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"Corporate media routinely assert that the US 'stumbles,' 'slips' or is 'dragged into' war and other forms of organized violence, rather than planning deliberate acts of aggression," Johnson writes. (Photo: U.S. Senate)
As part of a promotion for the upcoming "Look, Evil Russians!" film Red Sparrow (hyping Hollywood films is apparently a thing reporters do now), New York Times national security reporter Scott Shane (2/14/18) wrote a synergistic Cold War 2.0 essay about the CIA's alleged attempt to recruit him. It included a rather jarring--if not risible--paragraph summarizing Shane's years of reporting:
All these years later, I assume my name appears in multiple files at the CIA, the National Security Agency and perhaps other corners of the sprawling security bureaucracy, with gripes and comments related to my coverage of how America stumbled into torture; how drone strikes went wrong; espionage cases; WikiLeaks cables; Snowden documents; Russian hackers and the Shadow Brokers; and probably stories I've forgotten.
Two clauses stand out for their confident attribution of benevolent motives to US foreign policy. First, there's the idea that "America stumbled into torture," rather than planned, plotted and spent over 15 years carrying out a policy of torture. This pretends that the US's massive global torture regime--which involved drownings, beatings, sleep deprivation and sexual humiliation, among other techniques, along with "extraordinary rendition" to allied countries for less refined torture methods-was something other than a deliberate policy initiative.
"Corporate media routinely assert that the US 'stumbles,' 'slips' or is 'dragged into' war and other forms of organized violence, rather than planning deliberate acts of aggression."
As FAIR (6/22/17) noted last year, corporate media routinely assert that the US "stumbles," "slips" or is "dragged into" war and other forms of organized violence, rather than planning deliberate acts of aggression. For reporters in foreign policy circles, the US only does immoral things on accident--unlike Official Bad Countries, which do them for calculated gain when they aren't motivated by sheer malice.
The second clause, claiming that "drone strikes went wrong," is a passive way of suggesting that civilian deaths are an unforeseen accident rather than a predictable consequence baked into the cake of the US's permawar on terror. The US doesn't murder civilians, it simply launches missiles at unknown and faceless brown people in Yemen and Afghanistan, and sometimes the missiles "go wrong." While Shane has certainly reported on these respective crimes (as he proudly notes), he has done so in a similar, limited fashion that treats them as unfortunate mishaps, rather than intentional features of a violent empire.
For an essay that is more or less Shane patting himself on the back for holding power to account instead of becoming a spook, his instinct to assume noble intentions on the part of these spooks is a telling indication of the broader ethos of corporate media's national security reporting: Criticism is welcome around the margins, so long as motives are never challenged.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
As part of a promotion for the upcoming "Look, Evil Russians!" film Red Sparrow (hyping Hollywood films is apparently a thing reporters do now), New York Times national security reporter Scott Shane (2/14/18) wrote a synergistic Cold War 2.0 essay about the CIA's alleged attempt to recruit him. It included a rather jarring--if not risible--paragraph summarizing Shane's years of reporting:
All these years later, I assume my name appears in multiple files at the CIA, the National Security Agency and perhaps other corners of the sprawling security bureaucracy, with gripes and comments related to my coverage of how America stumbled into torture; how drone strikes went wrong; espionage cases; WikiLeaks cables; Snowden documents; Russian hackers and the Shadow Brokers; and probably stories I've forgotten.
Two clauses stand out for their confident attribution of benevolent motives to US foreign policy. First, there's the idea that "America stumbled into torture," rather than planned, plotted and spent over 15 years carrying out a policy of torture. This pretends that the US's massive global torture regime--which involved drownings, beatings, sleep deprivation and sexual humiliation, among other techniques, along with "extraordinary rendition" to allied countries for less refined torture methods-was something other than a deliberate policy initiative.
"Corporate media routinely assert that the US 'stumbles,' 'slips' or is 'dragged into' war and other forms of organized violence, rather than planning deliberate acts of aggression."
As FAIR (6/22/17) noted last year, corporate media routinely assert that the US "stumbles," "slips" or is "dragged into" war and other forms of organized violence, rather than planning deliberate acts of aggression. For reporters in foreign policy circles, the US only does immoral things on accident--unlike Official Bad Countries, which do them for calculated gain when they aren't motivated by sheer malice.
The second clause, claiming that "drone strikes went wrong," is a passive way of suggesting that civilian deaths are an unforeseen accident rather than a predictable consequence baked into the cake of the US's permawar on terror. The US doesn't murder civilians, it simply launches missiles at unknown and faceless brown people in Yemen and Afghanistan, and sometimes the missiles "go wrong." While Shane has certainly reported on these respective crimes (as he proudly notes), he has done so in a similar, limited fashion that treats them as unfortunate mishaps, rather than intentional features of a violent empire.
For an essay that is more or less Shane patting himself on the back for holding power to account instead of becoming a spook, his instinct to assume noble intentions on the part of these spooks is a telling indication of the broader ethos of corporate media's national security reporting: Criticism is welcome around the margins, so long as motives are never challenged.
As part of a promotion for the upcoming "Look, Evil Russians!" film Red Sparrow (hyping Hollywood films is apparently a thing reporters do now), New York Times national security reporter Scott Shane (2/14/18) wrote a synergistic Cold War 2.0 essay about the CIA's alleged attempt to recruit him. It included a rather jarring--if not risible--paragraph summarizing Shane's years of reporting:
All these years later, I assume my name appears in multiple files at the CIA, the National Security Agency and perhaps other corners of the sprawling security bureaucracy, with gripes and comments related to my coverage of how America stumbled into torture; how drone strikes went wrong; espionage cases; WikiLeaks cables; Snowden documents; Russian hackers and the Shadow Brokers; and probably stories I've forgotten.
Two clauses stand out for their confident attribution of benevolent motives to US foreign policy. First, there's the idea that "America stumbled into torture," rather than planned, plotted and spent over 15 years carrying out a policy of torture. This pretends that the US's massive global torture regime--which involved drownings, beatings, sleep deprivation and sexual humiliation, among other techniques, along with "extraordinary rendition" to allied countries for less refined torture methods-was something other than a deliberate policy initiative.
"Corporate media routinely assert that the US 'stumbles,' 'slips' or is 'dragged into' war and other forms of organized violence, rather than planning deliberate acts of aggression."
As FAIR (6/22/17) noted last year, corporate media routinely assert that the US "stumbles," "slips" or is "dragged into" war and other forms of organized violence, rather than planning deliberate acts of aggression. For reporters in foreign policy circles, the US only does immoral things on accident--unlike Official Bad Countries, which do them for calculated gain when they aren't motivated by sheer malice.
The second clause, claiming that "drone strikes went wrong," is a passive way of suggesting that civilian deaths are an unforeseen accident rather than a predictable consequence baked into the cake of the US's permawar on terror. The US doesn't murder civilians, it simply launches missiles at unknown and faceless brown people in Yemen and Afghanistan, and sometimes the missiles "go wrong." While Shane has certainly reported on these respective crimes (as he proudly notes), he has done so in a similar, limited fashion that treats them as unfortunate mishaps, rather than intentional features of a violent empire.
For an essay that is more or less Shane patting himself on the back for holding power to account instead of becoming a spook, his instinct to assume noble intentions on the part of these spooks is a telling indication of the broader ethos of corporate media's national security reporting: Criticism is welcome around the margins, so long as motives are never challenged.