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There is enormous focus these days on economic inequality, and for good reason. The gap between the top 1 percent and other Americans is growing, the middle class that built the country and ensured social stability is shrinking, and the likely consequences of those phenomena aren't pretty.
Discussions about equality often run aground due to our different definitions of the term. That's especially true in the United States, where our Constitution guarantees us only equality before the law. Cynics may quote Anatole France for the proposition that "In its majestic equality, the law forbids rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges, beg in the streets and steal loaves of bread," but ours is a system of negative rights--a system that protects individual liberties against encroachments by the state. Efforts to ameliorate material deprivations are thus statutory, not constitutional, and as we have seen, those statutory entitlements are vulnerable to ideological efforts to punish poor people.
Our public discourse around "equality" tends to focus on issues of legal and economic equality and the relationship--or conflict--between the two. We rarely discuss a third kind of equality--democratic equality--despite the fact that it has a major influence on whether the country achieves the others.
Democratic equality simply means the equal right of each citizen to vote, and to participate in the democratic process. It probably won't come as a surprise to find that we aren't doing terribly well on that front, either.
The influence of money in politics has grown exponentially since the Supreme Court's ill-considered decision in Citizens United. Ever since the case of Buckley v. Valeo, the Court has conflated money with speech, and the result has been that those with money are able to "speak" much more loudly and effectively than the rest of us. When democracy becomes "pay to play," there is no equality of participation.
It isn't just money. In my state--which is unfortunately not an outlier-- the legislature has used its power to make it more difficult to vote.
We have one of the strictest Voter ID laws in the nation--in order to cast a ballot, you must not only have a government-issued picture ID, that ID must have an expiration date. (This excludes the IDs issued by state universities, which lack an expiration date.) Middle-class folks assume that it's simple enough to obtain such identification, but for poorer people--particularly older black citizens who were born at home and lack a birth certificate--getting the necessary documentation can be both onerous and costly. (Despite pious rhetoric about deterring "voter fraud," scholars agree that the incidence of fraudulent in-person voting is virtually nil.)
My state legislature has also declined to enact other measures that encourage or facilitate voting by working-class Americans: keeping the polls open past six, establishing convenient voting centers, expanding early voting.
It's bad enough that lawmakers see fit to erect barriers to voting rather than making it easier. But the most serious denial of democratic equality comes through partisan gerrymandering that produces an abundance of "safe" seats and eliminates voter choice.
Increasingly, especially at the state level, our legislators choose their voters--the voters don't choose their representatives. So even when disadvantaged folks make it past the obstacles and manage to cast their ballots, they often find they are given no meaningful choice. A growing number of elections are uncontested.
The result of all this is a particularly pernicious form of inequality--the people who would benefit most from the election of candidates willing to work for legal and/or economic equality--have less access, less influence and less voice.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
There is enormous focus these days on economic inequality, and for good reason. The gap between the top 1 percent and other Americans is growing, the middle class that built the country and ensured social stability is shrinking, and the likely consequences of those phenomena aren't pretty.
Discussions about equality often run aground due to our different definitions of the term. That's especially true in the United States, where our Constitution guarantees us only equality before the law. Cynics may quote Anatole France for the proposition that "In its majestic equality, the law forbids rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges, beg in the streets and steal loaves of bread," but ours is a system of negative rights--a system that protects individual liberties against encroachments by the state. Efforts to ameliorate material deprivations are thus statutory, not constitutional, and as we have seen, those statutory entitlements are vulnerable to ideological efforts to punish poor people.
Our public discourse around "equality" tends to focus on issues of legal and economic equality and the relationship--or conflict--between the two. We rarely discuss a third kind of equality--democratic equality--despite the fact that it has a major influence on whether the country achieves the others.
Democratic equality simply means the equal right of each citizen to vote, and to participate in the democratic process. It probably won't come as a surprise to find that we aren't doing terribly well on that front, either.
The influence of money in politics has grown exponentially since the Supreme Court's ill-considered decision in Citizens United. Ever since the case of Buckley v. Valeo, the Court has conflated money with speech, and the result has been that those with money are able to "speak" much more loudly and effectively than the rest of us. When democracy becomes "pay to play," there is no equality of participation.
It isn't just money. In my state--which is unfortunately not an outlier-- the legislature has used its power to make it more difficult to vote.
We have one of the strictest Voter ID laws in the nation--in order to cast a ballot, you must not only have a government-issued picture ID, that ID must have an expiration date. (This excludes the IDs issued by state universities, which lack an expiration date.) Middle-class folks assume that it's simple enough to obtain such identification, but for poorer people--particularly older black citizens who were born at home and lack a birth certificate--getting the necessary documentation can be both onerous and costly. (Despite pious rhetoric about deterring "voter fraud," scholars agree that the incidence of fraudulent in-person voting is virtually nil.)
My state legislature has also declined to enact other measures that encourage or facilitate voting by working-class Americans: keeping the polls open past six, establishing convenient voting centers, expanding early voting.
It's bad enough that lawmakers see fit to erect barriers to voting rather than making it easier. But the most serious denial of democratic equality comes through partisan gerrymandering that produces an abundance of "safe" seats and eliminates voter choice.
Increasingly, especially at the state level, our legislators choose their voters--the voters don't choose their representatives. So even when disadvantaged folks make it past the obstacles and manage to cast their ballots, they often find they are given no meaningful choice. A growing number of elections are uncontested.
The result of all this is a particularly pernicious form of inequality--the people who would benefit most from the election of candidates willing to work for legal and/or economic equality--have less access, less influence and less voice.
There is enormous focus these days on economic inequality, and for good reason. The gap between the top 1 percent and other Americans is growing, the middle class that built the country and ensured social stability is shrinking, and the likely consequences of those phenomena aren't pretty.
Discussions about equality often run aground due to our different definitions of the term. That's especially true in the United States, where our Constitution guarantees us only equality before the law. Cynics may quote Anatole France for the proposition that "In its majestic equality, the law forbids rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges, beg in the streets and steal loaves of bread," but ours is a system of negative rights--a system that protects individual liberties against encroachments by the state. Efforts to ameliorate material deprivations are thus statutory, not constitutional, and as we have seen, those statutory entitlements are vulnerable to ideological efforts to punish poor people.
Our public discourse around "equality" tends to focus on issues of legal and economic equality and the relationship--or conflict--between the two. We rarely discuss a third kind of equality--democratic equality--despite the fact that it has a major influence on whether the country achieves the others.
Democratic equality simply means the equal right of each citizen to vote, and to participate in the democratic process. It probably won't come as a surprise to find that we aren't doing terribly well on that front, either.
The influence of money in politics has grown exponentially since the Supreme Court's ill-considered decision in Citizens United. Ever since the case of Buckley v. Valeo, the Court has conflated money with speech, and the result has been that those with money are able to "speak" much more loudly and effectively than the rest of us. When democracy becomes "pay to play," there is no equality of participation.
It isn't just money. In my state--which is unfortunately not an outlier-- the legislature has used its power to make it more difficult to vote.
We have one of the strictest Voter ID laws in the nation--in order to cast a ballot, you must not only have a government-issued picture ID, that ID must have an expiration date. (This excludes the IDs issued by state universities, which lack an expiration date.) Middle-class folks assume that it's simple enough to obtain such identification, but for poorer people--particularly older black citizens who were born at home and lack a birth certificate--getting the necessary documentation can be both onerous and costly. (Despite pious rhetoric about deterring "voter fraud," scholars agree that the incidence of fraudulent in-person voting is virtually nil.)
My state legislature has also declined to enact other measures that encourage or facilitate voting by working-class Americans: keeping the polls open past six, establishing convenient voting centers, expanding early voting.
It's bad enough that lawmakers see fit to erect barriers to voting rather than making it easier. But the most serious denial of democratic equality comes through partisan gerrymandering that produces an abundance of "safe" seats and eliminates voter choice.
Increasingly, especially at the state level, our legislators choose their voters--the voters don't choose their representatives. So even when disadvantaged folks make it past the obstacles and manage to cast their ballots, they often find they are given no meaningful choice. A growing number of elections are uncontested.
The result of all this is a particularly pernicious form of inequality--the people who would benefit most from the election of candidates willing to work for legal and/or economic equality--have less access, less influence and less voice.