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An analysis by CEPR economist Dean Baker
The overall economy grew at just a 1.1 percent annual rate in the first quarter, as inventories were a major drag on growth. Weak inventory accumulation in the quarter (inventories actually fell slightly) subtracted 2.26 percentage points from growth in the quarter. Final demand, which excludes changes in inventories, increased at a 3.4 percent annual rate.
Consumption Grows at a 3.7 Percent Rate, Driven by Strong Car Sales
After slowing to just a 1.1 percent growth rate in the fourth quarter, consumption growth rebounded in the first quarter. The major factor was a 16.9 percent growth rate in durable goods consumption after three quarters of modest declines. This jump was in turn driven by vehicle sales, which rose at a 45.3 percent rate in the quarter.
This sort of jump will not be repeated in future quarters, and in fact, car sales may be somewhat of a drag in the rest of the year. Non-durable goods grew at just a 0.9 percent rate, while services increased at a modest 2.3 percent rate after growing at a 1.6 percent rate in the fourth quarter. These are very normal pre-pandemic growth rates for services, suggesting we will not see a big post-pandemic surge.
Saving Rate Rises to 4.8 Percent in the First Quarter
The saving rate rose to 4.8 percent in the first quarter, up from 3.2 percent in the third quarter of 2022 and 4.0 percent in the fourth quarter. This increase is primarily because people are paying less in taxes, which raises disposable income. The 4.8 percent saving rate is lower than the pre-pandemic average, which was over 7.0 percent, but it is likely to rise in future quarters if vehicle sales fall back to more normal levels. There seems to be little basis for fears that people are consuming excessively and running down their pandemic savings.
Decline in Residential Investment Slows
Residential investment fell at double-digit rates in the last three quarters of 2022. This drop was partly driven by a collapse in mortgage refinancing, which had been booming with the low pandemic interest rates. Now that refinancing has virtually stopped, it has no further room to fall. While housing construction has fallen, the number of units under construction is still as high as when the Fed began raising rates last year. This number is due to the large backlog of unfinished houses due to supply chain problems. Construction will slow further as these get finished over the year, but the big declines are largely behind us.
Strong Structure Investment Keeps Non-Residential Investment Positive
Non-residential investment grew at a 0.7 percent annual rate in the quarter. This growth was primarily due to an 11.2 percent rise in structure investment. This rise follows an increase of 15.8 percent in the fourth quarter of last year, after six consecutive quarters of decline. The main factor in the jump in structure investment is manufacturing structures. Investment in factories in the first quarter was 40.5 percent higher than in the third quarter of 2022.
Equipment investment fell at a 7.3 percent rate in the quarter. Most of the drop was due to a fall in spending on aircraft and farm equipment. Investment in farm equipment in the first quarter was down by 25.7 percent from the third quarter level.
Investment in intellectual products grew at a modest 3.8 percent, which is down from 9.7 percent and 8.8 percent rates in 2021 and 2022, respectively. This sector is seeing mixed pressures, as many traditional media and social media companies cut back after major expansions during the pandemic. On the other side, the race for AI will be forcing many companies to increase investment. If we see any declines in this component, they are unlikely to be large.
Trade is Small Positive, as Export Growth Outpaces Imports
Trade contributed 0.11 pp to the quarter’s growth, as a 4.8 percent rise in exports more than offset the impact of a 2.9 percent rise in imports. Goods exports actually rose at a more rapid 10.0 percent, as there was an unusual decline of 5.5 percent in service exports. After expanding rapidly during the pandemic, the trade deficit has fallen back to roughly its pre-pandemic share of GDP. It will not likely be a major factor in GDP growth going forward.
Government Spending Adds 0.81 Percentage Points to Growth in Quarter
Overall, government spending rose at a 4.7 percent annual rate, with federal spending rising at a 7.8 percent rate and state and local spending rising at a 2.9 percent rate. Non-defense federal spending grew at a 10.3 percent rate in the quarter. The strong growth in non-defense federal spending is likely somewhat of an anomaly, as this component is often erratic, especially since the pandemic. It fell by 9.2 percent in the second quarter, after dropping at a 1.1 percent rate in the first quarter.
PCE Deflator Rises at 4.2 Percent Annual Rate
The price indices came in largely as expected, with the overall personal consumption expenditure deflator rising at a 4.2 percent rate and the core index rising at 4.9 percent rate. One encouraging item is a 1.2 percent decline in import prices, the third consecutive quarter of decline. Import prices had risen 13.5 percent and 13.2 percent in the first and second quarters of last year. (These prices do not include shipping costs.) Since imports include both finished consumer goods, like clothes and cars, and also inputs to items produced here, the turnaround should be a good sign for future inflation.
Economy Still Looks Very Healthy
In the spite of the widespread concerns about a looming recession, it is difficult to see the basis for one in the first quarter GDP data. Housing is likely to continue to edge lower over the course of 2023, but the big falls are likely behind us. There is a similar story with non-residential construction, with the surge in factory construction turning this category positive. Consumer spending is growing at a healthy pace, with little obvious reason to expect a reversal any time soon. The fallout from the banking crisis is a big uncertainty, but otherwise this is a very positive picture.
The Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) was established in 1999 to promote democratic debate on the most important economic and social issues that affect people's lives. In order for citizens to effectively exercise their voices in a democracy, they should be informed about the problems and choices that they face. CEPR is committed to presenting issues in an accurate and understandable manner, so that the public is better prepared to choose among the various policy options.
(202) 293-5380"Can't follow the law when a judge says fund the program, but have to follow the rules exactly when they say don't help poor people afford food," one lawyer said.
As the Trump administration continued its illegal freeze on food assistance, the US Department of Agriculture sent a warning to grocery stores not to provide discounts to the more than 42 million Americans affected.
Several grocery chains and food delivery apps have announced in recent days that they would provide substantial discounts to those whose Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits have been delayed. More than 1 in 8 Americans rely on the program, and 39% of them are children.
But on Sunday, Catherine Rampell, a reporter at the Washington Post published an email from the USDA that was sent to grocery stores around the country, telling them they were prohibited from offering special discounts to those at greater risk of food insecurity due to the cuts.
"You must offer eligible foods at the same prices and on the same terms and conditions to SNAP-EBT customers as other customers, except that sales tax cannot be charged on SNAP purchases," the email said. "You cannot treat SNAP-EBT customers differently from any other customer. Offering discounts or services only to SNAP-eligible customers is a SNAP violation unless you have a SNAP equal treatment waiver."
The email referred to SNAP's "Equal Treatment Rule," which prohibits stores from discriminating against SNAP recipients by charging them higher prices or treating them more favorably than other customers by offering them specialized sales or incentives.
Rampell said she was "aware of at least two stores that had offered struggling customers a discount, then withdrew it after receiving this email."
She added that it was "understandable why grocery stores might be scared off" because "a store caught violating the prohibition could be denied the ability to accept SNAP benefits in the future. In low-income areas where the SNAP shutdown will have the biggest impact, getting thrown off SNAP could mean a store is no longer financially viable."
While the rule prohibits special treatment in either direction, legal analyst Jeffrey Evan Gold argues that it was a "perverted interpretation of a rule that stops grocers from price gouging SNAP recipients... charging them more when they use food stamps."
The government also notably allows retailers to request waivers for programs that incentivize SNAP recipients to purchase healthy food.
Others pointed out that SNAP is currently not paying out to Americans because President Donald Trump is defying multiple federal court rulings issued Friday, requiring him to tap a $6 billion contingency fund to ensure benefit payments go out. Both courts, in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, have said his administration's refusal to pay out benefits is against the law.
One labor movement lawyer summed up the administration's position on social media: "Can't follow the law when a judge says fund the program, but have to follow the rules exactly when they say don't help poor people afford food."
"You need to understand that he actually believes it is illegal to criticize him," wrote Sen. Chris Murphy.
After failing to use the government's might to bully Jimmy Kimmel off the air earlier this fall, President Donald Trump is once again threatening to bring the force of law down on comedians for the egregious crime of making fun of him.
This time, his target was NBC late-night host Seth Meyers, whom the president said, in a Truth Social post Saturday, "may be the least talented person to 'perform' live in the history of television."
On Thursday, the comedian hosted a segment mocking Trump's bizarre distaste for the electromagnetic catapults aboard Navy ships, which the president said he may sign an executive order to replace with older (and less efficient) steam-powered ones.
Trump did not take kindly to Meyers' barbs: "On and on he went, a truly deranged lunatic. Why does NBC waste its time and money on a guy like this??? - NO TALENT, NO RATINGS, 100% ANTI TRUMP, WHICH IS PROBABLY ILLEGAL!!!"
It is, of course, not "illegal" for a late-night comedian, or any other news reporter or commentator, for that matter, to be "anti-Trump." But it's not the first time the president has made such a suggestion. Amid the backlash against Kimmel's firing in September, Trump asserted that networks that give him "bad publicity or press" should have their licenses taken away.
"I read someplace that the networks were 97% against me... I mean, they’re getting a license, I would think maybe their license should be taken away,” Trump said. "All they do is hit Trump. They’re licensed. They’re not allowed to do that.”
His FCC director, Brendan Carr, used a similar logic to justify his pressure campaign to get Kimmel booted by ABC, which he said could be punished for airing what he determined was "distorted” content.
Before Kimmel, Carr suggested in April that Comcast may be violating its broadcast licenses after MSNBC declined to air a White House press briefing in which the administration defended its wrongful deportation of Salvadoran immigrant Kilmar Abrego Garcia.
"You need to understand that he actually believes it is illegal to criticize him," wrote Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) on social media following Trump's tirade against Meyers. "Why? Because Trump believes he—not the people—decides the law. This is why we are in the middle of, not on the verge of, a totalitarian takeover."
"An ICE officer may ignore evidence of American citizenship—including a birth certificate—if the app says the person is an alien," said the ranking member of the House Homeland Security Committee.
Immigration agents are using facial recognition software as "definitive" evidence to determine immigration status and is collecting data from US citizens without their consent. In some cases, agents may detain US citizens, including ones who can provide their birth certificates, if the app says they are in the country illegally.
These are a few of the findings from a series of articles published this past week by 404 Media, which has obtained documents and video evidence showing that Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) agents are using a smartphone app in the field during immigration stops, scanning the faces of people on the street to verify their citizenship.
The report found that agents frequently conduct stops that "seem to have little justification beyond the color of someone’s skin... then look up more information on that person, including their identity and potentially their immigration status."
While it is not clear what application the agencies are using, 404 previously reported that ICE is using an app called Mobile Fortify that allows ICE to simply point a camera at a person on the street. The photos are then compared with a bank of more than 200 million images and dozens of government databases to determine info about the person, including their name, date of birth, nationality, and information about their immigration status.
On Friday, 404 published an internal document from the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) which stated that "ICE does not provide the opportunity for individuals to decline or consent to the collection and use of biometric data/photograph collection." The document also states that the image of any face that agents scan, including those of US citizens, will be stored for 15 years.
The outlet identified several videos that have been posted to social media of immigration officials using the technology.
In one, taken in Chicago, armed agents in sunglasses and face coverings are shown accosting a pair of Hispanic teenagers on bicycles, asking where they are from. The 16-year-old boy who filmed the encounter said he is "from here"—an American citizen—but that he only has a school ID on him. The officer tells the boy he'll be allowed to leave if he'll "do a facial." The other officer then snaps a photo of him with a phone camera and asks his name.
In another video, also in Chicago, agents are shown surrounding a driver, who declines to show his ID. Without asking, one officer points his phone at the man. "I’m an American citizen, so leave me alone,” the driver says. "Alright, we just got to verify that,” the officer responds.
Even if the people approached in these videos had produced identification proving their citizenship, there's no guarantee that agents would have accepted it, especially if the app gave them information to the contrary.
On Wednesday, ranking member of the House Homeland Security Committee, Rep. Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.), told 404 that ICE agents will even trust the app's results over a person's government documents.
“ICE officials have told us that an apparent biometric match by Mobile Fortify is a ‘definitive’ determination of a person’s status and that an ICE officer may ignore evidence of American citizenship—including a birth certificate—if the app says the person is an alien,” he said.
This is despite the fact that, as Nathan Freed Wessler, deputy director of the ACLU's Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project, told 404, “face recognition technology is notoriously unreliable, frequently generating false matches and resulting in a number of known wrongful arrests across the country."
Thompson said: "ICE using a mobile biometrics app in ways its developers at CBP never intended or tested is a frightening, repugnant, and unconstitutional attack on Americans’ rights and freedoms.”
According to an investigation published in October by ProPublica, more than 170 US citizens have been detained by immigration agents, often in squalid conditions, since President Donald Trump returned to office in January. In many of these cases, these individuals have been detained because agents wrongly claimed the documents proving their citizenship are false.
During a press conference this week, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem denied this reality, stating that "no American citizens have been arrested or detained" as part of Trump's "mass deportation" crusade.
"We focus on those who are here illegally," she said.
But as DHS's internal document explains, facial recognition software is necessary in the first place because "ICE agents do not know an individual's citizenship at the time of the initial encounter."
David Bier, the director of immigration studies at the Cato Institute, explains that the use of such technology suggests that ICE's operations are not "highly targeted raids," as it likes to portray, but instead "random fishing expeditions."