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Countries Should Revise Draft to Fully Align with Human Rights Obligations
World Health Organization (WHO) member countries negotiating a new international agreement to address pandemics need to ensure that the agreement reflects their domestic and international obligations to respect, protect, and fulfill all human rights, Human Rights Watch said today. Negotiators will meet in Geneva for two weeks starting September 9, 2024.
The draft WHO Pandemic Agreement, which negotiators hope to finalize before the next World Health Assembly in May 2025, proposes to fundamentally alter the international system of pandemic prevention, preparedness, and response. After two years of negotiations, the draft still risks repeating the profound failures of the Covid-19 pandemic by failing to align with international human rights law standards and principles.
“The WHO Pandemic Agreement is a rare opportunity to establish guard rails to prevent a Covid-19-like human rights catastrophe from happening again,” said Matt McConnell, economic justice and rights researcher at Human Rights Watch. “But by failing to clearly require governments to align their responses with their human rights obligations, it ignores Covid’s lessons.”
Four-and-a-half years after the WHO declared Covid-19 a pandemic, more than 7 million deaths have been reported. The harm caused by both the virus and governments’ responses will be felt for decades to come.
During the pandemic, governments weaponized public health responses to target activists and opponents and violate the rights of asylum seekers. Wealthy governments hoarded healthcare resources and privileged private profit over people’s lives by blocking efforts to waive intellectual property rules. Pharmaceutical companies refused to share their technology widely, limiting global production of lifesaving health products, especially in low- and middle-income countries.
Many governments closed schools without adequate alternatives, which affected children unequally and led to widespread, devastating learning losses. Others rushed to endorse online learning platforms without regard to how intrusive they were or how they surveilled children. Governments frequently failed to ensure the rights of older peopleand people with disabilities. They also failed to address the deep impact of the pandemic on women and girls, and aglobal surge in violence against women.
Despite the pandemic, many governments still failed to meet vital public healthcare spending benchmarks, leaving many people unable to access needed health care. While some governments like the United States made major investments in programs to keep people housed and in social security to protect people’s livelihoods, resulting domestic reductions in inequality proved as temporary as these programs.
Recognizing many of these failures, the WHO’s World Health Assembly in December 2021 established an intergovernmental negotiating body to draft and negotiate an international instrument to strengthen pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. This negotiating body consists of representatives from all 194 WHO member countries, but the process has been guided by representatives from six countries, one from each of the six WHO regions.
Tasked with completing these negotiations by June 2024, the group’s process was widely criticized by civil society organizations as inadequately transparent, participatory, or consultative. Hampered by the short timeline, immense complexity, diplomatic tension, and substantive disagreement, negotiators requested a one-year extension for the process, which they received. But negotiators may now aim to conclude their work as soon as December.
At the Geneva meeting, the negotiating body will need to address major substantive and procedural concerns remainingabout how the negotiations are being conducted and what is and is not reflected in the draft agreement under discussion. This includes financing, the transfer of technologies, the equitable distribution of vaccines, therapeutics, and diagnostics, and how the agreement will ensure its efficacy.
When the body previously gathered in November 2023, Human Rights Watch issued a joint statement with Amnesty International, the Global Initiative for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the International Commission of Jurists calling on negotiators to enshrine core human rights standards protected under international law in the agreement.
The organizations highlighted that international human rights law provides a framework to guide the resolution of outstanding concerns in a way that complies with governments’ existing human rights obligations. As member countries meet in Geneva, they should ensure that human rights guides negotiations by:
Reflecting core principles of human rights law essential to an effective and equitable pandemic response: Reinstate (e.g., in Article 3) fundamental principles of human rights law that appear to have been removed from the current draft, including non-discrimination, gender equality, and the need to protect people in vulnerable situations. Where human rights are currently mentioned in the agreement (e.g., in Article 3.2), they should encompass the full scope of governments’ obligations to respect, protect, and fulfill human rights, both domestically and extraterritorially.
Expanding equitable and affordable access to pandemic-related health products: Where the agreement discusses access to testing, vaccines, and therapeutics during health emergencies (e.g., in Articles 10, 11, and 12), it should reflect governments’ obligations to ensure that such access is also affordable. This should be accomplished by facilitating technology transfers consistent with governments’ international obligations to provide international assistance and cooperation, and to ensure that everyone can access the applications of scientific progress. It should also prohibit retaliation against governments that take advantage of “flexibilities” under the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS Agreement).
Reaffirming governments’ obligations to ensure any restrictions on human rights in the context of pandemic prevention, preparedness, and response are consistent with international human rights law: Reaffirm (e.g., in Article 3 and throughout Chapter II) governments’ obligations to demonstrate that any measures that have the effect of restricting the realization of human rights are evidence-based, legally grounded, nondiscriminatory, and necessary and proportionate to a legitimate purpose, such as the protection of others’ rights. It should also reiterate that, whenever such restrictions undermine the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights, governments should provide appropriate relief.
Improving governments’ implementation: Include (e.g., in Chapter III) a system of monitoring and periodic review that draws on the best practices of other international instruments to ensure its rights-aligned implementation, including continually expanding affordable access to testing, treatments, and vaccines during health emergencies. Additionally, the agreement should reaffirm (e.g., in Article 3) that domestic laws may not be used as an excuse for falling short of international standards, and specify more clearly the bases upon which a party may make reservations (e.g., in Article 27).
Negotiators have not addressed these and similar recommendations calling for a rights-based agreement, including those raised by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and major coalitions of civil society groups and experts, such as the People’s Medicine Alliance, Civil Society Alliance, Global Health Law Consortium, and Geneva Global Health Hub.
The negotiators’ unwillingness to address these issues is more than just a missed opportunity, Human Rights Watch said. Should the agreement proceed without addressing these concerns, it may fail to prevent many of the disastrous domestic and international policies that motivated its creation. It would muddle international human rights law, international trade law, and global health law, and possibly reinforce the failed idea that governments should rely on voluntary efforts by private companies to respond to a global health crisis.
“Negotiators meeting in Geneva still have the chance to draft an agreement to ensure that governments and companies respect, protect, and fulfill all human rights when the next pandemic comes around,” McConnell said. “But if governments rush to enact something that falls short of their existing human rights obligations, there is a real danger that the agreement could instead serve as a tool to justify rights violations.”
Human Rights Watch is one of the world's leading independent organizations dedicated to defending and protecting human rights. By focusing international attention where human rights are violated, we give voice to the oppressed and hold oppressors accountable for their crimes. Our rigorous, objective investigations and strategic, targeted advocacy build intense pressure for action and raise the cost of human rights abuse. For 30 years, Human Rights Watch has worked tenaciously to lay the legal and moral groundwork for deep-rooted change and has fought to bring greater justice and security to people around the world.
"This is our God: Jesus, King of Peace, who rejects war, whom no one can use to justify war."
Pope Leo XIV used his Palm Sunday sermon to take what appears to be a shot at US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.
In his sermon, excerpts of which he published on social media, the pope emphasized Christian teachings against violence while criticizing anyone who would invoke Jesus Christ to justify a war.
"This is our God: Jesus, King of Peace, who rejects war, whom no one can use to justify war," Pope Leo said. "He does not listen to the prayers of those who wage war, but rejects them."
The pope also encouraged followers to "raise our prayers to the Prince of Peace so that he may support people wounded by war and open concrete paths of reconciliation and peace."
While speaking at the Pentagon last week, Hegseth directly invoked Jesus when discussing the Trump administration's unprovoked and unconstitutional war with Iran.
Specifically, Hegseth offered up a prayer in which he asked God to give US soldiers "wisdom in every decision, endurance for the trial ahead, unbreakable unity, and overwhelming violence of action against those who deserve no mercy," adding that "we ask these things with bold confidence in the mighty and powerful name of Jesus Christ."
Mother Jones contributing writer Alex Nguyen described the pope's sermon as a "rebuke" of Hegseth, whom he noted "has been open about his support for a Christian crusade" in the Middle East.
Pope Leo is not the only Catholic leader speaking against using Christian faith to justify wars of aggression. Two weeks ago, Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin patriarch of Jerusalem, said "the abuse and manipulation of God’s name to justify this and any other war is the gravest sin we can commit at this time."
“War is first and foremost political and has very material interests, like most wars," Cardinal Pizzaballa added.
"Trump’s problem is that whatever the claims he might make about the damage to Iran’s nuclear and military capacity, which is substantial, the regime survives, the international economy has been severely disrupted, and the bills keep on coming in."
President Donald Trump is reportedly preparing to launch some kind of ground assault on Iran in the coming weeks, but one prominent military strategy expert believes he's heading straight for defeat.
The Washington Post on Saturday reported that the Pentagon is preparing for "weeks" of ground operations in Iran, which for the last month has disrupted global energy markets by shutting down the Strait of Hormuz in response to aerial assaults by the US and Israel.
The Post's sources revealed that "any potential ground operation would fall short of a full-scale invasion and could instead involve raids by a mixture of Special Operations forces and conventional infantry troops" that could be used to seize Kharg Island, a key Iranian oil export hub, or to search out and destroy weapons systems that could be used by the Iranians to target ships along the strait.
Michael Eisenstadt, director of the Military and Security Studies Program at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, told the Post that taking over Kharg Island would be a highly risky operation for American troops, even if initially successful.
“I just wouldn’t want to be in that small place with Iran’s ability to rain down drones and maybe artillery,” said Eisenstadt.
Eisenstadt's analysis was echoed by Ret. Gen. Joseph Votel, former head of US Central Command, who told ABC News that seizing and occupying Kharg Island would put US troops in a state of constant danger, warning they could be "very, very vulnerable" to drones and missiles launched from the shore.
Lawrence Freedman, professor emeritus of war studies at King's College London, believes that the president has already checkmated himself regardless of what shape any ground operation takes.
In an analysis published Sunday, Freedman declared Trump had run "out of options" for victory, as there have been no signs of the Iranian regime crumbling due to US-Israeli attacks.
Freedman wrote that Trump now "appears to inhabit an alternative reality," noting that "his utterances have become increasingly incoherent, with contradictory statements following quickly one after the other, and frankly delusional claims."
Trump's loan real option at this point, Freedman continued, would to simply declare that he had achieved an unprecedented victory and just walk away. But even in that case, wrote Freedman, "this would mean leaving behind a mess in the Gulf" with no guarantee that Iran would re-open the Strait of Hormuz.
"Success in war is judged not by damage caused but by political objectives realized," Freedman wrote in his conclusion. "Here the objective was regime change, or at least the emergence of a new compliant leader... Trump’s problem is that whatever the claims he might make about the damage to Iran’s nuclear and military capacity, which is substantial, the regime survives, the international economy has been severely disrupted, and the bills keep on coming in."
"The NY Times saves its harshest skepticism for progressives," said one critic.
The New York Times is drawing criticism for publishing articles that downplayed the significance of Saturday's No Kings protests, which initial estimates suggest was the largest protest event in US history.
In a Times article that drew particular ire, reporter Jeremy Peters questioned whether nationwide events that drew an estimated 8 million people to the streets "would be enough to influence the course of the nation’s politics."
"Can the protests harness that energy and turn it into victories in the November midterm elections?" Peters asked rhetorically. "How can they avoid a primal scream that fades into a whimper?"
Journalist and author Mark Harris called Peters' take on the protests "predictable" and said it was framed so that the protests would appear insignificant no matter how many people turned out.
"There's a long, bad journalistic tradition," noted Harris. "All conservative grass-roots political movements are fascinating heartland phenomena, all progressive grass-roots political movements are ineffectual bleating. This one is written off as powered by white female college grads—the wine-moms slur, basically."
Media critic Dan Froomkin was event blunter in his criticism of the Peters piece.
"Putting anti-woke hack Jeremy Peters on this story is an act of war by the NYT against No Kings," he wrote.
Mark Jacob, former metro editor at the Chicago Tribune, also took a hatchet to Peters' analysis.
"The NY Times saves its harshest skepticism for progressives," he wrote. "Instead of being impressed by 3,000-plus coordinated protests, NYT dismisses the value of 'hitting a number' and asks if No Kings will be 'a primal scream that fades into a whimper.' F off, NY Times. We'll defeat fascism without you."
The Media and Democracy Project slammed the Times for putting Peters' analysis of the protests on its front page while burying straight news coverage of the events on page A18.
"NYT editors CHOSE that Jeremy Peters's opinions would frame the No Kings demonstrations and pro-democracy movement to millions of NYT readers," the group commented.
Joe Adalian, west coast editor for New York Mag's Vulture, criticized a Times report on the No Kings demonstrations that quoted a "skeptic" of the protests without noting that said skeptic was the chairman of the Ole Miss College Republicans.
"Of course, the Times doesn’t ID him as such," remarked Adalian. "He's just a Concerned Youth."
Jeff Jarvis, professor emeritus at the CUNY Graduate School of Journalism, took issue with a Times piece that offered five "takeaways" from the No Kings events that somehow managed to miss their broader significance.
"I despise the five-takeaways journalistic trope the Broken Times loves so," Jarvis wrote. "It is reductionist, hubristic in its claim to summarize any complex event. This one leaves out much, like the defense of democracy against fascism."
Journalist Miranda Spencer took stock of the Times' entire coverage of the No Kings demonstrations and declared it "clueless," while noting that USA Today did a far better job of communicating their significance to readers.
Harper's Magazine contributing editor Scott Horton similarly argued that international news organizations were giving the No Kings events more substantive coverage than the Times.
"In Le Monde and dozens of serious newspapers around the world, prominent coverage of No Kings 3, which brought millions of Americans on to the streets to protest Trump," Horton observed. "In NYT, an illiterate rant from Jeremy W Peters and no meaningful coverage of the protests. Something very strange going on here."