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During 2018, the Trump administration continued to strengthen sanctions targeting Venezuela through the issuance of additional executive orders. (@compartycanada)
As U.S. planes carrying unspecified “aid” for Venezuela land in Colombia, it is timely to examine the Trump administration’s approach to economic sanctions and humanitarian aid in general, two of the principal tools it employs to achieve the United States’ foreign policy goals.
The Trump approach is quite consistent with previous administrations, starting with a clear separation of words and deeds. Trump told Saudi Arabia in 2017 that the United States would not “seek to impose our way of life on others,” despite largely continuing the interventionist policies of his predecessors. Trump’s cozy relationship with strongman Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi are examples that indicate a willingness to ignore human rights violations in order to cultivate closer bilateral relations with U.S. allies.
This discrepancy--turning a blind eye to human rights violations by allies while criticizing the alleged human rights crimes of their political foes--is also consistent with previous U.S. presidents, from Reagan to Obama.
“Humanitarian aid” to Venezuela takes place as the administration considers canceling many other foreign aid projects around the world.
Interestingly, the so-called “humanitarian aid” to Venezuela takes place as the administration considers canceling many other foreign aid projects around the world.
In August of 2018, the Trump administration announced that it had canceled more than $200 million in aid for the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. At the time of the decision, in a statement issued by U.S. State Department, officials said that the funding would “now address high-priority projects elsewhere.”
In response to the move, Saeb Erekat, secretary-general of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), said the decision amounts to an “admission of the true intentions behind American aid policy of intervening in the internal affairs of other peoples.”
In announcing his candidacy for president, Donald Trump argued that the United States should decrease spending in assisting other nations and instead use the funds to invest in domestic priorities. “It is necessary,” he declared, “that we ... stop sending foreign aid to countries that hate us and use that money to rebuild our tunnels, roads, bridges and schools.”
His campaign pledge was largely consistent with his administration’s first budget request, for 2018, which proposed $27.05 billion total for foreign assistance accounts, a 34 percent reduction compared to 2017 levels. Significant reductions were proposed in every aid category, with cuts of more than 40 percent for several aid sectors, including environmental protection, rule of law and human rights, according to a report by the Congressional Research Service.
However, the U.S. Congress largely ignored the administration’s request for 2018, approving $39.92 billion in aid, which represented a 2.2 percent cut from the 2017 funding.Trump’s sudden shift in thinking about humanitarian assistance represents his selective approach to so-called “humanitarian aid,” which in traditional Washington policy rhetoric has been disguised as an attempt to strengthen democracy and human rights, rather than as an instrument to guarantee Western security, political and economic interests.
This sentiment was partially reflected in a recent statement issued by USAID Director Mark Green: “I would also remind us all that while this humanitarian assistance is very important... Humanitarian assistance is merely a treatment. The long-term problem is Maduro and his regime...”
These comments, however, should not come as a surprise given USAID’s long history as a vehicle for U.S. intervention. In 2006, under the President George Bush administration, aid aligned more directly with U.S. foreign policy, bringing the agency more firmly under State Department control by having the USAID director report to the secretary of state.
Opportunistic Aid Amid Historic Levels of Punitive Sanctions
As the United States offers so-called “humanitarian aid” to Venezuela, it does so while imposing harsh sanctions on their economy, further aggravating the country’s socioeconomic conditions.
As the United States offers so-called “humanitarian aid” to Venezuela, it does so while imposing harsh sanctions on their economy, further aggravating the country’s socioeconomic conditions.
Washington’s application of punitive sanctions as a security weapon has reached record highs and will continue to increase under the current administration because of the perceived ease of issuance. Since U.S. President Donald Trump assumed office in January 2017, this U.S. government has imposed sanctions on an unprecedented scale.
Through the first seven months of 2018, the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), as well as the departments of State and Commerce, issued at least 873 sanctions under national security directives, according to IHS Global Insight.
In particular, the escalating sanctions targeting Venezuela highlight that it is a key foreign policy priority for the Trump administration.
To supplement the United States’ long-standing commitment in punishing countries like Cuba, Iran, and Sudan, OFAC launched new country programs, including Yemen and Libya during the Arab Spring in 2012, and Venezuela in 2014.
In August of 2017, President Trump intensified existing sanctions targeting Venezuela through the issuance of an executive order that bars U.S. persons from engaging in most transactions involving new debt owed by the Venezuelan government, as well as certain bonds issued by the Venezuela.
During 2018, the Trump administration continued to strengthen sanctions targeting Venezuela through the issuance of additional executive orders. That same year, National Security Adviser John Bolton referred to Venezuela along with Cuba and Nicaragua as the “troika of tyranny.”
In what was a further escalation of sanctions, the U.S. OFAC imposed sanctions on Venezuelan state-owned oil and gas company Petroleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), adding the company to its list of Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) and Blocked Persons. As a result, U.S. persons are prohibited from dealing with either PDVSA or entities majority-owned by PDVSA.
In order to mitigate the negative impacts of the sanctions on U.S. corporations with business in Venezuela, the OFAC issued a series of stipulations that provide U.S. firms an extended period of time to conclude their preexisting dealings with PDVSA.
The most recent round of sanctions will inflict a devastating blow to the country’s economy, since Venezuela’s main source of revenue is the oil sector, representing 25 percent of GDP, 50 percent of fiscal revenues, and 97 percent of foreign exchange. It will take immense public outrage from across the globe to stop the United States from ensuring shortages of the most basic goods.
This article was produced by Globetrotter, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
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As U.S. planes carrying unspecified “aid” for Venezuela land in Colombia, it is timely to examine the Trump administration’s approach to economic sanctions and humanitarian aid in general, two of the principal tools it employs to achieve the United States’ foreign policy goals.
The Trump approach is quite consistent with previous administrations, starting with a clear separation of words and deeds. Trump told Saudi Arabia in 2017 that the United States would not “seek to impose our way of life on others,” despite largely continuing the interventionist policies of his predecessors. Trump’s cozy relationship with strongman Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi are examples that indicate a willingness to ignore human rights violations in order to cultivate closer bilateral relations with U.S. allies.
This discrepancy--turning a blind eye to human rights violations by allies while criticizing the alleged human rights crimes of their political foes--is also consistent with previous U.S. presidents, from Reagan to Obama.
“Humanitarian aid” to Venezuela takes place as the administration considers canceling many other foreign aid projects around the world.
Interestingly, the so-called “humanitarian aid” to Venezuela takes place as the administration considers canceling many other foreign aid projects around the world.
In August of 2018, the Trump administration announced that it had canceled more than $200 million in aid for the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. At the time of the decision, in a statement issued by U.S. State Department, officials said that the funding would “now address high-priority projects elsewhere.”
In response to the move, Saeb Erekat, secretary-general of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), said the decision amounts to an “admission of the true intentions behind American aid policy of intervening in the internal affairs of other peoples.”
In announcing his candidacy for president, Donald Trump argued that the United States should decrease spending in assisting other nations and instead use the funds to invest in domestic priorities. “It is necessary,” he declared, “that we ... stop sending foreign aid to countries that hate us and use that money to rebuild our tunnels, roads, bridges and schools.”
His campaign pledge was largely consistent with his administration’s first budget request, for 2018, which proposed $27.05 billion total for foreign assistance accounts, a 34 percent reduction compared to 2017 levels. Significant reductions were proposed in every aid category, with cuts of more than 40 percent for several aid sectors, including environmental protection, rule of law and human rights, according to a report by the Congressional Research Service.
However, the U.S. Congress largely ignored the administration’s request for 2018, approving $39.92 billion in aid, which represented a 2.2 percent cut from the 2017 funding.Trump’s sudden shift in thinking about humanitarian assistance represents his selective approach to so-called “humanitarian aid,” which in traditional Washington policy rhetoric has been disguised as an attempt to strengthen democracy and human rights, rather than as an instrument to guarantee Western security, political and economic interests.
This sentiment was partially reflected in a recent statement issued by USAID Director Mark Green: “I would also remind us all that while this humanitarian assistance is very important... Humanitarian assistance is merely a treatment. The long-term problem is Maduro and his regime...”
These comments, however, should not come as a surprise given USAID’s long history as a vehicle for U.S. intervention. In 2006, under the President George Bush administration, aid aligned more directly with U.S. foreign policy, bringing the agency more firmly under State Department control by having the USAID director report to the secretary of state.
Opportunistic Aid Amid Historic Levels of Punitive Sanctions
As the United States offers so-called “humanitarian aid” to Venezuela, it does so while imposing harsh sanctions on their economy, further aggravating the country’s socioeconomic conditions.
As the United States offers so-called “humanitarian aid” to Venezuela, it does so while imposing harsh sanctions on their economy, further aggravating the country’s socioeconomic conditions.
Washington’s application of punitive sanctions as a security weapon has reached record highs and will continue to increase under the current administration because of the perceived ease of issuance. Since U.S. President Donald Trump assumed office in January 2017, this U.S. government has imposed sanctions on an unprecedented scale.
Through the first seven months of 2018, the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), as well as the departments of State and Commerce, issued at least 873 sanctions under national security directives, according to IHS Global Insight.
In particular, the escalating sanctions targeting Venezuela highlight that it is a key foreign policy priority for the Trump administration.
To supplement the United States’ long-standing commitment in punishing countries like Cuba, Iran, and Sudan, OFAC launched new country programs, including Yemen and Libya during the Arab Spring in 2012, and Venezuela in 2014.
In August of 2017, President Trump intensified existing sanctions targeting Venezuela through the issuance of an executive order that bars U.S. persons from engaging in most transactions involving new debt owed by the Venezuelan government, as well as certain bonds issued by the Venezuela.
During 2018, the Trump administration continued to strengthen sanctions targeting Venezuela through the issuance of additional executive orders. That same year, National Security Adviser John Bolton referred to Venezuela along with Cuba and Nicaragua as the “troika of tyranny.”
In what was a further escalation of sanctions, the U.S. OFAC imposed sanctions on Venezuelan state-owned oil and gas company Petroleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), adding the company to its list of Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) and Blocked Persons. As a result, U.S. persons are prohibited from dealing with either PDVSA or entities majority-owned by PDVSA.
In order to mitigate the negative impacts of the sanctions on U.S. corporations with business in Venezuela, the OFAC issued a series of stipulations that provide U.S. firms an extended period of time to conclude their preexisting dealings with PDVSA.
The most recent round of sanctions will inflict a devastating blow to the country’s economy, since Venezuela’s main source of revenue is the oil sector, representing 25 percent of GDP, 50 percent of fiscal revenues, and 97 percent of foreign exchange. It will take immense public outrage from across the globe to stop the United States from ensuring shortages of the most basic goods.
This article was produced by Globetrotter, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
As U.S. planes carrying unspecified “aid” for Venezuela land in Colombia, it is timely to examine the Trump administration’s approach to economic sanctions and humanitarian aid in general, two of the principal tools it employs to achieve the United States’ foreign policy goals.
The Trump approach is quite consistent with previous administrations, starting with a clear separation of words and deeds. Trump told Saudi Arabia in 2017 that the United States would not “seek to impose our way of life on others,” despite largely continuing the interventionist policies of his predecessors. Trump’s cozy relationship with strongman Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi are examples that indicate a willingness to ignore human rights violations in order to cultivate closer bilateral relations with U.S. allies.
This discrepancy--turning a blind eye to human rights violations by allies while criticizing the alleged human rights crimes of their political foes--is also consistent with previous U.S. presidents, from Reagan to Obama.
“Humanitarian aid” to Venezuela takes place as the administration considers canceling many other foreign aid projects around the world.
Interestingly, the so-called “humanitarian aid” to Venezuela takes place as the administration considers canceling many other foreign aid projects around the world.
In August of 2018, the Trump administration announced that it had canceled more than $200 million in aid for the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. At the time of the decision, in a statement issued by U.S. State Department, officials said that the funding would “now address high-priority projects elsewhere.”
In response to the move, Saeb Erekat, secretary-general of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), said the decision amounts to an “admission of the true intentions behind American aid policy of intervening in the internal affairs of other peoples.”
In announcing his candidacy for president, Donald Trump argued that the United States should decrease spending in assisting other nations and instead use the funds to invest in domestic priorities. “It is necessary,” he declared, “that we ... stop sending foreign aid to countries that hate us and use that money to rebuild our tunnels, roads, bridges and schools.”
His campaign pledge was largely consistent with his administration’s first budget request, for 2018, which proposed $27.05 billion total for foreign assistance accounts, a 34 percent reduction compared to 2017 levels. Significant reductions were proposed in every aid category, with cuts of more than 40 percent for several aid sectors, including environmental protection, rule of law and human rights, according to a report by the Congressional Research Service.
However, the U.S. Congress largely ignored the administration’s request for 2018, approving $39.92 billion in aid, which represented a 2.2 percent cut from the 2017 funding.Trump’s sudden shift in thinking about humanitarian assistance represents his selective approach to so-called “humanitarian aid,” which in traditional Washington policy rhetoric has been disguised as an attempt to strengthen democracy and human rights, rather than as an instrument to guarantee Western security, political and economic interests.
This sentiment was partially reflected in a recent statement issued by USAID Director Mark Green: “I would also remind us all that while this humanitarian assistance is very important... Humanitarian assistance is merely a treatment. The long-term problem is Maduro and his regime...”
These comments, however, should not come as a surprise given USAID’s long history as a vehicle for U.S. intervention. In 2006, under the President George Bush administration, aid aligned more directly with U.S. foreign policy, bringing the agency more firmly under State Department control by having the USAID director report to the secretary of state.
Opportunistic Aid Amid Historic Levels of Punitive Sanctions
As the United States offers so-called “humanitarian aid” to Venezuela, it does so while imposing harsh sanctions on their economy, further aggravating the country’s socioeconomic conditions.
As the United States offers so-called “humanitarian aid” to Venezuela, it does so while imposing harsh sanctions on their economy, further aggravating the country’s socioeconomic conditions.
Washington’s application of punitive sanctions as a security weapon has reached record highs and will continue to increase under the current administration because of the perceived ease of issuance. Since U.S. President Donald Trump assumed office in January 2017, this U.S. government has imposed sanctions on an unprecedented scale.
Through the first seven months of 2018, the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), as well as the departments of State and Commerce, issued at least 873 sanctions under national security directives, according to IHS Global Insight.
In particular, the escalating sanctions targeting Venezuela highlight that it is a key foreign policy priority for the Trump administration.
To supplement the United States’ long-standing commitment in punishing countries like Cuba, Iran, and Sudan, OFAC launched new country programs, including Yemen and Libya during the Arab Spring in 2012, and Venezuela in 2014.
In August of 2017, President Trump intensified existing sanctions targeting Venezuela through the issuance of an executive order that bars U.S. persons from engaging in most transactions involving new debt owed by the Venezuelan government, as well as certain bonds issued by the Venezuela.
During 2018, the Trump administration continued to strengthen sanctions targeting Venezuela through the issuance of additional executive orders. That same year, National Security Adviser John Bolton referred to Venezuela along with Cuba and Nicaragua as the “troika of tyranny.”
In what was a further escalation of sanctions, the U.S. OFAC imposed sanctions on Venezuelan state-owned oil and gas company Petroleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PDVSA), adding the company to its list of Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) and Blocked Persons. As a result, U.S. persons are prohibited from dealing with either PDVSA or entities majority-owned by PDVSA.
In order to mitigate the negative impacts of the sanctions on U.S. corporations with business in Venezuela, the OFAC issued a series of stipulations that provide U.S. firms an extended period of time to conclude their preexisting dealings with PDVSA.
The most recent round of sanctions will inflict a devastating blow to the country’s economy, since Venezuela’s main source of revenue is the oil sector, representing 25 percent of GDP, 50 percent of fiscal revenues, and 97 percent of foreign exchange. It will take immense public outrage from across the globe to stop the United States from ensuring shortages of the most basic goods.
This article was produced by Globetrotter, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
The ACLU is asking a federal district court in Georgia to order the immediate release of Mario Guevara, a journalist arrested while covering a June "No Kings" protest, after the Board of Immigration Appeals on Friday ordered his return to El Salvador.
The Emmy-winning Spanish-language journalist has reported on immigrant issues in the Atlanta area for two decades. When he was arrested on the job this year, he had a work permit and a path to a green card through his US citizen son. The charges from June have been dropped, but he remains at the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) center in Folkston.
ICE refused to comply with a July 1 decision that Guevara could be released on bond. The Board of Immigration Appeals has now dismissed his bond appeal "as 'moot' because it has also granted the government's motion to reopen his removal proceedings," according to the ACLU—which secured an emergency federal district court hearing on Friday.
"Mr. Guevara should not even be in immigration detention, but the government has kept him there for months because of his crucial reporting on law enforcement activity," said Scarlet Kim, senior staff attorney with the ACLU's Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project. "The fact that he may now be put on a plane to El Salvador, a country he fled out of fear, at any moment, despite a clear path to becoming a permanent resident, is despicable. The court must ensure he is not deported and should order his release from detention immediately."
"The fact that he may now be put on a plane to El Salvador, a country he fled out of fear, at any moment, despite a clear path to becoming a permanent resident, is despicable."
In a letter published Friday by The Bitter Southerner, Guevara detailed his experience since his arrest and wrote: "I don't know why ICE wants to continue treating me like a criminal. It pains me to know that I have been denied every privilege and the right to be free when I have never committed any crime."
"This whole situation has me devastated, and not only morally, but also economically, because I am the breadwinner for the home," he explained. "Since my arrest, I have lost tens of thousands of dollars, and my company, the news channel MGNews, is on the verge of bankruptcy."
"But I have to remain strong and confident that the United States still has some caring and decency left and that in the end justice will prevail," he added. "Hopefully, soon all my tears and my family's tears will be wiped away, and we can have fun and smile, triumphant, as we did before, together and in absolute freedom."
Guevara's legal team and press freedom groups have emphasized that his case is bigger than a single reporter. As ACLU of Georgia legal director Cory Isaacson put it on Friday, "If Mr. Guevara is deported it will be a devastating outcome for a journalist whose initial detention was a gross violation of his rights."
"The immediate release of Mr. Guevara is the only way to correct this injustice that has immeasurably harmed his well-being and the well-being of his family, the community, and the people of Georgia," Isaacson added. "In a democracy, journalists should not be arrested for exercising their constitutional rights to report the news."
Mario Guevara is here legally and is not facing any criminal charges.He is being thrown out of the country for nothing but reporting news.
[image or embed]
— Freedom of the Press Foundation (@freedom.press) September 19, 2025 at 3:00 PM
Other free press advocates also responded with alarm to the Board of Immigration Appeals' Friday decision.
"We are outraged that journalist Mario Guevara was initially detained for almost 100 days because the government believes that livestreaming law enforcement poses a danger to their operations," Committee to Protect Journalists US, Canada, and Caribbean program coordinator Katherine Jacobsen said in a Friday statement.
"This latest move allows the government to circumvent addressing the reason why Guevara was detained, in retaliation for his journalism," Jacobsen continued. "Instead, authorities are using the very real threat of deportation to remove a reporter from the country simply for doing his job and covering the news."
Tim Richardson, journalism and disinformation program director at PEN America, similarly said that "if carried out, this ruling would mark a dangerous moment for press freedom, with the United States—long considered a beacon for free speech—moving to deport a journalist in direct retaliation for his reporting."
"This mirrors the tactics of authoritarian governments the US has long condemned and sends a chilling message to reporters everywhere, especially those covering vulnerable communities or government abuses of power," he added. "We urge the court to reconsider and to allow Mario Guevara to remain in the country and continue his reporting free from fear of deportation or retaliation."
US President Donald Trump campaigned on the promise of mass deportations, and since returning to power in January, his administration has sought to deliver on that. On Friday, Free Press senior counsel Nora Benavidez warned, "Deportation without due process—that would be the new normal set by Mario Guevara's removal from the United States."
"Horrific and lawless, this is the environment the Trump administration created to promote a singular approved narrative, remove critical news coverage for communities, and chill journalists' freedom should they dare hold power to account," she said. "Mr. Guevara's case is happening live, with breaking updates occurring under a sealed case shrouded in secrecy, upon which his removal and ability to report depend."
Ahead of the developments on Friday, Benavidez had tied Guevara's case to the government's effort to deport Mahmoud Khalil over his protests against Israel's US-backed genocide in Gaza, and Disney yanking late-night host Jimmy Kimmel off the air after the Trump administration objected to his comments about the fatal shooting of right-wing activist Charlie Kirk.
"Mahmoud Khalil was just ordered to be deported for his free speech," she said Thursday. "Mario Guevara is in detention for filming police. Jimmy Kimmel taken off air for his speech. TikTok [is] being bought by Trump cronies. All of it moves towards one singular narrative Trump approves. We must resist."
Ahead of this month's United Nations General Assembly and November's UN Climate Change Conference in Brazil, climate and social justice defenders around the world are taking part in a global week of action culminating in weekend events "to draw the line against injustice, pollution, and violence—and for a future built on peace, clean energy, and fairness."
Hundreds of thousands of people in more than 100 countries are expected to take part in this weekend's demonstrations, which will mark the climax of the "Draw the Line" week of over 600 worldwide actions.
Actions are set to take place in cities including Berlin, Buenos Aires, Dhaka, Istanbul, Jakarta, Johannesburg, London, Manila, Melbourne, Mumbai, Nairobi, New Delhi, New York, Paris, São Paulo, Suva, Tokyo, Wellington, and Belém—where the UN Climate Change Conference, also known as COP30, is scheduled to kick off on November 10.
"United under a call from Indigenous leaders of the Amazon and the Pacific, people across more than 90 countries are joining marches, rallies, strikes, and creative actions to demand an end to fossil fuels, a just transition, and real climate justice," Draw the Line said in a statement.
"The mobilizations highlight escalating climate impacts, rising food and energy costs, deadly floods and heatwaves, and growing insecurity driven by fossil fuels and conflict," the campaign added. "Protesters are also uplifting community-led solutions: renewable energy systems, debt cancellation, fair taxation, and land rights for Indigenous peoples and traditional communities."
From Indonesia and Turkey, to London and South Africa, activists and campaigners are raising the call to ✍️____ Draw the Line against injustice, pollution, and violence, and building the moment for the global weekend of actions starting tomorrow⚡#DrawTheLine
[image or embed]
— 350.org (@350.org) September 18, 2025 at 9:35 AM
According to the climate action group 350.org:
This global moment comes at a critical time when the rich and the powerful countries and corporations continue their colonial and extractivist agenda, while world leaders fail to prevent and stop the genocide taking place in Palestine, Sudan, and Congo, and the governments across the world are veering towards authoritarianism, undoing decades of progress. With every tenth of a degree of global heating, the consequences for people and ecosystems multiply, as seen in the devastating wildfires, typhoons, cloudbursts, floods, and extreme heatwaves already sweeping across continents this year.
“We are drawing the line against deceptive tactics led by rich nations and big corporations to perpetuate fossil fuel dominance and delay the equitable just transition to a fossil-free and healthy planet," explained Lidy Nacpil, coordinator of the Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development.
"We demand a complete coal phaseout in Asia by 2035 and a rapid and just energy transition out of fossil fuels and to 100% renewable energy before 2050," Nacpil added. "We demand the full delivery of climate finance obligations of the Global North to the Global South for urgent climate action including just transition. This is a crucial part of their reparations for historical and continuing harms to our people.”
The Draw the Line actions coincide with Disrupt Complicity Weekend of solidarity with the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement for Palestinian rights and against Israel's genocide, forced famine, apartheid, occupation, ethnic cleansing, and settler colonization in Palestine.
Read the full statement: bdsmovement.net/news/disrupt...
[image or embed]
— BDS movement (@bdsmovement.bsky.social) August 28, 2025 at 4:38 AM
“In the current, most depraved, induced starvation phase of the US-Israeli livestreamed genocide against... Palestinians in the Gaza ghetto, Palestinian civil society stands united in calling on people of conscience and grassroots movements for racial, economic, social, climate, and gender justice worldwide to help us build a critical mass of people power to end state, corporate, and institutional complicity with Israel’s regime of settler-colonial apartheid and genocide, particularly through effective BDS actions and pressure," BDS movement co-founder Omar Barghouti said in a statement this week.
"We are not begging for charity but calling for true solidarity, and that begins with doing no harm to our liberation struggle, at the very least, as a profound moral and legal obligation," he added.
The Draw the Line actions come as the world is on track to overshoot the best-case 1.5°C warming target established under the landmark Paris climate agreement. Experts argue that staying below that limit significantly reduces the likelihood of catastrophic weather events, protects vulnerable ecosystems, lowers the risk of devastating food and water insecurity, and curbs climate-related economic harms.
Not only is the planet on track to exceed the 1.5°C target, a key United Nations climate report published last October warned that the world is on course for between 2.6-3.1°C of "catastrophic" heating over the next century, unless urgent action is taken to dramatically slash greenhouse gas emissions by more than half within the next decade.
Trump-appointed Social Security Administration Commissioner Frank Bisignano on Friday drew immediate fire from many progressives after he said raising the retirement age for American workers was on the table.
During an interview on Fox Business, host Maria Bartiromo asked Bisignano if he would "consider raising the retirement age" to shore up Social Security's finances.
"I think everything's being considered," he replied.
He said that he would need Congress' help to officially raise the retirement age and acknowledged, "That will take a while," before adding, "But we have plenty of time."
Bartiromo: Would you consider raising the retirement age?
Social Security Administration Commissioner Bisignano: I think everything will be considered pic.twitter.com/kqfMm5Prif
— Acyn (@Acyn) September 19, 2025
Advocacy organization Social Security Works immediately pounced on Bisignano's statement, which it noted contradicted statements made by President Donald Trump during the 2024 election campaign.
"That's a betrayal of Trump's campaign promise to protect Social Security," the organization said in a social media post. "Raising the retirement age by a year translates to a 7% Social Security benefit cut. Forcing us to work longer, for smaller checks, and a shorter retirement is unconscionable!"
In fact, as flagged by former Biden White House Senior Deputy Press Secretary Andrew Bates, Trump said in 2024 that "I will not cut one penny from Social Security or Medicaid and I will not raise the retirement age by one day."
Former US Labor Secretary Robert Reich also rebuked Bisignano for floating a retirement age increase, and he proposed an alternative way to improve Social Security's fiscal health.
"A worker making $50,000 a year contributes to Social Security on 100% of their income," he wrote. "A CEO making $20 million a year contributes to Social Security on less than 1% of their income. Instead of raising the retirement age, we should scrap the Social Security tax cap."
Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) noted that Bisignano's call to potentially raise the retirement age came just months after Republicans passed massive tax cuts through the One Big Beautiful Bill Act that disproportionately benefited the wealthiest Americans.
"Republicans gave away trillions in tax cuts for the wealthy," he said. "Now they are asking Americans to work longer. We won’t stand for it."
The social media account for United Auto Workers delivered a pithy two-word response to Bisignano: "Hell no!"