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Courts across the United States have allowed multibillion-dollar corporations to secure judgments against alleged debtors en masse without providing meaningful evidence to support their claims, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. Some legislatures and courts have also erected formidable barriers that block many alleged debtors from securing a meaningful hearing in front of a judge.
The 80-page report, "Rubber Stamp Justice: US Courts, Debt Buying Corporations, and the Poor," scrutinizes how courts approach hundreds of thousands lawsuits brought every year by debt buyers - firms that specialize in buying up bad debts which they then try to collect for themselves. These suits have often been marred by patterns of apparent error, legal deficiency, and alleged illegality. Debt buyers have won court judgments against the wrong people, prevailed in suits that should have been barred by applicable state law, and garnished the wages or bank accounts of people who never received proper notice that they had been sued, along with other problems. Yet many courts continue to adjudicate these suits with astonishing speed and without subjecting them to any substantive scrutiny or even receiving meaningful evidence in support of the claims.
"Courts should be treating debt buyer lawsuits with heightened vigilance," said Chris Albin-Lackey, senior legal adviser at Human Rights Watch. "Rubber stamping debt buyer suits threatens the rights of poor people and ultimately undermines the basic integrity of the courts."
The report is based on interviews with people sued by debt buyers, judges, lawyers, public officials, and debt buyer representatives across several US states and at all levels of government. Some judges expressed frustration with legal frameworks, court rules, and resource constraints that they say prevent them from subjecting debt buyer litigation to the kind of scrutiny the cases deserve.
Human Rights Watch detailed pervasive problems with the way courts approach debt buyer lawsuits. The cases often pit multibillion-dollar corporations against people who cannot afford legal representation. Many defendants are effectively railroaded into paying off debts whose existence has never been proven, even when strong legal defenses are available to them.
Most defendants either cannot or do not mount any kind of an effective defense to the suits against them and in these cases many courts award default judgments in favor of plaintiffs without requiring much if anything in the way of evidence, Human Rights Watch found. This creates a risk that some courts rubber stamp large numbers of lawsuits that debt buyers could never win against a competent adversary in court - including some that are legally deficient or without supporting evidence.
Some courts make it very difficult for defendants who appear in court intending to fight the case to secure a meaningful hearing before a judge. Many courts push defendants into unofficial "negotiations" with debt buyer attorneys in the courthouse hallways. Human Rights Watch observed "hallway conferences" in which debt buyer attorneys misled or hectored defendants into capitulating and agreeing to pay without ever having the opportunity to present their side of the case to a judge.
Debt buying companies pay pennies on the dollar for vast portfolios of delinquent credit card and other debt, and then try to collect the full face value of those debts. Because the debts are purchased so cheaply, even a very low rate of collection can yield huge profits. Encore Capital, the industry leader, claims that one in every five US consumers either owes it money or has owed it money in the past. Encore and its largest competitor, Portfolio Recovery Associates, each collect $1 billion from US consumers every year, roughly half of that through debt litigation.
Much of the debt sold to debt buyers is credit card debt, carrying interest rates that routinely exceed 25 percent. The companies often allow interest to accumulate for years before filing suit, which can add thousands of dollars to the debts they ultimately try to collect in court. Many of the defendants are struggling or at the margins of poverty.
Debt buyers rank among the heaviest individual users of the US civil court system, filing hundreds of thousands of suits every year. In New York's state court system, eight of the 20 most prolific civil plaintiffs were debt buying companies in 2014, filing more than 70,000 suits. Debt buyer lawsuits add to the overwhelming backlog of cases many courts already struggle to deal with, creating an incentive to dispose of the cases quickly rather than carefully.

Top plaintiffs graph
Many debt buyer lawsuits rest on a foundation of highly questionable information and evidence. In some cases the debt sellers explicitly refuse to warrant that any information they pass on is accurate or even that the debts are legally enforceable. Enormous accumulations of interest are often added based entirely on the debt buyers' calculations. The lawsuits themselves are then often generated largely by automated process.
The alleged debtors are often poor, with no access to legal representation or advice, and can ill-afford an unjust outcome in which one quarter of an already paltry paycheck may be garnished every month. Human Rights Watch interviewed alleged debtors who described struggling to pay utility bills, buy food, or secure basic needs for their children because of adverse judgments related to debts they did not recognize and did not believe they owed.
"I don't have money for my baby's diapers," said a single mother interviewed in a Detroit courthouse. She said a debt buyer had won a judgment against her in a case she never received proper notice of and had no opportunity to answer. "My lights and gas is off right now. My paycheck is about 300 a week and sometimes I only bring home 220. I can't afford [the garnishment] out of my check."
In addition to the many courts that do little or nothing to help disadvantaged pro se litigants navigate the court system, some railroad defendants into dubious proceedings that speed the court's workflow at the expense of defendants' rights. Many courts pressure or require defendants to leave the courtroom to engage in unsupervised "negotiations" with debt buyer attorneys that can and do take a coercive or deceptive turn. In Philadelphia, the municipal court summons alleged debtors to courtroom proceedings that are effectively presided over by the debt buyer attorneys themselves.
Human Rights Watch outlined several concrete steps that courts and state legislatures could take to ensure greater respect for alleged debtors' rights and secure the courts' own basic integrity. New York's courts have adopted rules that essentially require debt buyers to submit meaningful evidence to support their claims - as well as evidence that defendants were actually served notice of the suits against them - to be eligible for a default judgment. This should be a model for other states.
Courts in other states also have shown that by supporting and encouraging programs that allow alleged debtors to access independent legal advice, they can help address the profound inequality of arms presented by so many debt buyer lawsuits. Courts should under no circumstances encourage - or even allow - debt buyer attorneys to steer unrepresented defendants out of court for unsupervised "negotiations" that may take a coercive turn. The federal government should also consider passing legislation that puts a reasonable cap on the rate at which interest can accumulate on a debt after it is sold on by an original creditor to a third party.
"Courts should find ways to assist alleged debtors who don't have legal representation instead of stacking the odds still further against them," Albin-Lackey said. "Debt buying corporations should not be entitled to judgments en masse without evidence simply because defendants fail to mount an effective defense in court."
Quotes from the report
New York Chief Judge Jonathan Lippman, on the situation that prevailed in New York before recent reforms were introduced:
You were signing a lot of shallow judgments. It's hard to make a blanket statement that they all had merit.... We have all been remiss in letting these large purchasers of debt rule the day in court without ensuring the basic principles of setting court judgments based on evidence are met.... You can't get by just by throwing a spreadsheet at us or some kind of form affidavit that does not tell us anything. We get cases with the wrong debtor being sued, cases with the wrong amount of debt being sued for, and cases with no proof that should warrant a judgment.
Michigan District Court Judge William Richards asked whether he felt confident that the default judgments issued by his court in favor of debt buyers had merit:
I have no way of knowing. The data isn't there in front of me ... the creditors just get whatever they asked for. It's a problem. A default judgment gives the case a kind of credibility, right? As though there had been some kind of screening of these cases and a finding that they are legitimate. But there is nothing like that.... If we are going to allow [debt buyers] to use the court to elevate the validity of their claimed debt by attaching a judgment to it, maybe we should make them provide some kind of proof that they are actually owed it.
Human Rights Watch is one of the world's leading independent organizations dedicated to defending and protecting human rights. By focusing international attention where human rights are violated, we give voice to the oppressed and hold oppressors accountable for their crimes. Our rigorous, objective investigations and strategic, targeted advocacy build intense pressure for action and raise the cost of human rights abuse. For 30 years, Human Rights Watch has worked tenaciously to lay the legal and moral groundwork for deep-rooted change and has fought to bring greater justice and security to people around the world.
"This is about the BBC’s independence," said one former BBC official. "So they should definitely fight it."
The British Broadcasting Corporation vowed to fight back against President Donald Trump's $10 billion lawsuit filed on Monday—the latest legal challenge brought by the president against a media organization over its coverage of him.
A spokesperson for the BBC said in a brief statement on Tuesday, "We will be defending this case" after Trump filed a lawsuit in a federal court in Florida, alleging that the network defamed him and violated the state's Deceptive and Unfair Trade Practices Act when it aired edited comments he made in a speech on January 6, 2021, just before thousands of his supporters attacked the US Capitol.
Before last year's presidential election, the BBC series Panorama aired a documentary titled "Trump: A Second Chance?" The film includes a section featuring Trump's speech to a crowd in Washington, DC on January 6, with two clips of him speaking about 50 minutes apart spliced together, making it appear as though he directly urged people to march to the Capitol.
With his lawsuit, Trump has suggested the edited clip created the impression that he incited violence—though several journalists have noted that those allegations predate the documentary. The edited clip received little attention until recent months when the right-wing Daily Telegraph published details from a memo by Michael Prescott, a former BBC standards adviser with links to the Conservative Party.
In the memo, Prescott took aim at the documentary's editing and alleged a "pro-transgender bias" and "anti-Israel bias"in the BBC's news coverage.
Trump's lawsuit cites the internal review mentioned in Prescott's memo, alleging “a string of incidents that demonstrate serious bias in the corporation’s reporting.”
The BBC has publicly apologized for the editing of the documentary, but has denied that Trump has a legitimate basis for a defamation claim.
The lawsuit is Trump's latest against a media company over coverage of him. At least two cases—against ABC and CBS and its parent company, Paramount, have ended in settlements, with the companies agreeing to pay the president $16 million each. He also has a defamation case pending against the New York Times.
On Monday, Trump gave a muddled explanation of his latest lawsuit while speaking to the press at the White House, falsely claiming the BBC was accused of using AI to make him say "things [he] never said" in the documentary.
"Trump is suing the BBC. He doesn’t know why. But he’s suing anyway," said BBC presenter Sangita Myska.
Trump: "I'm suing the BBC for putting words in my mouth ... I guess they used AI or something" pic.twitter.com/VxYMDp6oZ2
— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) December 15, 2025
Richard Tice, deputy leader of the right-wing Reform Party, expressed support for Trump's lawsuit on Tuesday and agreed with the push for "wholesale change" at the BBC. Christopher Ruddy of the Trump-aligned network Newsmax also told The Guardian that the BBC should "figure out a quick and easy settlement."
But on the network's "Today" program, former BBC Radio 4 controller Mark Damazer said that "it would be extremely damaging to the BBC’s reputation not to fight the case."
"This is about the BBC’s independence," said Damazer. "And, unlike American media organizations which have coughed up the money, the BBC doesn’t have commercial business interests that depend on President Trump’s beneficence in the White House. So they should definitely fight it."
"The BBC has likely an extremely strong case," he added. "The 1960s established a very wide margin of press freedom in a case called Sullivan v. The New York Times, from which the BBC would undoubtedly benefit... President Trump was not harmed by what the BBC mistakenly did in its Panorama edit. The program wasn’t shown in the United States. He was neither financially nor politically hurt, and the BBC should definitely fight this case."
Zoe Gardner, a researcher and commentator on migration policy in the UK, denounced "far-right politicians and pundits" for "cheering" Trump's lawsuit.
"Given the BBC is publicly funded, this is Donald Trump suing you and me," Gardner said. "It’s a pathetic cry-bully attack on journalism by a wannabe dictator and an attack on every British person."
One expert said the Trump White House is "replaying the Bush administration's greatest hits as farce."
US President Donald Trump on Monday signed an executive order designating fentanyl a "weapon of mass destruction," a move that came hours before his administration carried out another flurry of deadly strikes on vessels in the eastern Pacific accused—without evidence—of drug trafficking.
Trump's order instructs the Pentagon and other US agencies to "take appropriate action" to "eliminate the threat of illicit fentanyl and its core precursor chemicals to the United States." The order also warns of "the potential for fentanyl to be weaponized for concentrated, large-scale terror attacks by organized adversaries."
Brian Finucane, a senior adviser with the US Program at the International Crisis Group, said in response to the executive action that Trump is "replaying the Bush administration's greatest hits as farce," referencing the lead-up to the Iraq War. Trump has repeatedly threatened military attacks on Venezuela, Colombia, and Mexico, citing fentanyl trafficking as the pretext.
Ahead of the official signing of the fentanyl order, an anonymous State Department official suggested to the independent outlet The Handbasket that the directive's "purpose is a combination of designating fentanyl cartels as terrorist organizations and creating justification for conducting military operations in Mexico and Canada."
The official also suspected "that it will be used domestically as justification for rounding up homeless encampments and deporting drug users who are not citizens," reported The Handbasket's Marisa Kabas.
Hours after Trump formally announced the order, the US Southern Command said it carried out strikes on three boats in the eastern Pacific, killing at least eight people.
"The lawless killing spree continues," Finucane wrote late Monday. "The administration justifies this slaughter by claiming there’s an armed conflict. But it won’t even tell the US public who the supposed enemies are. Of course, there’s no armed conflict. And outside armed conflict, we call premeditated killing murder."
Kenneth Roth, former executive director of Human Rights Watch, argued that "Trump's classification of fentanyl as a 'weapon of mass destruction' will do nothing to salvage the blatant illegality of his summary executions off the coasts of Venezuela and Colombia because fentanyl largely enters the United States from Mexico."
On Dec. 15, at the direction of @SecWar Pete Hegseth, Joint Task Force Southern Spear conducted lethal kinetic strikes on three vessels operated by Designated Terrorist Organizations in international waters. Intelligence confirmed that the vessels were transiting along known… pic.twitter.com/IQfCVvUpau
— U.S. Southern Command (@Southcom) December 16, 2025
Monday's boat bombings brought the death toll from the Trump administration's illegal strikes in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific, which began in early September, to at least 95.
Writing for Salon last week, Drug Policy Alliance executive director Kassandra Frederique and former counternarcotics official James Saenz observed that "the US is bombing boats that have nothing to do with fentanyl or the overdose crisis devastating American communities."
"These recent military actions have negligible impact on the transshipment of illicit drugs and absolutely no impact on the production or movement of synthetic opioids. And fentanyl, the synthetic opioid responsible for most US overdoses, is not produced in Venezuela," they wrote. "These developments raise serious questions about the direction of US drug policy. We must ask ourselves: If these extrajudicial strikes are not stopping fentanyl, then what are the motives?"
"History should be a warning to us. In the Philippines under Rodrigo Duterte, the drug war became a tool of fear," Frederique and Saenz added. "Thousands were killed without trial, democratic institutions were hollowed out, and civil liberties stripped away—all while drugs continued to flow into the country."
Israel is seeking to invalidate the ICC's arrest warrants for fugitive Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for alleged crimes against humanity and war crimes.
Appellate judges at the embattled International Criminal Court on Monday rejected Israel's attempt to block an investigation into alleged Israeli war crimes committed during the Gaza genocide.
The ICC Appeals Chamber dismissed an Israeli challenge to the assertion that the October 7, 2023, attacks and subsequent war on Gaza were part of the same ongoing "situation" under investigation by the Hague-based tribunal since 2021. Israel argued they were separate matters that required new notice; however, the ICC panel found that the initial probe encompasses events on and after October 7.
The ruling—which focuses on but one of several Israeli legal challenges to the ICC—comes amid the tribunal's investigation into an Israeli war and siege that have left at least 250,000 Palestinians dead, maimed, or missing and 2 million more displaced, starved, or sickened.
The probe led to last year's ICC arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyhau and former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity, including murder and forced starvation. The ICC also issued warrants for the arrest of three Hamas commanders—all of whom have since been killed by Israel.
Israel and the United States, neither of which are party to the Rome Statute governing the ICC, vehemently reject the tribunal's investigation. In the US—which has provided Israel with more than $21 billion in armed aid as well as diplomatic cover throughout the genocide—the Trump administration has sanctioned nine ICC jurists, leaving them and their families "wiped out socially and financially."
The other Hague-based global tribunal, the International Court of Justice, is currently weighing a genocide case against Israel filed in December 2023 by South Africa and backed by more than a dozen nations, as well as regional blocs representing dozens of countries.
University of Copenhagen international law professor Kevin Jon Heller—who is also a special adviser to the ICC prosecutor on war crimes—told Courthouse News Service that “the real importance of the decision is that it strongly implies Israel will lose its far more important challenge to the court’s jurisdiction over Israeli actions in Palestine."
Although Israel is not an ICC member and does not recognize its jurisdiction, Palestine is a state party to the Rome Statute, under which individuals from non-signatory nations can be held liable for crimes committed in the territory of a member state.
The Israeli Foreign Ministry condemned Monday's decision, calling it "yet another example of the ongoing politicization of the ICC and its blatant disregard for the sovereign rights of non-party states, as well as its own obligations under the Rome Statute."
The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), a Washington, DC-based advocacy group, welcomed the ICC decision.
“This ruling by the International Criminal Court affirms that no state is above the law and that war crimes must be fully and independently investigated," CAIR said in a statement. "Accountability is essential for justice, for the victims, and survivors, and for deterring future crimes against humanity.”