York, and Laura Moser in Texas--as well as filmmaker and activist Michael Moore.
El-Sayed's refusal to take corporate money has offered a stark contrast to Whitmer, who recently benefited from a $1.8 million ad campaign paid for by donors who may remain anonymous until after the August 7th primary election.
Build a Better Michigan, the 527 organization behind the ads, is required to disclose its donors--but it sent information about its financial backing to the IRS via mail rather than electronically in recent days.
"It can take as long as eight to 10 weeks for the IRS to upload a report submitted by mail to its public website, meaning Build a Better Michigan's full donor disclosure document may not be public until sometime between Sept. 15 to Sept. 30," wrote Jonathan Oosting in the Detroit News.
The lack of transparency is "corrupting our Democratic primary," El-Sayed said during the debate.
"We need to know where the money's coming from," he told the Detroit News. "Especially if it's unlimited corporate contributions."
El-Sayed's website details other aspects of his 20-point plan for Michigan, including a minimum wage of $15 per hour, making college tuition free for families earning under $150,000 per year, and fighting for clean drinking water by shutting down polluting pipelines like the one Enbridge runs through the Straits of Mackinac.
In a recent interview with Jeremy Scahill on the podcast "Intercepted," El-Sayed spoke about his hope that progressive candidates such as himself will remake the Democratic Party and U.S. government as entities that work for working Americans instead of corporate interests.
"The responsibility right now is to pull us as a party to FDR's Democratic Party and to remind ourselves that we have an opportunity about what is morally correct and about fighting for that right now," said El-Sayed. "And, to me, it is about standing up to the dominance of a particular economic elite, about recognizing that real people are suffering every single day and about being willing to stand up for policies that empower real people over the corporations."