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An analysis by CEPR economist Dean Baker
The overall economy grew at just a 1.1 percent annual rate in the first quarter, as inventories were a major drag on growth. Weak inventory accumulation in the quarter (inventories actually fell slightly) subtracted 2.26 percentage points from growth in the quarter. Final demand, which excludes changes in inventories, increased at a 3.4 percent annual rate.
Consumption Grows at a 3.7 Percent Rate, Driven by Strong Car Sales
After slowing to just a 1.1 percent growth rate in the fourth quarter, consumption growth rebounded in the first quarter. The major factor was a 16.9 percent growth rate in durable goods consumption after three quarters of modest declines. This jump was in turn driven by vehicle sales, which rose at a 45.3 percent rate in the quarter.
This sort of jump will not be repeated in future quarters, and in fact, car sales may be somewhat of a drag in the rest of the year. Non-durable goods grew at just a 0.9 percent rate, while services increased at a modest 2.3 percent rate after growing at a 1.6 percent rate in the fourth quarter. These are very normal pre-pandemic growth rates for services, suggesting we will not see a big post-pandemic surge.
Saving Rate Rises to 4.8 Percent in the First Quarter
The saving rate rose to 4.8 percent in the first quarter, up from 3.2 percent in the third quarter of 2022 and 4.0 percent in the fourth quarter. This increase is primarily because people are paying less in taxes, which raises disposable income. The 4.8 percent saving rate is lower than the pre-pandemic average, which was over 7.0 percent, but it is likely to rise in future quarters if vehicle sales fall back to more normal levels. There seems to be little basis for fears that people are consuming excessively and running down their pandemic savings.
Decline in Residential Investment Slows
Residential investment fell at double-digit rates in the last three quarters of 2022. This drop was partly driven by a collapse in mortgage refinancing, which had been booming with the low pandemic interest rates. Now that refinancing has virtually stopped, it has no further room to fall. While housing construction has fallen, the number of units under construction is still as high as when the Fed began raising rates last year. This number is due to the large backlog of unfinished houses due to supply chain problems. Construction will slow further as these get finished over the year, but the big declines are largely behind us.
Strong Structure Investment Keeps Non-Residential Investment Positive
Non-residential investment grew at a 0.7 percent annual rate in the quarter. This growth was primarily due to an 11.2 percent rise in structure investment. This rise follows an increase of 15.8 percent in the fourth quarter of last year, after six consecutive quarters of decline. The main factor in the jump in structure investment is manufacturing structures. Investment in factories in the first quarter was 40.5 percent higher than in the third quarter of 2022.
Equipment investment fell at a 7.3 percent rate in the quarter. Most of the drop was due to a fall in spending on aircraft and farm equipment. Investment in farm equipment in the first quarter was down by 25.7 percent from the third quarter level.
Investment in intellectual products grew at a modest 3.8 percent, which is down from 9.7 percent and 8.8 percent rates in 2021 and 2022, respectively. This sector is seeing mixed pressures, as many traditional media and social media companies cut back after major expansions during the pandemic. On the other side, the race for AI will be forcing many companies to increase investment. If we see any declines in this component, they are unlikely to be large.
Trade is Small Positive, as Export Growth Outpaces Imports
Trade contributed 0.11 pp to the quarter’s growth, as a 4.8 percent rise in exports more than offset the impact of a 2.9 percent rise in imports. Goods exports actually rose at a more rapid 10.0 percent, as there was an unusual decline of 5.5 percent in service exports. After expanding rapidly during the pandemic, the trade deficit has fallen back to roughly its pre-pandemic share of GDP. It will not likely be a major factor in GDP growth going forward.
Government Spending Adds 0.81 Percentage Points to Growth in Quarter
Overall, government spending rose at a 4.7 percent annual rate, with federal spending rising at a 7.8 percent rate and state and local spending rising at a 2.9 percent rate. Non-defense federal spending grew at a 10.3 percent rate in the quarter. The strong growth in non-defense federal spending is likely somewhat of an anomaly, as this component is often erratic, especially since the pandemic. It fell by 9.2 percent in the second quarter, after dropping at a 1.1 percent rate in the first quarter.
PCE Deflator Rises at 4.2 Percent Annual Rate
The price indices came in largely as expected, with the overall personal consumption expenditure deflator rising at a 4.2 percent rate and the core index rising at 4.9 percent rate. One encouraging item is a 1.2 percent decline in import prices, the third consecutive quarter of decline. Import prices had risen 13.5 percent and 13.2 percent in the first and second quarters of last year. (These prices do not include shipping costs.) Since imports include both finished consumer goods, like clothes and cars, and also inputs to items produced here, the turnaround should be a good sign for future inflation.
Economy Still Looks Very Healthy
In the spite of the widespread concerns about a looming recession, it is difficult to see the basis for one in the first quarter GDP data. Housing is likely to continue to edge lower over the course of 2023, but the big falls are likely behind us. There is a similar story with non-residential construction, with the surge in factory construction turning this category positive. Consumer spending is growing at a healthy pace, with little obvious reason to expect a reversal any time soon. The fallout from the banking crisis is a big uncertainty, but otherwise this is a very positive picture.
The Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) was established in 1999 to promote democratic debate on the most important economic and social issues that affect people's lives. In order for citizens to effectively exercise their voices in a democracy, they should be informed about the problems and choices that they face. CEPR is committed to presenting issues in an accurate and understandable manner, so that the public is better prepared to choose among the various policy options.
(202) 293-5380"The most corrupt family ever is profiting from all of the death and destruction Trump is responsible for," said one critic.
There's no end in sight to President Donald Trump's unprovoked and unconstitutional war with Iran, and two of the president's children appear ready to cash in.
The Wall Street Journal reported on Monday that Donald Trump Jr. and Eric Trump are investing in a Florida-based drone company called Powerus that "is vying to meet fresh demand from the Pentagon" for drones that started when the Trump administration banned foreign-made drones and drone components from the US in December.
The company will soon be going public by merging with Aureus Greenway Holdings, a publicly traded golf-course holding company that is also backed by the Trumps, and is expected to make its debut on the Nasdaq stock exchange in the coming months.
"Investors in the deal include one of the Trumps’ investment vehicles, American Ventures," reported the Journal, "and Unusual Machines, a drone components company where Donald Trump Jr. is a shareholder and advisory board member... Powerus is also a customer of Unusual Machines."
In an interview with the Journal, Powerus CEO Andrew Fox predicted robust demand for his company's products, commenting that the drone market "is certainly going to grow faster than, say, golf courses are."
Eric Trump confirmed and defended his investment in the drone firm, replying to the Journal in a social media post that "I happen to believe drones will be a much better investment than companies that still print newspapers."
Many critics, however, accused the two eldest Trump sons of seeking to profit off a war started by their own father. As the New York Times reported on Saturday, drones have become "a defining feature" of the Iran war, as they have been used by both sides in the conflict to launch explosives at targets at a fraction of what traditional missile barrages would cost.
"Rushing to cash in on Daddy's failed war before they've even gotten Barron and Kai to enlist," wrote journalist Marcy Wheeler. "Truly deplorable behavior, but what we expect from these corrupt reprobates."
University of Virginia political scientist Larry Sabato argued that the Trump sons' efforts to rake in cash from the war shouldn't be surprising.
"Always a money-making angle for the Trump family," Sabato wrote. "Why should the War with Iran be any different?"
Sabato's words were echoed by fellow political scientist Norman Ornstein, who observed "it’s always about the grift" when it comes to the Trump family.
Melanie D'Arrigo, executive director of the Campaign for New York Health, argued that the Trump sons' drone investment should cast a pall across the entire Iran war venture.
"Reminder as Trump starts wars, sells weapons and bombs everyone," D'Arrigo wrote. "The Trump family has a military drone company with military contracts, currently vying to meet Pentagon demand after the Trump administration recently banned new Chinese drones. The most corrupt family ever is profiting from all of the death and destruction Trump is responsible for."
In 2025, at least two companies backed by Trump Jr. received contracts collectively worth hundreds of millions of dollars from the US Department of Defense.
Kedric Payne, general counsel at the Campaign Legal Center, said in an interview with the Financial Times last year that the government deals scored by Trump Jr.-backed companies look ethically dubious even if the president’s son didn’t directly use his influence to procure them.
“Presidents are expected to avoid even the appearance that they are using their office to financially benefit themselves or their family,” he said. “While we do not know for certain if, or how, the president may have influenced this loan, it falls under the cloud of conflicts of interest we have seen throughout this administration.”
"No telling what a military that engages in a monthslong killing spree outside the law might do," said one policy expert.
With the Trump administration's unprovoked war on Iran spiraling out of control, sending oil prices skyrocketing and leading to war crimes allegations against the US, the public's attention has largely shifted away from the White House's bombings of boats in the Caribbean Sea and eastern Pacific Ocean—but the killings of six men on Sunday made clear that the administration has no intention of ending its deadly attacks on boats it claims, without providing evidence, are involved in drug trafficking.
US Southern Command said in a social media post Sunday evening that at the direction of Gen. Francis Donovan, it had struck a vessel "operated by designated terrorist organizations."
The announcement echoed previous communications about lethal boat strikes since last September, claiming that the vessel "was transiting along known narco-trafficking routes in the eastern Pacific and was engaged in narco-trafficking operations," but pointing to no evidence the US forces used to make that determination.
The bombing was the 42nd strike carried out by the Trump administration in six months, according to Adam Isacson of the Washington Office on Latin America.
The New York Times reported that at least 156 people have now been killed in the boat strikes, while Isacson placed the number at 158. He emphasized that the victims' "guilt for a noncapital crime" remains unknown.
Drug trafficking in the Latin America region has typically been treated as a criminal offense, with US law enforcement agencies sometimes working with the Coast Guard to intercept boats suspected of carrying illicit substances to the US, arresting those on board, and conviscating the drugs.
Under President Donald Trump's second administration, the Department of Defense has insisted boats in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific pose an imminent threat to the US and that an influx of drugs from Latin America qualifies as an attack on US soil.
The deadly bombings the Pentagon has carried out as a result have led legal experts to accuse Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and others involved in the strikes of war crimes and murder.
Trump claimed to Congress in October that the US is in an "armed conflict" with drug cartels in Venezuela, but Congress has not authorized attacks on boats or inside Venezuela.
Both Democratic and Republican lawmakers have introduced war powers resolutions to stop the attacks from continuing, but they have been voted down, with the vast majority of Republicans rejecting them. Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) joined the GOP in voting down one of the resolutions in the Senate.
A day before the latest strike, Trump met with Latin American leaders at the "Shield of the Americans" summit in the Dominican Republic and urged them to join the United States' fight against drug cartels, calling them an "unacceptable threat to national security."
Forces from the US and Ecuador also joined in carrying out military operations against criminal organizations in the South American country last week.
Although Trump's claims that drugs are being trafficked to the US from Venezuela and that the country's government was participating in the criminal enterprise have underpinned the boat bombings, Venezuela has not been found to be a major source of drugs that arrive in the US. After invading the country in January, the president quickly pivoted to discussions on taking control of Venezuela's vast oil reserves.
Brian Finucane, senior adviser at the International Crisis Group, suggested Sunday that Trump's continued boat strikes show the White House is unlikely to be bound by international law as it continues to threaten countries in Latin America, such as Cuba, and carries out its war on Iran.
"The slaughter at sea continues," said Finucane. "No telling what a military that engages in a monthslong killing spree outside the law might do."
On Friday, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights is scheduled to hold its first-ever hearing on the legality of the US boat strikes, following a push for action from human rights groups.
"The incendiary effects of white phosphorous can cause death or cruel injuries that result in lifelong suffering.”
Israel is illegally using white phosphorous in civilian areas amid its new onslaught in Lebanon, putting residents at risk of death or life-altering injury, according to a report released Monday by Human Rights Watch.
The human rights group said it has verified and geolocated seven photos showing airburst white phosphorus munitions being deployed on March 3 over homes in the southern Lebanese town of Yohmor.
Images also showed civil defense workers responding to fires in at least two homes and one car in that area.
White phosphorus, a chemical substance that ignites when exposed to oxygen, is considered unlawfully indiscriminate under international law when deployed in civilian areas, as it can result in homes, agricultural areas, and other civilian infrastructure catching on fire.
“The Israeli military’s unlawful use of white phosphorus over residential areas is extremely alarming and will have dire consequences for civilians,” said Ramzi Kaiss, a Lebanon researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The incendiary effects of white phosphorous can cause death or cruel injuries that result in lifelong suffering.”
Human Rights Watch said it has not verified whether anyone was in the area at the time the white phosphorus was deployed or whether it resulted in any injuries.
It is not the first time Israel has been documented deploying white phosphorus in Lebanon. In June 2024, Human Rights Watch verified at least 17 instances of the chemical substance being deployed across south Lebanon since October 2023.
As of May 28, 2024, Lebanon’s Ministry of Public Health reported that at least 173 people had suffered injuries from white phosphorus since October 2023—including respiratory issues like asphyxiation.
“Israel should immediately halt this practice and states providing Israel with weapons, including white phosphorus munitions, should immediately suspend military assistance and arms sales and push Israel to stop firing such munitions in residential areas,” Kaiss said.
Yohmor was one of more than 100 villages where Israel ordered civilians to "immediately" evacuate last week—orders that have resulted in the mass displacement of more than 300,000 people from their homes, according to a Friday report from the Norwegian Refugee Council.
On March 3, residents of Yohmor and other villages given evacuation orders were told by Avichay Adraee, Israel’s Arabic military spokesperson, that they “should immediately evacuate [their homes] and move away from the villages to a distance of at least 1,000 meters outside the village to open land.”
Due to the "sweeping nature" of its orders, Human Rights Watch has warned that "their purpose is not to protect civilians, especially in the context of recent large-scale displacement of civilians in Lebanon."
The report notes that between September and November 2024, more than 1.2 million people were displaced in Lebanon as a result of attacks across the country. Many, who were able to return home following a ceasefire in November 2024, have been displaced once more.
Since Israel and the United States launched a war against Iran last week, resulting in retaliation from the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, Israel has pushed further into Lebanon, carrying out attacks on several villages across southern Lebanon, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut.
"Contrary to [Israel's] claims, the strikes are not aimed at military personnel or installations, but rather at residential homes, medical responders, healthcare infrastructure, as well as women and children," said Lebanese Health Minister Rakan Nasreddine on Sunday.
Since March 2, he said that Israeli airstrikes across Lebanon have killed 394 people, including 83 children and 42 women, while wounding 1,130 people, including 254 children and 274 women.
"The number is still increasing," he added.