

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
Tom Gallagher knows a thing or two about primary elections. Years before the documentary Knock Down the House (2019) brought progressive Democrat Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's dramatic primary election victory into the living room of millions of Americans, Gallagher had theorized that path to victory in his pamphlet The Primary Route: How the 99% Take on the Military Industrial Complex (2015). Unlike the third party route pursued by Ralph Nader and the Green Party in the early 2000s, Gallagher argued that by participating in Democratic Party primaries and caucuses, a progressive candidate could reach a larger audience without being accused of being a "spoiler" - a loss by the progressive would not affect the general election outcome, and the scope of the debate would be greatly expanded.
Gallagher now has a chance to test that hypothesis himself. Gallagher is running as a progressive challenger to Nancy Pelosi in the March 3rd Democratic Primary, but in a sense, he has been down this road before. Back in 1986, Gallagher ran in the Democratic primary to succeed another powerful Democratic House Speaker, Thomas P. "Tip" O'Neill. As the left-most candidate of a crowded field running for O'Neill's seat, Gallagher was endorsed by the Boston Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) as well as Duncan Kennedy, the Harvard Professor of Law and key theorist of Critical Legal Studies (an academic movement which examined inherent class biases in law), but withdrew from the race and supported the second place finisher, George Bachrach, who lost to Joseph P. Kennedy II, the son of Robert F. Kennedy (a name which, it's fair to say, has some cache in Massachusetts). But things have changed in the last three decades.
Following the end of the Cold War, "third way" neoliberal politicians like Bill "the era of big government is over" Clinton, Tony Blair (UK), Junichiro Koizumi (Japan), and others embraced the view that making the rich richer by privatizing public services, cutting taxes, and deregulating finance would somehow create wealth that would 'trickle down' - they would just do it, unlike their conservative counterparts, with a smiling face and a more diverse cast. This has failed spectacularly: the deficit is up, debt is up, wage growth has stalled or declined, business investment has slowed, rents are skyrocketing, and more people are starving and homeless. Nowhere is this clearer than in San Francisco, where nearly 400 people have died on the streets since 2016 amid empty, luxury developments. Even worse, by moving their respective center-left parties to the right, the third way politicians left a space for the far-right to provide "answers" to this economic failure in the form of the racist, anti-Semitic, anti-immigrant politics we are now living through. Gallagher's record provides a bold contrast to this rightward drift: he was resisting neoliberalism before we called it neoliberalism.
Raised in the working class Hunts Point section of the South Bronx to an immigrant Irish father, Gallagher was a precocious child, always with a book in his hand to avoid wasting any time, a habit he maintains to this day. He received a scholarship to the Jesuit-run Regis High School in Manhattan where he excelled at his studies (including Latin and Greek), even receiving second place in the Cardinal's Christian Doctrine Examination (finishing just behind a future priest!), and later going on to study philosophy at Boston College. The author of hundreds of essays, articles, and book reviews, as well as a very funny book about his career as a substitute teacher (Sub: My Years Underground in America's Schools), Gallagher belongs to the long line of left writer/activist/politicians, stretching from George Bernard Shaw (Gallagher, like Shaw, is a vegetarian), through Tony Benn, to Arundhati Roy, and Ralph Nader - witty, verbal activists who held out for truth as their parties lazily slid to the accommodating right. A clear writer, with an almost Samuel Beckett-like curmudgeonly candor ("Some see in human adolescence proof for the nonexistence of God, while others argue the opposite - that it demonstrates that there is, in fact, a God, but a malevolent one.") - Gallagher's philosophical/theological intellectual background, combined with this working class roots, makes him a formidable foe to any third way centrist. He knows of what he speaks. But will people listen?
Gallagher was first elected to public office in 1980, representing the Allston Brighton section of Boston in the Massachusetts House of Representatives. Affectionately dubbed "Tommy the Commie", Representative Gallagher - who was a member of the Boston DSA - became the first declared socialist state representative in Massachusetts since the 1920s and proved himself a champion of working people in the area. He stood up for rate payers against Boston Edison which wanted to pass the costs of the energy company's failed Pilgrim II nuclear plant on to consumers. At a time when other Democrats were preaching an "era of limits" (in Jerry Brown's phrase) and pushing for public service reductions, Gallagher rallied to the side of frustrated constituents, speaking in the rain to a crown of 150 community residents protesting the closure of a local police substation. In the early waves of deindustrialization, Gallagher was working on bills for the Massachusetts state legislature which would have required companies to give employees advanced notice of a factory closure (providing the opportunity for the state and unions to step in to save jobs). None of these positions earned the love of a Democratic Party distancing itself from the "left" and clamoring for corporate dollars in the 1980s, much less a Democratic Party preaching the benefits of Thomas Friedman's "super-flat" global capitalism of the 1990s - but they resonate now. When Senator Bernie Sanders - for whom Gallagher was a delegate -received 13 million votes in 2016, progressive America began to recognize itself again. That is the thing about hindsight, now everyone is a "progressive."
An anti-war activist since the Vietnam War, Gallagher has remained consistent in his critique of US foreign policy, a critique informed by his experience as a United Nations Elections officer in East Timor and as an Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) observer in Azerbaijan, Bosnia, Georgia, Kyrgyz Republic, Macedonia, Russia, and Ukraine. Gallagher opposed the war in Afghanistan "for the simple reason that the logical and appropriate response to the high jacking of four airplanes [by Saudi and Egyptian nationals] is not the invasion and continuous bombing of another country [Afghanistan]" and authored five antiwar resolutions which the San Francisco Democratic Party adopted. In 2008, he authored Proposition U, a City of San Francisco voter initiative which declared it San Francisco city policy that its federal representatives vote against funding for the deployment of the armed forces in Iraq. While this may have been controversial at the time among some Democrats, opposition to the Iraq war was arguably the main factor in the election of Barack Obama, and became an issue in the 2016 election as well. A recent Pew Research Center survey found that 64 percent of military veterans felt the Iraq war was not worth the costs, while 58 percent of felt the same about the Afghanistan war. In March of 2018, Gallagher succeeded in getting the California Democratic Party platform amended to include a time-table for withdrawal from Afghanistan, an end to air strikes, and the cut off of further appropriations except those necessary for a safe and orderly withdrawal.
Among his most ambitious policy proposals is a "Marshall Plan" for Central America. Just as the original Marshall Plan rebuilt the countries of Western Europe after World War II, creating stable, prosperous, and largely democratic counter-balances to the USSR, Gallagher argues the US should invest comparative resources transforming El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras - three countries devastated by US interventions and trade agreements - into prosperous, democratic countries. As the majority of asylum seekers are fleeing these countries, this would make more sense than investing in private prisons in the US for those fleeing. With common-sense proposals like these, Gallagher has the potential to attract independent-minded voters turned off by the moral cowardice of many "moderates."
As would be expected in San Francisco, Gallagher is not the only progressive challenging Pelosi from the left. Shahid Buttar, the legal advocate and community organizer, has also thrown his hat into the ring. No doubt there will be others vying to be the next AOC. While California's Proposition 14 created an open primary system where two same-party candidates can compete in the final election (remember Feinstein versus de Leon in 2018), this was not used to the advantage of progressives in the last race for Pelosi's CA District-12 seat. The number of progressive candidates divided the vote, leaving Pelosi facing a hopeless Republican candidate - a missed opportunity in a district where Bernie Sanders received 99,594 votes in 2016. To avoid a repeat of this, Gallagher has suggested San Francisco hold a separate "progressive" primary before the March 3rd Democratic primary. The winner of this separate contest could then go on to the March primary with the united support of progressive San Francisco voters. If a multiparty progressive pre-primary primary sounds a bit far-fetched to you, so did the idea of a 29-year-old candidate taking on the 4th highest ranking Democrat in New York's 14th District.
Imagine we're no longer battling Trump Administration abuse of asylum-seekers on our southern border and we have a chance to "do the right thing." What would we do? How about a Marshall Plan for Central America?
The original Marshall Plan (named for U.S. Secretary of State George Marshall) spent the equivalent of $100 billion in today's dollars to rebuild Western Europe following World War II. Many complex calculations went into spending that kind of money, yet today few would call it a mistake. But why would we consider a similar undertaking in the current circumstances? The answer requires a vision of the future, along with an understanding of the past extending beyond the headlines of the present.
In his 2013 book, "The Right to Stay Home," activist and journalist David Bacon wrote of Mexican farmers finding themselves considering the difficult and dangerous trek to El Norte, after their livelihoods were destroyed by the cheap American corn flooding their country as a result of the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Bacon posed the question of whether there should be a "right not to migrate." Today's situation is more complex. Migrants now predominantly come from three separate countries--El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras--and for many violence has replaced poverty as the driving force. Yet the fundamental question remains the same: What would it take to make tomorrow's potential refugees decide staying home was a better option than giving their life savings to smugglers and risking their lives crossing deserts and rivers?
What also remains the same is deep U.S. involvement in the history of those countries--history that Central Americans know, and North Americans mostly don't. The longest-running U.S. intervention in the region has been in Guatemala, starting with the 1954 CIA-engineered overthrow of the country's democratically elected President Jacobo Arbenz, continuing with using the country as staging ground for the 1960 Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba (putting down a local rebellion in the process), and involvement in the country's civil wars running into the 1990's.
The most expensive intervention may have been El Salvador where $4 billion (equivalent to $9-10 billion today) was invested in fighting insurgents in the 1980-1992 civil war (including a secret $1.4 million CIA investment in a presidential election.) The most recent intervention was the U.S. government's clandestine support of the 2009 overthrow of democratically elected President Manuel Zelaya in Honduras, a country where we had also trained Contra soldiers to overthrow the Nicaraguan government in the 1980s. People flee these countries today because this history has produced three nations that have in this decade all recorded murder rates ranked in the top ten in the world.
As Bacon noted, while "proposals for human rights for migrants in the United States and Canada have won some attention ... proposals ... for alternatives to forced migration, have not." Certainly not in Washington which budgets $4 billion annually on border security--and about $180 million in foreign aid to the three countries.
So, is the situation driving the asylum-seekers our problem--in the sense of being something our government had a hand in creating? Yes. Is it something we need to spend large amounts of money on? We already do. As we know, when the threat of communism was the issue, we spent big. And if the issue in Central America were Islamic terrorism, ample funds from the nearly $6 trillion we've spent fighting that would certainly be available. Why not then find the funds to create alternatives to forced migration?
How exactly? Exactly, I don't know. But the Green New Deal has persuasively demonstrated that if we want to move a big idea politically, we need to agree on the nature and the magnitude of the problem before we fight about the details.
How much longer will we watch the suffering and inhumanity before we agree that we need to do something big, call it what we will--common sense, compassion, or a Marshall Plan for Central America?
At its most recent monthly meeting, San Francisco's Democratic County Central Committee adopted a resolution on Venezuela diametrically opposed to the stance taken by the city's top Democrat, Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, who represents the lion's share of the city's voters. The resolution opposed "any military intervention in Venezuela; all covert interference in that nation's affairs; the use of economic sanctions and assets seizures designed to further immiserate its people; and all further measures designed to impose so-called 'regime change' from Washington."
Pelosi, on the other hand, in a statement remarkable for its similarity to one issued by Donald Trump, explicitly endorsed the President's call for regime change, announcing that she supported "the decision of the National Assembly, Venezuela's sole remaining democratic institution, to recognize Juan Guaido, President of the National Assembly, as the Interim President." The second part of the Democratic Committee's resolution, calling upon the city's "elected representatives in Congress to vigorously oppose such policies," would appear, then, to fall on deaf ears in this instance.
While far from the first time that the Committee--the Democratic Party's official voice in San Francisco--has been at odds with Pelosi in this realm, the gap yawned particularly broadly this time, as the resolution passed 17-0, with eight abstentions. And only two of those eight came from members actually voted onto the committee, the other six being the proxies of elected officials, including Senator Dianne Feinstein, who serve ex officio. No proxies for Pelosi or the city's other Representative, Jackie Speier, were in attendance.
A rise in the awareness of the disastrous nature of our foreign policy seems inevitable.
The fact that discussion of an upcoming dinner honoring Pelosi was also on the group's agenda that evening lent a certain irony to the proceedings--as well as highlighting the intertwined strands of unity and conflict extending throughout the Democratic Party. On the one hand, Pelosi has garnered national, even global attention as a leader of "the resistance" to Donald Trump. On the other hand, her failure to sponsor single payer, Medicare-for-all legislation, her less than enthusiastic response to the Green New Deal, and her retrograde, interventionist foreign policy ideas put her sharply at odds with the bulk of those at the core of that "resistance."
Traditionally, our foreign military adventures have not been a matter of great domestic concern, at least when there are few American casualties involved--but that could be changing. When Common Defense, a group of anti-Trump military veterans, launched its "End the Forever War" campaign, they immediately secured the support of Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren. With the two left-most Democratic presidential candidates now pledged to "fight to reclaim Congress's constitutional authority to conduct oversight of U.S. foreign policy and independently debate whether to authorize each new use of military force, and act to bring the Forever War to a responsible and expedient conclusion," a rise in the awareness of the disastrous nature of our foreign policy seems inevitable.
And meanwhile, back in San Francisco, it seems clear than when Nancy Pelosi speaks of the "San Francisco values" that she represents, this does not extend to foreign policy.
Who does Nancy Pelosi represent? The Democratic members of the House of Representatives or the people of San Francisco? New York Congresswoman-elect Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez recently voiced the opinion that Pelosi appeared to be the most progressive choice available to lead House Democrats in the upcoming congressional term when the party's leader will presumably assume the position of Speaker of the House - or re-assume it, in the case of Pelosi. And since no challenger to Pelosi ever actually emerged, it's hard to fault Ocasio-Cortez's assessment. On the other hand, Pelosi's response to President Trump's recently announced intention to withdraw American troops from Syria is just the latest instance of the House Democrats' leader taking a foreign policy stance out of sync with the expressed views of her base.
Taking issue with Trump's claim that U.S. military goals had been achieved, Pelosi's official statement argued that "It is premature for the President to declare a sweeping victory against ISIS when, just a few weeks ago, our military led more than 250 coalition-conducted airstrikes against targets in Iraq and Syria." While time will tell whose military assessment is the more accurate, we should not miss the point that Pelosi apparently considers those "250 coalition-conducted airstrikes" to be something she stands behind, or at the least considers an acceptable activity. Apparently perceiving no problem concerning the legal basis for this intervention, she concludes by declaring that "The American people deserve a smart, strong and strategic Syria policy that keeps America safe, protects our interests and advances peace in the region."
Pelosi has cast some good foreign policy votes and some bad ones, but has in no way adhered to the antiwar profile set by the groups she supposedly answers to.
It just so happens that the San Francisco Democratic County Central Committee has weighed in with its take on what might constitute "a smart, strong and strategic Syria policy" in a April 26, 2017 resolution that called upon Pelosi and the city's other congressional representative, Jackie Speier, to cosponsor Oakland Representative Barbara Lee's HR 1473, "The Prohibit Expansion of Combat Troops Into Syria Act," which aimed to limit any future Syrian deployment of troops or military contractors to "rescuing or protecting members of the United States Armed Forces from imminent danger." At a point when there were approximately 900 American troops already in Syria, the Central Committee, which is the official voice of the city's Democratic Party, declared that "the route to peace and national security does not lie in undertaking 'just one more invasion.'"
No such co-sponsorship was forthcoming. Nor was this the first time that Pelosi would be unmoved by the expressed will of her base: In November, 2008, 60 percent of the city's voters backed a ballot question specifically declaring it city policy that its "elected representatives in the United States Senate and House of Representatives should vote against any further funding for the deployment of United States Armed Forces in Iraq, with the exception of funds specifically earmarked to provide for their safe and orderly withdrawal." Nor would it be the last: At their most recent convention, in February of this year, the California Democratic Party adopted a platform advocating "ending air strikes in Afghanistan, ... a timetable for the withdrawal of all American military forces and military contractors" and opposing "further appropriations for such operations," with the usual caveat of "those necessary for safe and orderly withdrawal of our troops."
Over this period, Pelosi has cast some good foreign policy votes and some bad ones, but has in no way adhered to the antiwar profile set by the groups she supposedly answers to. Indeed in the most recent budget debate earlier this year, she declared that "In our negotiations, Congressional Democrats have been fighting for increases in funding for defense." This despite the well known fact that this country's military expenditures were already the size of the combined total of the next seven largest national military budgets - while the streets of her city were teeming with encampments of the homeless.
Ever since Pelosi entered the congressional leadership of her party, the nature of the representation she offers has been an ambiguous thing. Does she answer primarily to the House Democratic Caucus? If so, as noted above, she may be considered to be doing a reasonable job, there being many Democrats more progressive than her and many less. But at least as far as foreign policy matters go, although there may be many districts where a representative with her voting profile might be considered progressive in comparison to that of a likely Republican alternative - districts in, say, Nebraska or maybe even Orange County, California - the record would seem to show that her San Francisco district is not one of them. So far as military interventions go, we surely don't appear to be the constituency that matters to her.
In the October 20 "Willie's World," Willie Brown's often surprisingly informative and entertaining San Francisco Chronicle column, the former San Francisco mayor and California Assembly speaker tells us that, "Democratic socialists are not Democrats. They run under the Democratic banner, but they have contempt for traditional Democrats. They just don't have nerve to run as a third party. Just like Bernie Sanders, they want the benefit of the traditional Democratic vote without going to the effort of building a party infrastructure."
Couple of things here, your honor. True, some democratic socialists are not Democrats. You'd actually have to check the registration on each. What prompted Brown to take up this topic was "the race in Assembly District 15, which includes Richmond, Berkeley, Piedmont and parts of Oakland [where] Berniecrat democratic socialist Jovanka Beckles is running against a progressive, Barack Obama-type Democrat, Buffy Wicks." Jovanka Beckles is not only a Democrat, but she's served as a Richmond City Councilor since 2010 and Vice Mayor since 2016, in contrast to Wicks who has never held elective office but is viewed as the legitimate Democrat by Brown. (In recent years, the Richmond Progressive Alliance, of which Beckles is a member, has wrested control of city government from the Chevron-friendly politicians who had long dominated city government is that East Bay oil-refining city.)
Fortunately, Brown's interest in limiting his party to his kind of Democrats is not likely to loom large in voter consideration. What may is the policy differences between the two - most notably, Beckles supports Proposition 10 which would repeal California's Costa Hawkins Act that currently limits the ability of the state's cities and towns to enact protections for tenants; Wicks does not.
But it is true that some democratic socialists are not Democrats - Bernie Sanders, most obviously, much to hizzoner's great annoyance. But could Brown actually name anyone who has done a better job these past two years in rallying voters (in great measure Democrats) against the Trump agenda and in promoting a counter legislative agenda (legislation in many cases filed by Democrats) than Sanders? And if he really thinks Bernie should just go away and build his own party, what does he make of the fact that so many of the Democrats whom he does regard as legit, like old friend Senator Kamala Harris, are now hitting notes from Bernie's song, such as Medicare for all and free college tuition - issues that they were not advocating before Sanders demonstrated their popularity?
Unfortunately, Brown has his mirror image among some on the left who also believe that the Democratic Party belongs to those with Brown's views and that the rest of us need to go start our own party where we wouldn't have to deal with the corporate types. At a recent East Bay program sponsored by one of the state's "third parties," for instance, a representative of that party asked a speaker advocating a within-the-Democratic-Party approach what it would take to convince him that this strategy was mistaken. He was answered instead by another of that party's members, who had broken with the third party strategy and supported Sanders and who now pointed out that his question had it backwards - given the fact that the vote amassed by Sanders in the 2016 Democratic primaries surpassed that of all previous socialist presidential candidates combined! Likewise, on the congressional level, while there have been the occasional independent successes - most notably Sanders - the currently existing "third parties" have yet to elect a single member to Congress, while Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who ran in a Democratic primary, will be sworn in next January.
Some, it seems, mistake their preference for a parliamentary system for reality. Were there actually such a system in the U.S., the democratic socialists and the Willie Browns would indeed campaign against each other. Afterwards, if neither won a majority but the combined strength of the two groups did constitute one, they would most likely start negotiating to form a coalition government, since both would likely easily recognize the other as preferable to Trump and the Republicans. But there is no parliamentary system in the U.S., so we have to do it the messy way, all under one big tent. San Francisco is actually an excellent example of how that works, as the left and the center have vied for control of the city's Democratic Party for years, and neither side thinks of walking out. There were actually "third party" office holders in the city just a few years back, but they thought the better of it.
So, no Willie, we ain't going nowhere. And if you really think someone's got to go, how about you go? Maybe you could start up a Corporate Democrats of America or something.
Every school child learns how military hardware has changed over the three thousand years since the Greeks besieged Troy - sword, shield, and spear to gun, tank and bomb. We spend relatively little time, though, asking how people's attitudes toward their wars and enemies have changed - if they have changed. The Stanford Repertory Theater's Euripides double bill (performed recently in Palo Alto, California and upcoming in Athens, Greece) offers an all too rare historical perspective on war's human "software." Has humanity progressed over the three millennia from Troy to Afghanistan? The evening suggests anything but an unqualified "yes."
Performances of these two plays - Helen and Hecuba - are quite rare, even in comparison to other plays of ancient Athens. Nonetheless, one thing you soon realize upon entering into their world is that some aspects of the Trojan War actually seem more realistic these days than they used to. Back in the twentieth century, that ancient war's supposed ten-year duration seemed distinctly unreal. In the seventeenth year of our Afghanistan War, however, the Trojan War's extreme length has lost its mythic aura, so the plays' characters and action may now seem somewhat less remote. Another factor often distancing modern audiences from Greek tragedies - their stark brevity - is also eased by pairing the two plays. They can go by so fast - the line it is drawn; the curse it is cast; and in under an hour it's over - that some contemporary theater goers might be still settling into their seats when it's time to go. The post-intermission reimmersion into antiquity is quite helpful allowing us moderns to take in the time change.
The actual events that inspired Euripides were already 600 years gone when he wrote - so far in the past that in more modern times this war had been generally considered a myth until the actual discovery of Troy's ruins in the late nineteenth century - but it still loomed large in Greek consciousness. Its widely known characters offered common ground for discussing issues of the current day, perhaps the debate over the intent of the "Founding Fathers" comes closest to an analogy in contemporary American society.
We find little comparable universal human empathy encompassing our enemies in Afghanistan or in the broader "war on terror."
Helen is the stranger of the two plays - before we had fake news, it seems they had fake myth. This one tells how the face that launched a thousand ships wasn't actually that of the real Helen - she had actually been spirited away to Egypt for the war's duration by the goddesses Athena and Hera - but that of a phantasm put in her place. The deeper story is that of Hecuba, the now enslaved mother of the Trojan hero Hector. Her son was killed by Achilles and now it seems that Achilles's ghost is demanding human sacrifice - that of her daughter. Here, perhaps, we moderns can breathe easily in the knowledge that, at the least, we don't quite do that sort of thing these days.
But over the course of the evening we may arrive at a less self-flattering realization. It's hard to miss the fact that the playwright has written Greek characters who appear to realize that the Trojan enemy, even if now defeated and enslaved, are fundamentally no different than they - they think similarly; they feel similarly. Today, on the other hand, we find little comparable universal human empathy encompassing our enemies in Afghanistan or in the broader "war on terror," as they used to call it - and it seems fair to assume that the converse is also true.
Perhaps the evening's juxtaposition that matters most, though, is one in which we moderns seem pretty much unchanged from the ancients. Then and now, the relentless waste of life, health and wealth of war continues for no reason greater than to save face for a nation's leaders. From Agamemnon to Bush to Obama to Trump - none was willing or able to end a war they couldn't win. None was big enough to admit that there was no reasonable purpose to continuing the slaughter. The Greeks escaped their quagmire via the famous Trojan Horse. What myth or miracle will it take to extricate us?
If we needed a reminder of why we might not be so quick to bandy about charges of treason--in regard to Donald Trump or anyone else--there came the obituary of one John A. Stormer, a name much less recognized than the book he wrote--"None Dare Call It Treason"--an "Influential Red Scare Book of the '60s" as the obit headline read. Coincident with Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater's 1964 Republican presidential campaign, and the heyday of the right wing John Birch Society, the book warned of a vast web of treasonous activity on the American left--running through government, labor, foundations, education, mental health and most everything else that mattered--that betrayed American interests in favor of the Soviet Union and world communism.
Then, as now, the point of crying treason was to end discussion--the ultimate gotcha! You have betrayed your country and there's nothing more need be said. Ultimately the charge is an extension of the "my country right or wrong" point of view that on most days, most people who find Donald Trump deplorable don't actually agree with. So we might want to think twice about playing a part in reinserting the charge into the political mainstream.
Without intending to, in any way, associate the current craven occupant of the White House with anything heroic, perhaps the shortest route to recognizing the ultimate vacuousness of the charge of treason is remembering that what's treason to some is heroism to others. When Roger Casement was charged with treason for conspiring with Britain's enemy Germany in the interest of securing Irish independence, the playwright George Bernard Shaw wrote him a speech arguing that he could not be guilty of treason to the English crown, as he was an Irishman, Casement didn't use the speech; the British Empire hanged him; the Irish Republic honors him.
And perhaps the treason concept's ultimate reductio ad absurdum comes with the example of the White Rose group in World War II Munich (again no moral comparison to the current American commander in chief intended.) Among a precious few heroic resistance stories of Nazi Era Germany, the group were beheaded for opposing the nation's war effort. Were they guilty of treason? Clearly. Were the guilty of a crime against humanity or the planet? Clearly it was just the opposite.
More recently, in the tragic but absurd civil wars that ended the country of Yugoslavia, a Croat who helped the Serbs, or vice versa, was clearly a traitor--although most outsiders had great difficulty distinguishing the two sides, individually or collectively. And today, we can be sure that al Qaeda and ISIS consider each other traitors to god's will when they clash.
The bottom line is that treason is a vacant, rote charge; a wasted opportunity to talk about real things. Really this whole topic is part of a larger question, though: Is the most effective way to thwart Donald Trump's agenda to oppose him on everything and hurl any charge at hand? Or should we maybe go for a more finely reasoned opposition?
An early example of the throw-in-everything-including-the-kitchen-sink approach came during the election campaign when people on the left of center took Trump to task for business dealings violating the Cuba Trade Embargo. Inconsistency, hypocrisy on his part? Sure. But on the merits? This is a policy whose repeal the United Nation General Assembly has called for every year since 1991. Last year, 191 nations voted against the embargo; only the U.S. and Israel supported it. And, in the Obama Administration's final year, even they abstained--such was the White House optimism about finally turning a corner on the matter. Likewise, you can be sure that precious few of those calling Trump out about violating the trade embargo thought there should actually be a trade embargo.
The quickest route to realization of the futility of opposing Trump on every issue is to remember just how "flexible" a Trump policy statement can be. He was, for instance, against the Afghanistan War until he became president and sent more troops. We shouldn't hesitate to recognize that on that one, for instance, he used to be right. Likewise, no matter how idiotically we might think the heads of state of both North Korea and our own country have acted, do we really think it a bad idea that the two of them met to discuss our countries' relationship?
And if Trump wants to unravel the North American Free Trade Agreement, well let's not forget that the American labor movement very fiercely and appropriately opposed the pact because it allowed corporate interests to negate national labor and environmental laws on the grounds that they limited their profits.
Similarly, if Trump's not big on NATO, really, shouldn't the organization have been retired along with its Cold War counterpart, the Warsaw Pact, anyhow? But whatever issue it might be for you, with a world on the brink in so many ways, the bottom line is that one of the most perverse possible effects this administration could engineer would be to make us abandon rightly held positions, simply because Donald Trump also adopted them.
The most unfortunate thing is that for all the buffoonery emanating from 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue in recent months, this administration has grown increasingly effective in diminishing democratic institutions, along with the well being of working people, the protection of natural and urban environments, and respect for all races and ethnicities--all while giving an increasingly free hand to the nation's wealthy corporate class. We, the American people, the world, need and deserve an effective opposition to all this. For that we will need to talk reason, not treason.
In his February state Democratic Convention speech, California Senate President Kevin DeLeon took U.S. Senator Diane Feinstein to task for her vote in favor of the Iraq War. No surprise there - he hopes to unseat the state's senior U.S. Senator and candidates have frequently focused on opponents' pro-Iraq War votes, most notably in the Barack Obama and Bernie Sanders campaigns against Hillary Clinton. But when DeLeon visited the San Francisco Chronicle in April, he took things a step further, telling the newspaper's editorial board that he would have voted not only against the Iraq War, but the Afghanistan War as well. Although the Chronicle, which covers the city's right flank, endorsed Feinstein the very next day, DeLeon's statement deserves some attention in the rest of the city and state - and the rest of the nation, really.
Some may scoff at a candidate claiming he would have recognized the invasion of Afghanistan as a bad idea if he had been a Senator in 2001. But what's significant here is that DeLeon is asserting that the Afghanistan War is a bad idea today - when there's virtually no one else talking about it. Let's remember that even Sanders - who broke new ground in truth telling about American foreign policy during his debates with Clinton - had very little to say about our never-ending war during his run.
Ultimately the only argument about the Afghanistan War that does matter today is whether the U.S. should continue to pursue it tomorrow. The argument against is really a quite simple, but DeLeon deserves immense credit for making it - when so few others will. He told the Nation magazine that "now we are 17 years straight in Afghanistan and this war has cost us over $1 trillion so far. These types of votes have real consequences on human life as well as our budget: money that we could have utilized best in education, in job creation through investments in our infrastructure, our roads, our highways, in clean energy, in investments in precision medicine to find the next cure for Parkinson's or Alzheimer's."
It shouldn't be hard for candidates to argue the demerits of this war: Back in 2013, CNN reported that "Support for the war in Afghanistan has dipped below 20%, according to a new national poll, making the country's longest military conflict arguably its most unpopular one as well." The network went on to say, "The CNN/ORC International survey released Monday also indicates that a majority of Americans would like to see U.S. troops pull out of Afghanistan before the December 2014 deadline." Remember the 2014 deadline that Obama reneged on when the military informed him that it displeased them? Certainly almost no one running for federal office seems to.
And it's not that the war effort is going well: Just this week, in their quarterly report to Congress, the inspectors-general of the Pentagon, State Department, and U.S. Agency for International Development said "there was little publicly available evidence that the actions to increase pressure on the Taliban were having a significant impact" and warned of the risk of "further raises ... of civilian casualties, insider attacks, U.S. casualties, and other conflict-related violence" likely to result from a planned increase in American military adviser collaboration closer to front line Afghan troops operating in escalating offensives.
Nor has it proven impossible to muster public opposition to the war when the effort is actually made: Delegates to the above-mentioned California Democratic Convention approved a platform calling for ending air strikes in Afghanistan, withdrawing all U.S. military forces and military contractors, and cutting all appropriations for the war effort, except for funds required for the withdrawal of our troops. Getting this plank in the platform was not actually very complicated - when it was presented to the platform committee there was simply no support there for extending a seventeen-year policy of futility, waste and destruction.
So really, there's nothing strange about Kevin DeLeon raising the Afghanistan War in a Senate campaign. What's strange is a political climate so deadened that it's news when a Senate candidate does mention the elephant in the room - a war that we will presumably fight tomorrow because we fought it yesterday, and the day before that, and the day before that ... going all the way back to 2001.
DeLeon did well at the state convention, beating Feinstein 54-37% - short of the 60% required for endorsement, but a sizeable win nonetheless. The June 5 primary will be a bit tougher going. The much better known Feinstein, a Senator since 1992, enjoys a substantial lead in the polls and a much more substantial edge in fundraising - as of March 31, she held a $10.4 million to $672,000 cash-on-hand advantage, including $5 million she loaned to her own campaign. Yet there is hope: if DeLeon can beat all of the largely unknown Republicans in the race, California's open, top-two primary system will allow the two Democrats to advance to the November final, which could result in a new Senator - if, and only if the electorate looks past the daily clown show in the Trump White House and pays attention to things like ending our forever war.
The California Democratic Party has called for defunding the Afghanistan War, apparently the first state party to do so - in the war's seventeenth year. At their San Diego convention last weekend, California Democrats adopted a platform advocating "ending air strikes in Afghanistan, ... a timetable for the withdrawal of all American military forces and military contractors" and opposing "further appropriations for such operations except those necessary for safe and orderly withdrawal of our troops."
Now the hard part - persuading the state's congressional delegation to actually stop voting continued funding for a war that cannot be won; a war that creates more enemies than it eliminates, now confronting enemies - like ISIS - that didn't even exist before the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan; a war that is a boondoggle whose final costs will run to the trillions of dollars; a war whose bombing campaign, according to the U.N., killed more civilians last year than at any time since they started tallying the dead in 2009.
Viewers of Ken Burns's recent PBS Vietnam War series may have experienced a sort of deja vu in reverse when they encountered the ever-receding "light at the end of the tunnel" theme that persisted throughout that war's torturous history. Here too, we have continuously been assured that this war could be won. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld even asserted that it was already won when he announced that major combat operations were over in May of 2003, although Lieutenant General Dan McNeill, then commanding "coalition forces," did acknowledge there "were regions that were "a little bit messy."
"With only one House member having voted against the original Authorization of the Use of Military Force under which the war is conducted - Barbara Lee of Oakland - and with Democratic President Barack Obama having for eight years pursued what he once called the "good war," Democratic war opposition has largely been muted."
So messy that in 2008, his successor, General David D. McKiernan felt compelled to insist "we are not losing in Afghanistan." In 2010, commander General David Petraeus declared our strategy "fundamentally sound." In 2013, commander General John Allen expressed "optimism and a very real sense of knowing that we will be victorious." His successor, General Joseph F. Dunford Jr. spoke of "the inevitability of our success."
And now President Donald Trump, in many ways the perfect leader for this venture since facts are largely irrelevant to him - as are his own past statements. Although he called for an end to this war in 2013, he has now sent more troops back into the country, which will bring their numbers to about 15,000. (Hard numbers are hard to come by these days - our military command recently decided to stop releasing information about the situation of the Afghan army.) Bombing levels have doubled under his administration.
Where some breakthrough to realism was achieved last year when past NATO Supreme Allied Commander Admiral James Stavridis actually admitted that "We will never 'win' militarily in Afghanistan, nor can we kill our way to success," Trump now rejects negotiations and says, "We don't want to talk to the Taliban." This despite the fact that our own government acknowledges that "43 percent of Afghanistan's districts are either under Taliban control or being contested," a figure one must assume is, if anything, on the low side.
So here we go again - General John M. Nicholson, current commander of what's officially called Operation Resolute Support in Afghanistan (the seventeenth general to hold this post), now declares, "With the policy decision announced by President Trump, the Taliban can't win. It sets the conditions to get to a peaceful resolution of this conflict." The problem, as he sees it is that "We only had 140,000 troops for a period of about 18 months in a 16-year war ... we drew down too far, too fast." The goal now is to bring Afghanistan to "a manageable level of violence." He thinks this will take about five years. A stalemate is assured - in the war's twenty second year!
But beyond the cyclical happy talk lies a deeper problem - the lack of sustained serious opposition in Congress - among Democrats as well as Republicans. With only one House member having voted against the original Authorization of the Use of Military Force under which the war is conducted - Barbara Lee of Oakland - and with Democratic President Barack Obama having for eight years pursued what he once called the "good war," Democratic war opposition has largely been muted.
Why are we still in Afghanistan? At this point, as in the Vietnam War, those dying as a result of American military actions appear to be serving the interest of maintaining American "credibility" - in other words, saving face for America's political leaders, who do not wish to be responsible for recognizing the obvious and admitting that this war needs to end - immediately.
As far back as 2013, CNN reported a national poll showing "the country's longest military conflict arguably its most unpopular one as well." What has been lacking has been prominent voices calling for an actual end to this - and voting that way. The California Democratic Party has broken the silence - but this won't matter unless our representatives in Washington will heed their party's call.
"We will never 'win' militarily in Afghanistan, nor can we kill our way to success."
Retired Admiral James Stavridis made a lot of sense when he wrote these words for TIME magazine last May. Taken out of context, they might make one think that Stavridis, past NATO Supreme Allied Commander and current Dean of Tufts University's Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, had come around to calling for the U.S. to cut our losses in what is already the longest war in our history.
Unfortunately, however, his article was entitled "5 Reasons Trump Should Send More Troops to Afghanistan" and the above mentioned flash of sanity--and recognition of reality--actually constituted part of one of those five reasons. More troops, the Admiral argued, would "create political capital" and "better leverage" in the negotiations with the Taliban that he envisions happening--at some future date. In other words, these new troops--along with all of the old ones--are designed to be pawns in a geopolitical game.
"In other words, these new troops--along with all of the old ones--are designed to be pawns in a geopolitical game."
Of all of the many crimes attached to this now apparently permanent war, this may be the greatest. War is hell and it's not where we go expecting to encounter good behavior. Still, in war we nonetheless expect both our military and political leaders to adhere to certain standards. We expect them to attempt to avoid civilian casualties. We expect them to treat enemy prisoners humanely. But perhaps most fundamentally, we expect that they will value the lives of the soldiers and sailors placed under their command; and it's assumed therefore that those men and women won't be put in harm's way primarily to save face for the leaders--leaders who, for instance, might find themselves unwilling and/or unable to acknowledge that their continued deployment no longer made sense.
This dereliction of a basic responsibility towards their troops obviously does not start with Donald Trump or the current Pentagon leadership. Stavridis's article virtually quotes a 2008 statement by then Joint Chiefs of Staff chairman Admiral Mike Mullen that "we can't kill our way to victory." And as we know, Mullen's first boss, George W. Bush, not only started this seemingly endless war as a response to an act of terrorism, but also another one in Iraq that, if anything, was an even greater travesty than this one. Barack Obama then not only kept Mullen on--along with Bush Defense Secretary Robert Gates--but increased American troop levels in Afghanistan at a point when (if he is half as smart as his supporters think he is) he had to know he was sending them on a fool's errand.
Nor is the current willingness to risk the lives of American military personnel in pursuit of quixotic policy goals confined to the Trump Mad House. Pundits have noted the similarities between Trump's plans and the proposals of former Vice President Joe Biden, currently said to be contemplating another presidential run in 2020. Likewise, Obama Administration assistant secretary of defense Derek Chollet has allowed that, "To be honest," the Trump plan is "probably pretty close to what a Hillary Clinton would do." And let's face it, while Bernie Sanders has occasionally indicated a desire to alter the direction of U.S. foreign policy, he too has offered few specifics about breaking with the course of the last decade and a half.
"Sixteen years on into what used to be called the 'War on Terror,' a few things have become clear."
Sixteen years on into what used to be called the "War on Terror," a few things have become clear. From a military point of view, we would seem to have established the fact that when we invade other countries, even if we may not be able to win, we cannot be driven out militarily--seemingly we can stay endlessly. And on the political side, we can't lose--which is to say that no president can or will acknowledge the obvious fact that whatever merit sending troops to Afghanistan may or may not have once had, the interests of the nation are not well served by their continued deployment there. And so they must stay on, seemingly endlessly. When he was an anti-Vietnam War protestor, former Secretary of State John Kerry once famously asked, "How do you ask a man to be the last man to die for a mistake?" Today few seem to pose that question--the reason being perhaps less that people don't see this war as a mistake, than because they can't imagine that there will ever be a last soldier to die in it.
If Donald Trump has been good for one thing--and granted that's a big "if"--it's that he's almost single-handedly revived political protest in this country. If all of those people absolutely fed up and appalled with his antics would turn their attention toward the disastrous military policy over which he now presides, we'd have the makings of a major antiwar movement. So, if you hate the Donald, please hate his war.