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Nice one, Mr. President - It ain't war if they can't fight back, is it? The recent White House Report to the U.S. House of Representatives, "United States Activities in Libya," tells us we are currently spending over a billion dollars on a continuing NATO bombing campaign in that country. And yet it argues that President Barack Obama does not need to secure Congressional approval for this, notwithstanding the War Powers Act requirement that he do so within sixty days.
Nice one, Mr. President - It ain't war if they can't fight back, is it? The recent White House Report to the U.S. House of Representatives, "United States Activities in Libya," tells us we are currently spending over a billion dollars on a continuing NATO bombing campaign in that country. And yet it argues that President Barack Obama does not need to secure Congressional approval for this, notwithstanding the War Powers Act requirement that he do so within sixty days.
" U.S. military operations are distinct from the kind of 'hostilities' contemplated by the Resolution's 60 day termination provision" claims the White House, even as it acknowledges ongoing "strikes by unmanned Predator UAVs." How can this be? The 1973 law does not apply, the report says, because the operation involves no "U.S. casualties or a serious threat thereof." Do we have an Obama Doctrine for the Drone Age here? Military operations do not require the approval of Congress until there are American casualties?
Obviously on some level we're not expected to take this all very seriously. Yes, candidate Obama sounded very different on the War Powers Act, but as President, Obama recognizes a different "reality and responsibility," as outgoing Defense Secretary Robert Gates put it. Libya was on the government's permanent bucket list of "regimes" to dump should the opportunity arise. Barack Obama signed the papers. Justification could come later.
And yet, cynical as these arguments might obviously be, their effects are real. Uncomfortable as it may be to recognize that foreign casualties count for little in domestic American politics, it probably wouldn't be all that controversial to argue that this is, in fact, the situation. And in that, the U.S. may not be particularly different from, or worse than many or most other nations. But somehow arguing that military actions do not constitute "hostilities" if the only casualties are foreign seems a whole other thing. We bomb "bad guys" and when we miss and hit civilians it's a regrettable mistake. And none of it even merits the use of the word hostilities?
Remember those bumper stickers that said No one died when Clinton lied? Yes, he may have misled us, the unwritten argument went, but George Bush misled us into the Iraq War - ultimately a matter of far greater consequence than his predecessor's sexual peccadilloes. It seems ironic, then, that today even"virtual" sexual activity can end a political career, but so far as undertaking a billion dollar bombing campaign goes, no approval necessary - that is, unless Americans get hurt.
When Obama won the Nobel Peace Prize, pretty much everyone seemed to understand from the get-go - Obama included - that the award went his way, not so much for anything he'd actually done, as for the positive effect some believed - or hoped - his election might have on the world. Those unpersuaded by this future possibility saw little merit in giving such an award to a man engaged in expanding not only the declared American war in Afghanistan but the undeclared one in Pakistan as well. Still, most credited him with at least talking a good game, which makes the current torturous logic employed in the service of the American presidency's unilateral right to wage war all the more difficult to swallow. In politics, disappointing some of one's supporters may be nearly inevitable, but when you disappoint even some of your harshest critics, well, you've done something.
It seems inadequate to say that we're headed down a slippery slope when we write off considerations of the casualties of our military actions as trivial, so long as they are someone else's - arguably we've already gone down that slope at that point. It may be unpleasant to entertain the thought that the plotters of 9/11 probably employed similar moral reasoning in justifying their actions. But even if we fail to miss the parallel, others won't.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Nice one, Mr. President - It ain't war if they can't fight back, is it? The recent White House Report to the U.S. House of Representatives, "United States Activities in Libya," tells us we are currently spending over a billion dollars on a continuing NATO bombing campaign in that country. And yet it argues that President Barack Obama does not need to secure Congressional approval for this, notwithstanding the War Powers Act requirement that he do so within sixty days.
" U.S. military operations are distinct from the kind of 'hostilities' contemplated by the Resolution's 60 day termination provision" claims the White House, even as it acknowledges ongoing "strikes by unmanned Predator UAVs." How can this be? The 1973 law does not apply, the report says, because the operation involves no "U.S. casualties or a serious threat thereof." Do we have an Obama Doctrine for the Drone Age here? Military operations do not require the approval of Congress until there are American casualties?
Obviously on some level we're not expected to take this all very seriously. Yes, candidate Obama sounded very different on the War Powers Act, but as President, Obama recognizes a different "reality and responsibility," as outgoing Defense Secretary Robert Gates put it. Libya was on the government's permanent bucket list of "regimes" to dump should the opportunity arise. Barack Obama signed the papers. Justification could come later.
And yet, cynical as these arguments might obviously be, their effects are real. Uncomfortable as it may be to recognize that foreign casualties count for little in domestic American politics, it probably wouldn't be all that controversial to argue that this is, in fact, the situation. And in that, the U.S. may not be particularly different from, or worse than many or most other nations. But somehow arguing that military actions do not constitute "hostilities" if the only casualties are foreign seems a whole other thing. We bomb "bad guys" and when we miss and hit civilians it's a regrettable mistake. And none of it even merits the use of the word hostilities?
Remember those bumper stickers that said No one died when Clinton lied? Yes, he may have misled us, the unwritten argument went, but George Bush misled us into the Iraq War - ultimately a matter of far greater consequence than his predecessor's sexual peccadilloes. It seems ironic, then, that today even"virtual" sexual activity can end a political career, but so far as undertaking a billion dollar bombing campaign goes, no approval necessary - that is, unless Americans get hurt.
When Obama won the Nobel Peace Prize, pretty much everyone seemed to understand from the get-go - Obama included - that the award went his way, not so much for anything he'd actually done, as for the positive effect some believed - or hoped - his election might have on the world. Those unpersuaded by this future possibility saw little merit in giving such an award to a man engaged in expanding not only the declared American war in Afghanistan but the undeclared one in Pakistan as well. Still, most credited him with at least talking a good game, which makes the current torturous logic employed in the service of the American presidency's unilateral right to wage war all the more difficult to swallow. In politics, disappointing some of one's supporters may be nearly inevitable, but when you disappoint even some of your harshest critics, well, you've done something.
It seems inadequate to say that we're headed down a slippery slope when we write off considerations of the casualties of our military actions as trivial, so long as they are someone else's - arguably we've already gone down that slope at that point. It may be unpleasant to entertain the thought that the plotters of 9/11 probably employed similar moral reasoning in justifying their actions. But even if we fail to miss the parallel, others won't.
Nice one, Mr. President - It ain't war if they can't fight back, is it? The recent White House Report to the U.S. House of Representatives, "United States Activities in Libya," tells us we are currently spending over a billion dollars on a continuing NATO bombing campaign in that country. And yet it argues that President Barack Obama does not need to secure Congressional approval for this, notwithstanding the War Powers Act requirement that he do so within sixty days.
" U.S. military operations are distinct from the kind of 'hostilities' contemplated by the Resolution's 60 day termination provision" claims the White House, even as it acknowledges ongoing "strikes by unmanned Predator UAVs." How can this be? The 1973 law does not apply, the report says, because the operation involves no "U.S. casualties or a serious threat thereof." Do we have an Obama Doctrine for the Drone Age here? Military operations do not require the approval of Congress until there are American casualties?
Obviously on some level we're not expected to take this all very seriously. Yes, candidate Obama sounded very different on the War Powers Act, but as President, Obama recognizes a different "reality and responsibility," as outgoing Defense Secretary Robert Gates put it. Libya was on the government's permanent bucket list of "regimes" to dump should the opportunity arise. Barack Obama signed the papers. Justification could come later.
And yet, cynical as these arguments might obviously be, their effects are real. Uncomfortable as it may be to recognize that foreign casualties count for little in domestic American politics, it probably wouldn't be all that controversial to argue that this is, in fact, the situation. And in that, the U.S. may not be particularly different from, or worse than many or most other nations. But somehow arguing that military actions do not constitute "hostilities" if the only casualties are foreign seems a whole other thing. We bomb "bad guys" and when we miss and hit civilians it's a regrettable mistake. And none of it even merits the use of the word hostilities?
Remember those bumper stickers that said No one died when Clinton lied? Yes, he may have misled us, the unwritten argument went, but George Bush misled us into the Iraq War - ultimately a matter of far greater consequence than his predecessor's sexual peccadilloes. It seems ironic, then, that today even"virtual" sexual activity can end a political career, but so far as undertaking a billion dollar bombing campaign goes, no approval necessary - that is, unless Americans get hurt.
When Obama won the Nobel Peace Prize, pretty much everyone seemed to understand from the get-go - Obama included - that the award went his way, not so much for anything he'd actually done, as for the positive effect some believed - or hoped - his election might have on the world. Those unpersuaded by this future possibility saw little merit in giving such an award to a man engaged in expanding not only the declared American war in Afghanistan but the undeclared one in Pakistan as well. Still, most credited him with at least talking a good game, which makes the current torturous logic employed in the service of the American presidency's unilateral right to wage war all the more difficult to swallow. In politics, disappointing some of one's supporters may be nearly inevitable, but when you disappoint even some of your harshest critics, well, you've done something.
It seems inadequate to say that we're headed down a slippery slope when we write off considerations of the casualties of our military actions as trivial, so long as they are someone else's - arguably we've already gone down that slope at that point. It may be unpleasant to entertain the thought that the plotters of 9/11 probably employed similar moral reasoning in justifying their actions. But even if we fail to miss the parallel, others won't.