Baseless Calls to Expand Surveillance Fit Familiar, Cynical Pattern
Like clockwork, cynical calls to expand mass surveillance practices--by continuing the domestic telephone records collection and restricting access to strong encryption--came immediately following the Paris attacks. These calls came before the smoke had even cleared, much less before a serious investigation completed.
Like clockwork, cynical calls to expand mass surveillance practices--by continuing the domestic telephone records collection and restricting access to strong encryption--came immediately following the Paris attacks. These calls came before the smoke had even cleared, much less before a serious investigation completed. They came from high places too, including CIA head John Brennan and New York Police Commissioner Bill Bratton.
Seasoned law enforcement officers and the heads of spy agencies should know better than jump to conclusions before the facts are in. Sadly, these premature demands for more surveillance in the wake of tragedies are not unprecedented.
The most prominent example is the Bush Administration's aggressive push for expanded surveillance powers after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, before a proper investigation could be carried out. We all now know from the 9/11 Commission that the Bush Administration failed to uncover the attacks and stop them not because of insufficient legal authority and not because they didn't have sufficient information, but because of operational failures and internal rules.
Yet despite this, the Bush Administration rushed to Congress to give it broad new collection authorities in the USA Patriot Act. We also now know that along with the public law, the government used secret legal interpretations to gather even more data about innocent people, interpretations that have since been revealed as both shocking and unsupported. In response to its failure to properly act on the data it had, the government pushed to collect even more data.
Now we see a sadly similar exploitation of this latest international tragedy, again pushed by people who are supposed to be above petty politics.
First, Senator Tom Cotton has floated a bill suggesting that, as a result of the Paris tragedy, we continuing throwing money at the domestic telephone record collection program--which was itself based on an improper interpretation of section 215 of the Patriot Act. The program is set to end on November 29, 2015, switching from mass surveillance to a model of surveillance that is still too broad, but more targeted than the indiscriminate dragnet of the existing system.
One major reason Congress ended the broader program is that it didn't work. Millions of dollars and over 10 years of effort later, two independent panels held there was no indication that the mass domestic telephone collection had ever assisted in thwarting a domestic terrorist attack. Of course the 215 program hasn't even ended yet, so if it could have been useful in stopping the Paris attack--an unlikely proposition, given its domestic focus--it failed at that too.
More relevant, the massive collection program the government continues in the U.S. purportedly aimed at foreigners abroad under FISA Amendments Act section 702 failed to catch the Paris terrorists before they struck, as did the even bigger set of collections occurring abroad under Executive Order 12333, which include collections aimed at both France and Belgium, where the terrorists were allegedly based. That's because big data and mass surveillance techniques are simply not useful for predicting or uncovering terrorist plots. Terrorism is far more difficult to predict than the purchasing or other patterned behavior that big data is reasonably good at identifying. Forget trading essential liberty for a little temporary safety: when it comes to identifying terrorists, mass surveillance leaves the public with neither.
So whether the focus is on spending our money on things that actually work or on protecting our Constitutional rights and our ability to be "secure" in our papers in the digital age, it's long past time we shifted focus from the expensive "collect it all" strategies to more focused surveillance.
Second, the attack on strong, non-backdoored encryption would make Americans, and people all over the world, less secure. Every serious computer scientist has pointed out that there is no such thing as a back door that only good guys can go through. And at least so far, the information we've received is that end-to-end encryption wasn't even used here.
The world is rightly horrified at what happened in Paris. We understand the desire to do "something" to shore up our security. But terrorism is aimed, in part, at pushing us to jump to conclusions and take panicky steps that inflict more pain and misdirect our resources toward failed and dangerous ideas. Luckily this time many voices are urging caution and careful analysis, and rejecting the cynical ploy of some to use our terror to take expensive and dangerous steps in the wrong direction.
Urgent. It's never been this bad.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission from the outset was simple. To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It’s never been this bad out there. And it’s never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed and doing some of its best and most important work, the threats we face are intensifying. Right now, with just three days to go in our Spring Campaign, we're falling short of our make-or-break goal. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Can you make a gift right now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? There is no backup plan or rainy day fund. There is only you. —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Like clockwork, cynical calls to expand mass surveillance practices--by continuing the domestic telephone records collection and restricting access to strong encryption--came immediately following the Paris attacks. These calls came before the smoke had even cleared, much less before a serious investigation completed. They came from high places too, including CIA head John Brennan and New York Police Commissioner Bill Bratton.
Seasoned law enforcement officers and the heads of spy agencies should know better than jump to conclusions before the facts are in. Sadly, these premature demands for more surveillance in the wake of tragedies are not unprecedented.
The most prominent example is the Bush Administration's aggressive push for expanded surveillance powers after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, before a proper investigation could be carried out. We all now know from the 9/11 Commission that the Bush Administration failed to uncover the attacks and stop them not because of insufficient legal authority and not because they didn't have sufficient information, but because of operational failures and internal rules.
Yet despite this, the Bush Administration rushed to Congress to give it broad new collection authorities in the USA Patriot Act. We also now know that along with the public law, the government used secret legal interpretations to gather even more data about innocent people, interpretations that have since been revealed as both shocking and unsupported. In response to its failure to properly act on the data it had, the government pushed to collect even more data.
Now we see a sadly similar exploitation of this latest international tragedy, again pushed by people who are supposed to be above petty politics.
First, Senator Tom Cotton has floated a bill suggesting that, as a result of the Paris tragedy, we continuing throwing money at the domestic telephone record collection program--which was itself based on an improper interpretation of section 215 of the Patriot Act. The program is set to end on November 29, 2015, switching from mass surveillance to a model of surveillance that is still too broad, but more targeted than the indiscriminate dragnet of the existing system.
One major reason Congress ended the broader program is that it didn't work. Millions of dollars and over 10 years of effort later, two independent panels held there was no indication that the mass domestic telephone collection had ever assisted in thwarting a domestic terrorist attack. Of course the 215 program hasn't even ended yet, so if it could have been useful in stopping the Paris attack--an unlikely proposition, given its domestic focus--it failed at that too.
More relevant, the massive collection program the government continues in the U.S. purportedly aimed at foreigners abroad under FISA Amendments Act section 702 failed to catch the Paris terrorists before they struck, as did the even bigger set of collections occurring abroad under Executive Order 12333, which include collections aimed at both France and Belgium, where the terrorists were allegedly based. That's because big data and mass surveillance techniques are simply not useful for predicting or uncovering terrorist plots. Terrorism is far more difficult to predict than the purchasing or other patterned behavior that big data is reasonably good at identifying. Forget trading essential liberty for a little temporary safety: when it comes to identifying terrorists, mass surveillance leaves the public with neither.
So whether the focus is on spending our money on things that actually work or on protecting our Constitutional rights and our ability to be "secure" in our papers in the digital age, it's long past time we shifted focus from the expensive "collect it all" strategies to more focused surveillance.
Second, the attack on strong, non-backdoored encryption would make Americans, and people all over the world, less secure. Every serious computer scientist has pointed out that there is no such thing as a back door that only good guys can go through. And at least so far, the information we've received is that end-to-end encryption wasn't even used here.
The world is rightly horrified at what happened in Paris. We understand the desire to do "something" to shore up our security. But terrorism is aimed, in part, at pushing us to jump to conclusions and take panicky steps that inflict more pain and misdirect our resources toward failed and dangerous ideas. Luckily this time many voices are urging caution and careful analysis, and rejecting the cynical ploy of some to use our terror to take expensive and dangerous steps in the wrong direction.
Like clockwork, cynical calls to expand mass surveillance practices--by continuing the domestic telephone records collection and restricting access to strong encryption--came immediately following the Paris attacks. These calls came before the smoke had even cleared, much less before a serious investigation completed. They came from high places too, including CIA head John Brennan and New York Police Commissioner Bill Bratton.
Seasoned law enforcement officers and the heads of spy agencies should know better than jump to conclusions before the facts are in. Sadly, these premature demands for more surveillance in the wake of tragedies are not unprecedented.
The most prominent example is the Bush Administration's aggressive push for expanded surveillance powers after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, before a proper investigation could be carried out. We all now know from the 9/11 Commission that the Bush Administration failed to uncover the attacks and stop them not because of insufficient legal authority and not because they didn't have sufficient information, but because of operational failures and internal rules.
Yet despite this, the Bush Administration rushed to Congress to give it broad new collection authorities in the USA Patriot Act. We also now know that along with the public law, the government used secret legal interpretations to gather even more data about innocent people, interpretations that have since been revealed as both shocking and unsupported. In response to its failure to properly act on the data it had, the government pushed to collect even more data.
Now we see a sadly similar exploitation of this latest international tragedy, again pushed by people who are supposed to be above petty politics.
First, Senator Tom Cotton has floated a bill suggesting that, as a result of the Paris tragedy, we continuing throwing money at the domestic telephone record collection program--which was itself based on an improper interpretation of section 215 of the Patriot Act. The program is set to end on November 29, 2015, switching from mass surveillance to a model of surveillance that is still too broad, but more targeted than the indiscriminate dragnet of the existing system.
One major reason Congress ended the broader program is that it didn't work. Millions of dollars and over 10 years of effort later, two independent panels held there was no indication that the mass domestic telephone collection had ever assisted in thwarting a domestic terrorist attack. Of course the 215 program hasn't even ended yet, so if it could have been useful in stopping the Paris attack--an unlikely proposition, given its domestic focus--it failed at that too.
More relevant, the massive collection program the government continues in the U.S. purportedly aimed at foreigners abroad under FISA Amendments Act section 702 failed to catch the Paris terrorists before they struck, as did the even bigger set of collections occurring abroad under Executive Order 12333, which include collections aimed at both France and Belgium, where the terrorists were allegedly based. That's because big data and mass surveillance techniques are simply not useful for predicting or uncovering terrorist plots. Terrorism is far more difficult to predict than the purchasing or other patterned behavior that big data is reasonably good at identifying. Forget trading essential liberty for a little temporary safety: when it comes to identifying terrorists, mass surveillance leaves the public with neither.
So whether the focus is on spending our money on things that actually work or on protecting our Constitutional rights and our ability to be "secure" in our papers in the digital age, it's long past time we shifted focus from the expensive "collect it all" strategies to more focused surveillance.
Second, the attack on strong, non-backdoored encryption would make Americans, and people all over the world, less secure. Every serious computer scientist has pointed out that there is no such thing as a back door that only good guys can go through. And at least so far, the information we've received is that end-to-end encryption wasn't even used here.
The world is rightly horrified at what happened in Paris. We understand the desire to do "something" to shore up our security. But terrorism is aimed, in part, at pushing us to jump to conclusions and take panicky steps that inflict more pain and misdirect our resources toward failed and dangerous ideas. Luckily this time many voices are urging caution and careful analysis, and rejecting the cynical ploy of some to use our terror to take expensive and dangerous steps in the wrong direction.

