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Just- inaugurated Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (L) and President-elect of Brazil Jair Bolsonaro (R). (Photos: Eneas De Troya/Jeso Carneiro/flickr/cc)
"AMLO versus Bolso": this is not the poster of a boxing match, or of a "lucha libre" one, but the promise of the confrontation between the two radically opposed visions of the future presidents of the two most important nations of Latin America.
Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, better known as AMLO, will take office at Mexico City's Zocalo on December 1, while President-elect Jair Bolsonaro will do so a month later, on January 1, 2019. The differences between the two are profound, in terms of their origins, political trajectories, ideologies, and styles. But in these turbulent times of absolute failure of Latin American states, the main battleground will be that of economic proposals, in two countries that are world champions of inequality.
The far-right Bolsonaro has already stated that he is going to reduce the number of ministries and "extinguish and privatize" a large part of the public companies, an announcement that provoked euphoria all over the financial markets. He also wants to lower Brazil's corporate income tax, currently between 24% and 34%, to a flatrate of 20%. The former army captain's team justifies this decision by referring to Donald Trump's tax reform in the U.S., which reduced corporate taxes from 35% to 21%. To be competitive on the foreign market and attract foreign investors, Brazil would have to join this race to the bottom.
This is nothing new in the region. In Latin America, one of the main shortcomings of development strategies has been the widespread granting of tax incentives with the idea that they are essential to ensure investment, innovation, and quality jobs. However, surveys show that, for real direct investors, factors such as quality of infrastructure, a healthy and skilled workforce, market access and political stability matter much more.
On the other hand, the reduction in tax revenues resulting from cutting corporate income tax has devastating consequences. Brazil could lose 9 billion dollars with this measure. This translates into a lack of resources for education, health care, poverty reduction programs, and infrastructure. It would be a new blow to the financing of social policies since the adoption, at the end of 2016, of a constitutional amendment that freezes public spending for a decade. Just last year, combined federal spending on health and education already fell by 3.1% in real terms.
Reducing corporate taxes and diminishing public investment is not a path to development.Less funding for social programs also means less growth in a country where a large proportion of private capital prefers financial income to direct investment. The Brazilian Institute of Applied Economic Survey (Ipea) calculates, for example, that each time the government spends R$1 on public education, it contributes R$1.85 to its gross domestic product. The same value invested in health care contributes R $ 1.70.
These are multiplier effects that cannot be ruled out in a country stagnating in an economic recession since 2014, and where the number of people in extreme poverty (living on less than $1.90 a day) reached 14.8 million in 2017.
In reality, lowering the corporate income tax rate is nothing more than a gift to high-income businesses and individuals, with profound consequences for income distribution. In fact, those who hold shares and receive dividends for the higher profits obtained are the owners of the capital. Moreover, the erosion of tax bases is exacerbated by the aggressive strategies of multinationals, which manipulate transactions between subsidiaries, ensuring that profits are taxed in countries where taxes are lower and not where economic activity and value creation actually take place.
That is why the Independent Commission for Corporate Tax Reform (ICRICT), of which I am a member, argues that there is an urgent need to reform the global tax system. A multinational must pay taxes as a single company doing business across borders. Global profits and associated taxes could then be allocated according to factors such as sales, employment and the resources used by the company in each country, reflecting its true economic activity. We also believe that countries should adopt a minimum effective tax on corporate profits of between 20 and 25%. This means dismantling the generalized subsidies and exemptions that prevail throughout Latin America; reducing corporate taxes and diminishing public investment is not a path to development.
If Bolsonaro's Brazil does not want to participate in this debate at the moment, AMLO's Mexico has a historic opportunity to do so. In addition, it has more room to maneuver: its overall tax rate (20% in 2017 against 35% in Brazil) is among the lowest in the world. This situation would allow AMLO to increase government revenues by truly taxing the activities of companies active in Mexico.
The challenges are not minor in Mexico, where poverty and violence continue to fuel the brain and arm drain to the north and where social mobility is almost non-existent. Only 4.5% of Mexicans between the ages of 25 and 64 whose mother or father only had primary education, finished their studies with a bachelor's degree. A situation that will not change without massive - and efficient - public investment.
Jair Bolsonaro seems to have chosen the wrong path for his country. We hope that Mexico will opt for a development alternative that, instead, works towards strengthen the tax system while recovering the path of budget balance, public investment and, inclusive growth.
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"AMLO versus Bolso": this is not the poster of a boxing match, or of a "lucha libre" one, but the promise of the confrontation between the two radically opposed visions of the future presidents of the two most important nations of Latin America.
Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, better known as AMLO, will take office at Mexico City's Zocalo on December 1, while President-elect Jair Bolsonaro will do so a month later, on January 1, 2019. The differences between the two are profound, in terms of their origins, political trajectories, ideologies, and styles. But in these turbulent times of absolute failure of Latin American states, the main battleground will be that of economic proposals, in two countries that are world champions of inequality.
The far-right Bolsonaro has already stated that he is going to reduce the number of ministries and "extinguish and privatize" a large part of the public companies, an announcement that provoked euphoria all over the financial markets. He also wants to lower Brazil's corporate income tax, currently between 24% and 34%, to a flatrate of 20%. The former army captain's team justifies this decision by referring to Donald Trump's tax reform in the U.S., which reduced corporate taxes from 35% to 21%. To be competitive on the foreign market and attract foreign investors, Brazil would have to join this race to the bottom.
This is nothing new in the region. In Latin America, one of the main shortcomings of development strategies has been the widespread granting of tax incentives with the idea that they are essential to ensure investment, innovation, and quality jobs. However, surveys show that, for real direct investors, factors such as quality of infrastructure, a healthy and skilled workforce, market access and political stability matter much more.
On the other hand, the reduction in tax revenues resulting from cutting corporate income tax has devastating consequences. Brazil could lose 9 billion dollars with this measure. This translates into a lack of resources for education, health care, poverty reduction programs, and infrastructure. It would be a new blow to the financing of social policies since the adoption, at the end of 2016, of a constitutional amendment that freezes public spending for a decade. Just last year, combined federal spending on health and education already fell by 3.1% in real terms.
Reducing corporate taxes and diminishing public investment is not a path to development.Less funding for social programs also means less growth in a country where a large proportion of private capital prefers financial income to direct investment. The Brazilian Institute of Applied Economic Survey (Ipea) calculates, for example, that each time the government spends R$1 on public education, it contributes R$1.85 to its gross domestic product. The same value invested in health care contributes R $ 1.70.
These are multiplier effects that cannot be ruled out in a country stagnating in an economic recession since 2014, and where the number of people in extreme poverty (living on less than $1.90 a day) reached 14.8 million in 2017.
In reality, lowering the corporate income tax rate is nothing more than a gift to high-income businesses and individuals, with profound consequences for income distribution. In fact, those who hold shares and receive dividends for the higher profits obtained are the owners of the capital. Moreover, the erosion of tax bases is exacerbated by the aggressive strategies of multinationals, which manipulate transactions between subsidiaries, ensuring that profits are taxed in countries where taxes are lower and not where economic activity and value creation actually take place.
That is why the Independent Commission for Corporate Tax Reform (ICRICT), of which I am a member, argues that there is an urgent need to reform the global tax system. A multinational must pay taxes as a single company doing business across borders. Global profits and associated taxes could then be allocated according to factors such as sales, employment and the resources used by the company in each country, reflecting its true economic activity. We also believe that countries should adopt a minimum effective tax on corporate profits of between 20 and 25%. This means dismantling the generalized subsidies and exemptions that prevail throughout Latin America; reducing corporate taxes and diminishing public investment is not a path to development.
If Bolsonaro's Brazil does not want to participate in this debate at the moment, AMLO's Mexico has a historic opportunity to do so. In addition, it has more room to maneuver: its overall tax rate (20% in 2017 against 35% in Brazil) is among the lowest in the world. This situation would allow AMLO to increase government revenues by truly taxing the activities of companies active in Mexico.
The challenges are not minor in Mexico, where poverty and violence continue to fuel the brain and arm drain to the north and where social mobility is almost non-existent. Only 4.5% of Mexicans between the ages of 25 and 64 whose mother or father only had primary education, finished their studies with a bachelor's degree. A situation that will not change without massive - and efficient - public investment.
Jair Bolsonaro seems to have chosen the wrong path for his country. We hope that Mexico will opt for a development alternative that, instead, works towards strengthen the tax system while recovering the path of budget balance, public investment and, inclusive growth.
"AMLO versus Bolso": this is not the poster of a boxing match, or of a "lucha libre" one, but the promise of the confrontation between the two radically opposed visions of the future presidents of the two most important nations of Latin America.
Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, better known as AMLO, will take office at Mexico City's Zocalo on December 1, while President-elect Jair Bolsonaro will do so a month later, on January 1, 2019. The differences between the two are profound, in terms of their origins, political trajectories, ideologies, and styles. But in these turbulent times of absolute failure of Latin American states, the main battleground will be that of economic proposals, in two countries that are world champions of inequality.
The far-right Bolsonaro has already stated that he is going to reduce the number of ministries and "extinguish and privatize" a large part of the public companies, an announcement that provoked euphoria all over the financial markets. He also wants to lower Brazil's corporate income tax, currently between 24% and 34%, to a flatrate of 20%. The former army captain's team justifies this decision by referring to Donald Trump's tax reform in the U.S., which reduced corporate taxes from 35% to 21%. To be competitive on the foreign market and attract foreign investors, Brazil would have to join this race to the bottom.
This is nothing new in the region. In Latin America, one of the main shortcomings of development strategies has been the widespread granting of tax incentives with the idea that they are essential to ensure investment, innovation, and quality jobs. However, surveys show that, for real direct investors, factors such as quality of infrastructure, a healthy and skilled workforce, market access and political stability matter much more.
On the other hand, the reduction in tax revenues resulting from cutting corporate income tax has devastating consequences. Brazil could lose 9 billion dollars with this measure. This translates into a lack of resources for education, health care, poverty reduction programs, and infrastructure. It would be a new blow to the financing of social policies since the adoption, at the end of 2016, of a constitutional amendment that freezes public spending for a decade. Just last year, combined federal spending on health and education already fell by 3.1% in real terms.
Reducing corporate taxes and diminishing public investment is not a path to development.Less funding for social programs also means less growth in a country where a large proportion of private capital prefers financial income to direct investment. The Brazilian Institute of Applied Economic Survey (Ipea) calculates, for example, that each time the government spends R$1 on public education, it contributes R$1.85 to its gross domestic product. The same value invested in health care contributes R $ 1.70.
These are multiplier effects that cannot be ruled out in a country stagnating in an economic recession since 2014, and where the number of people in extreme poverty (living on less than $1.90 a day) reached 14.8 million in 2017.
In reality, lowering the corporate income tax rate is nothing more than a gift to high-income businesses and individuals, with profound consequences for income distribution. In fact, those who hold shares and receive dividends for the higher profits obtained are the owners of the capital. Moreover, the erosion of tax bases is exacerbated by the aggressive strategies of multinationals, which manipulate transactions between subsidiaries, ensuring that profits are taxed in countries where taxes are lower and not where economic activity and value creation actually take place.
That is why the Independent Commission for Corporate Tax Reform (ICRICT), of which I am a member, argues that there is an urgent need to reform the global tax system. A multinational must pay taxes as a single company doing business across borders. Global profits and associated taxes could then be allocated according to factors such as sales, employment and the resources used by the company in each country, reflecting its true economic activity. We also believe that countries should adopt a minimum effective tax on corporate profits of between 20 and 25%. This means dismantling the generalized subsidies and exemptions that prevail throughout Latin America; reducing corporate taxes and diminishing public investment is not a path to development.
If Bolsonaro's Brazil does not want to participate in this debate at the moment, AMLO's Mexico has a historic opportunity to do so. In addition, it has more room to maneuver: its overall tax rate (20% in 2017 against 35% in Brazil) is among the lowest in the world. This situation would allow AMLO to increase government revenues by truly taxing the activities of companies active in Mexico.
The challenges are not minor in Mexico, where poverty and violence continue to fuel the brain and arm drain to the north and where social mobility is almost non-existent. Only 4.5% of Mexicans between the ages of 25 and 64 whose mother or father only had primary education, finished their studies with a bachelor's degree. A situation that will not change without massive - and efficient - public investment.
Jair Bolsonaro seems to have chosen the wrong path for his country. We hope that Mexico will opt for a development alternative that, instead, works towards strengthen the tax system while recovering the path of budget balance, public investment and, inclusive growth.
"The interception occurred in international waters outside Palestinian territorial waters off Gaza, in violation of international maritime law," the Freedom Flotilla Coalition said.
The Israeli military intercepted and seized the Gaza Freedom Flotilla vessel The Handala late Saturday night local time as it attempted to deliver desperately needed humanitarian aid to the besieged people of Gaza.
The Freedom Flotilla Coalition reported that Israeli forces cut the cameras on board the ship at 11:43 pm local time, when it was around 40 nautical miles from Gaza.
"The unarmed boat was carrying lifesaving supplies when it was boarded by Israeli forces, its passengers abducted, and its cargo seized," the coalition wrote. "The interception occurred in international waters outside Palestinian territorial waters off Gaza, in violation of international maritime law."
Israel's Foreign Ministry confirmed that its navy had intercepted the ship, as Al Jazeera reported.
"The vessel is safely making its way to the shores of Israel," the ministry said in a statement. "All passengers are safe."
"Our vessel does not constitute any threat to you. We carry only humanitarian aid, and therefore, you have no authority to intercept or otherwise attack our vessel."
The Handala set sail for Gaza on July 20 from Gallipoli, Italy. It is the second attempt by the Freedom Flotilla Coalition to break the siege on Gaza in under two months. An earlier attempt in June was also intercepted by the Israeli military and its crew members arrested and deported.
There are 21 crew members onboard The Handala from 12 countries: 19 human rights defenders and two journalists. The crew includes seven U.S. citizens, among them labor leader Christian Smalls.
The crew had promised to begin a hunger strike as soon as they were intercepted by the Israeli military.
"In captivity they can give their sandwiches and water to the starving people of Gaza," Smalls wrote on social media.
Another U.S. crew member, the Palestinian-American lawyer and activist Huwaida Arraf, rebuked the Israeli Navy as they boarded the ship, according to a video obtained by Al Jazeera:
"Let me give you a lesson in international law," Arraf said, adding:
Any blockade that deliberately starves a civilian population is a violation of international law. It is not only that—it is a war crime. You have no legal authority to enforce an unlawful blockade. And as such, you have no authority to use force to enforce an unlawful blockade.
Therefore, we demand that you stand down. You are responsible for the well-being of every civilian on board this vessel. As an occupying power in Gaza, you are responsible for the health and well-being of the civilian population there.
Not only have you disregarded that obligation, but you are actively exterminating the people. You have engineered a famine. You are deliberately starving civilians and children before the eyes of the world.
Our vessel does not constitute any threat to you. We carry only humanitarian aid, and therefore, you have no authority to intercept or otherwise attack our vessel. We demand again that you stand down.
The Handala's interception came at the close of a day that saw 71 people killed in Gaza due to Israeli attacks and five perish from hunger. This brings the total number of deaths from starvation in Gaza to over 127, among them more than 85 children. After 658 days of a U.S.-backed Israeli siege, more than 85% of Palestinians in Gaza are now in the most dangerous Stage 5 of the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification to measure famine. One five-month-old child who died on Friday due to lack of baby formula weighed less at death than she did at birth, as The Associated Press reported. A growing number of human rights experts and advocates have characterized Israel's war and siege on Gaza as a genocide.
The ship was carrying diapers, baby formula, food, and medicine.
According to the Gaza Freedom Flotilla Coalition, Saturday's interception was the "third violent act by Israeli forces against Freedom Flotilla missions this year alone."
"It follows the drone bombing of the civilian aid ship Conscience in European waters in May, which injured four people and disabled the vessel, and the illegal seizure of The Madleen in June, where Israeli forces abducted 12 civilians, including a member of the European Parliament," the group wrote.
Ann Wright, a member of the Gaza Freedom Flotilla Coalition steering committee, called on the governments of the 21 crew members to advocate for their citizens.
"Protect innocent international people who are merely accompanying a small amount of aid—medical and food—as a symbol of the international outrage at what Israel is doing," she told Al Jazeera.
"There is still a chance to stop this industry before it begins, but only if governments stand up for science, equity, and precaution now," one campaigner said.
Despite growing momentum, world governments failed to agree to a moratorium on deep-sea mining as the 30th session of the International Seabed Authority wrapped up on Friday.
The authority's July meeting was the first since U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order to expedite permits for deep-sea mining under U.S. authority and The Metals Company (TMC) promptly applied for U.S. permits. Governments rebuked the U.S. and TMC for their unilateral approach and did not agree on a mining code that would allow the controversial practice to move forward under international law. However, campaigners said more decisive action is needed to protect the ocean and its biodiversity.
"Governments have yet to rise to the moment," Greenpeace International campaigner Louisa Casson said in a statement. "They remain disconnected from global concerns and the pressing need for courageous leadership to protect the deep ocean."
Casson continued: "We call on the international community to rise up and defend multilateralism against rogue actors like The Metals Company. Governments must respond by establishing a moratorium and reaffirming that authority over the international seabed lies collectively with all states—for the benefit of humanity as a whole."
The International Seabed Authority (ISA) gains its authority to regulate deep-sea mining under the United Nations Law of the Sea, to which the U.S. is not party. TMC, however, could suffer consequences for bypassing the international process, as other countries and companies may decide not to do business with it.
At the most recent session, the ISA's council decided not to revoke exploratory permits it had previously granted to TMC and its subsidiaries. However, it approved an investigation on Monday into whether mining contractors such as TMC subsidiaries Nauru Ocean Resources Inc. and Tonga Offshore Mining Limited were abiding by their obligations under international law.
"TMC has been testing the limits of what it can get away with, a bit like a child seeing how far it can go with bad behavior," Matthew Gianni, cofounder of the Deep Sea Conservation Coalition (DSCC), told The New York Times.
"The member countries of the ISA have basically sent a shot across the bow, a warning to TMC that going rogue may well result in the loss of its ISA exploration claims," Gianna explained, adding that the investigation also served as a warning to other companies who might consider following TMC's example.
"The Trump administration's pursuit of deep-sea mining isn't about global stewardship—it's about sidestepping it."
Casson agreed: "The international community's message to The Metals Company is clear: Violating international law, ignoring scientific consensus, and disregarding human rights will have consequences. This is also a warning to any companies or governments choosing to align themselves with [TMC CEO] Gerard Barron's business model—they must be prepared to bear the reputational fallout of trying to destroy the ocean."
At the same time, a U.S. representative spoke on Thursday, doubling down on Trump's dismissal of the international process and earning instant push back from Brazil, France, and China
"As a non-party to the Law of the Sea Convention, the United States is not bound by the convention rules dealing with seabed mining through the International Seabed Authority," the U.S. statement said in part.
The statement came days after Greenpeace released a report titled Deep Deception: How the Deep-Sea Mining Industry is Manipulating Geopolitics to Profit from Ocean Destruction, which details how TMC and other deep-sea mining companies are exploiting national security concerns to lobby U.S. lawmakers to fast track deep-sea mining.
"The U.S. statement confirms what Deep Deception has already exposed: The Trump administration's pursuit of deep-sea mining isn't about global stewardship—it's about sidestepping it," Arlo Hemphill, Greenpeace USA's project lead for the Stop Deep-Sea Mining campaign, said in a statement. "By rejecting the ISA's authority while claiming environmental responsibility, the U.S. is trying to have it both ways—and in doing so is advancing a 'smash and grab' agenda that puts ocean health and international cooperation at serious risk."
Ultimately, ocean advocates agree that the only way to protect the deep sea is for governments to agree to a precautionary pause on a practice they argue would do irreparable harm to ecosystems science barely understands.
The consensus for such a pause is building, with Croatia becoming the 38th nation to support one during the latest ISA meeting.
"The ISA is paralyzed by a small group clinging to outdated extraction agendas while blocking even the most basic reforms," Simon Holmström, the deep-sea mining policy officer for Seas at Risk, said in a statement. "The firm rejection of the U.S. and The Metals Company's power grab, alongside 38 countries now calling for a moratorium or precautionary pause, shows growing resistance to sacrificing the planet's least understood ecosystem for corporate short-term profit."
"To even consider a new form of ecocide on our already ailing planet is both reckless and irrational."
Several nations spoke strongly in favor a moratorium, including Palau, Panama, and France.
"Exploiting the seabed is not a necessity—it is a choice," said His Excellency Surangel S. Whipps Jr., president of the Republic of Palau, on Tuesday. "And it is reckless. It is gambling with the future of Pacific Island children, who will inherit the dire consequences of decisions made far from their shores."
A Pacific leader from Solomon Island also defended the interests of the Pacific Ocean community: "As Pacific people, we continue to carry the trauma of what extractive industries have already done to our homes. Mining companies that came with promises, stripped our lands and waters, and left behind ecological, cultural, and spiritual scars. We cannot let that cycle repeat itself, in the ocean that connects us. That sustains us. And that defines us."
Olivier Poivre d'Arvor of France called for a pause of 10-15 years: "Our message is clear: no deep-sea mining without science, without collective legitimacy, without equity [...] France is calling for a moratorium or a precautionary pause. What for? Because we refuse to mortgage the future for a few nodules extracted in a hurry, in favor of a few."
However, campaigners argued that many governments continued to fall short of the commitments they had made at the U.N. Ocean Conference (UNOC) in Nice in early June.
"Thirty-eight states have now joined the call for a moratorium or precautionary pause, with Croatia joining the coalition during this Assembly," said DSCC campaign director Sofia Tsenikli. "But too many other states, which were bold in their ocean promises at UNOC, are not putting this into action at the ISA. Governments must meet their promises by doing what it takes to implement a moratorium before it's too late."
Farah Obaidullah, founder and director of The Ocean and Us, argued that the ocean already faces too many other threats to add the additional burden of deep-sea mining.
"The health of the high seas including the seabed is critical to our own. Yet our shared heritage faces an onslaught of threats from climate and nature collapse, escalating tensions, and failed leadership," Obaidullah said. "To even consider a new form of ecocide on our already ailing planet is both reckless and irrational. We know that deep-sea mining will devastate life in the deep ocean, wipe out species before they have been discovered, and impact ocean functions, including carbon sequestration. When it comes to the ocean we have no time to lose. We cannot colonize and conquer our shared heritage which belongs to us all. There is only one responsible way forward, and that is to secure a moratorium on deep-sea mining."
DSCC's Gianni also argued strongly for a pause: "Being on the fence or remaining silent is not a politically defensible position. We are risking severe ecological damage, and future generations will ask what we did to stop it. There is still a chance to stop this industry before it begins, but only if governments stand up for science, equity, and precaution now, and take action to prevent companies within their jurisdiction from cooperating with rogue mining operations."
Greenpeace's Hemphill concluded: "Governments must secure a moratorium that leaves no room for a desperate industry to force through a mining code. The science is not ready. The legal framework is not in place. The world must not be bullied into an irreversible mistake for the benefit of a few."
The ruling from U.S. District Judge Leo Sorokin of Massachusetts found an exception to the Supreme Court's recent limit on nationwide injunctions.
For the third time since the U.S. Supreme Court used the case to limit nationwide injunctions in June, a court has blocked U.S. President Donald Trump's executive order ending birthright citizenship from going into effect.
U.S. District Judge Leo Sorokin of Massachusetts ruled on Friday that a nationwide injunction he had granted to over 12 states still applied under an exception laid out in the Supreme Court decision.
"We are thrilled that the district court again barred President Trump's flagrantly unconstitutional birthright citizenship order from taking effect anywhere," New Jersey Attorney General Matthew J. Platkin, whose state took the lead on bringing the case, said in a statement.
Trump issued an executive order in January ending birthright citizenship for children born to parents with no legal status, a move widely decried as unconstitutional. Several lawsuits followed, resulting in a nationwide injunction blocking the order from taking effect.
"American-born babies are American, just as they have been at every other time in our Nation's history."
In June, the Supreme Court weighed in by limiting the ability of lower courts to issue nationwide injunctions, but declining to comment on the constitutionality of the order itself. However, the nation's highest court did say that states could receive nationwide injunctions if it was the only way to offer full relief, which Sorokin determined Friday was indeed the case.
The states had argued that the birthright order, in addition to being unconstitutional, would put millions of dollars for citizenship-dependent health insurance assistance at risk, according to The Associated Press. Sorokin determined anything less than a nationwide ban would not provide full relief to the states, given that people often move across state lines.
"The record does not support a finding that any narrower option would feasibly and adequately protect the plaintiffs from the injuries they have shown they are likely to suffer if the unlawful policy announced in the Executive Order takes effect during the pendency of this lawsuit," Sorokin wrote in his decision.
His ruling followed two others blocking the order since the Supreme Court decision: A July 10 ruling from a federal New Hampshire judge establishing a nationwide class in a new class-action lawsuit, and a determination from a federal appeals court in San Francisco on Wednesday that the order was unconstitutional and the block could stay in effect to offer states relief.
In his decision Friday, Sorokin said the Trump administration was "entitled to pursue their interpretation of the 14th Amendment, and no doubt the Supreme Court will ultimately settle the question," adding, "But in the meantime, for purposes of this lawsuit at this juncture, the Executive Order is unconstitutional."
In response, White House spokesperson Abigail Jackson told Newsweek, "These courts are misinterpreting the purpose and the text of the 14th Amendment," adding, "We look forward to being vindicated on appeal."
Patkin, however, celebrated the ruling: "The district court's decision, consistent with the Supreme Court's own instructions, recognizes that this illegal action cannot take effect anywhere without harming New Jersey and the other states who joined in these challenges. American-born babies are American, just as they have been at every other time in our Nation's history. The president cannot change that legal rule with the stroke of a pen."